JPRS ID: 10591 USSR REPORT POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS

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• Collection: JPRS
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP82-00850R000500070037-9
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• Original Classification: U
• Document Page Count: 24
• Document Creation Date: November 1, 2016
• Sequence Number: 37
• Content Type: REPORTS

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JPRS L/10591
16 June 1982
USSR Re ort
p
POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIR~
(FOUO 20/82)
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JPRS L/10591
16 June 1982
USSR REPORT
POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS
(FOVO 2o~s2Z
CONTENTS
INTERNATIONAL
New American Conservatism Analyzed, Condemned
(B. T. Grigoryan; VOPROSY FIIASOFII, Mar 82) 1
Official Criticizes U.S. Policy in Caribbean, Central America
(Juan Buria; PRET.A, 13 May 82) 5
NATIONAL
Former Fropagandist Describes Work, Central Asians in
! Military Unit
(Anastasiya Poverennaya; KONTINENT, No 31, 1982) 7
Structure, F~nctions of Local Council of Economic, Social
Development Described
(RAYKOiM I NAUCHNO-TEKfIIdICHESKAYA INTEI,LIGENTSIYA, 1981). 17
Sugges+,ed Lecture Topic on Brezhnev Trade Union Speech
, " (Editorial Report) 21
: Obkom Secretary on Raising Labor Productivity
' (Editorial Report) 2~
~ Obkom Secretary on Transfer of Party Experience to IComsomol
i (Editorial Report) 21
- a - [TI? - USSR - 35 FOU~]
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FOR ( �
IN TERN ATIONAI.
NEi~1 AMERICAN CONSERVATISM ANALYZED,. CONDENII~IED
Moscow VOPR~SY FILOSOFII in Russian No 3, Mar 82 pp 157-159
[Review by B.T. Grigoryan of a book "Sotsialnaya Filosofiya Sovremennogo
_ Amerikanskogo Konservatisma [Social Phiiosophy of Cantemporary Amexican
' ConservatismJ by A. Yu. Melvil, Moscow, Politizaat, 1980, 143 pages]
[TextJ The book is devoted to one of zhe most impo~:tant sub~ects of
contemporary ideological struggle--critical analysis of Am~:rican neoconserva-
= tism ideology and social philosuphy.
The turning of public consciousness in the United States and other Western
countries to the R.ight and the noticeable strengthening of these countries'
policy and ideology are a universally rPCOgnized fact today. The failure of
, integrational ideology and the illusions of class peace and "harmonious
' society" propagated by it, which manifested themselves with particular f~rce
under conditions of serious economic upheavals and mass anticapitalist actions
in the latter part of the Sixties, has affected the ent~re bourgeois
- ideology--from philosophic theories to various trends of sociopolitical
thought and led to strengthening and consolidation of conservative trends in
them. The growing popularity of conservative sentiments in the United
States, as noted correctly in the book, has been promoted by the discrediting
of American liberalism's traditional optimistic sor,iophilosophical ideas
and technocratic schemes of "A Society of Abundance," "A Society of Universal
Prosperity," "A Postindustrial Society" and "Technotronic Civilization." The
myth of reformisr and bourgeois ideology of unlimited possibilities for the
development of thE capitalist society has been refuted by life itself. The
a~~thor notes the political slump of Left radicalism and the ideological
crists of the "new Left" as another cause of the i.ncreased influence of con-
- servative ideology. Af ter stimulating the growth of sentiments of social
criticism and mass discontent with contemporary capitalist society in the
United States, the "new Left" found itself unable to nffer any realistically
positive program of social reconstruction. At the same time, the increased
phenomena of leftist extremism and terrorism in their movement led to
devaluation of the idea of "Leftism" itself in the eyes of average Americans
and this has been greatly promoted by the bourgeois means of mass information
thr.ough a skillfully directed propaganda campaign. On the other hand, the
activity of the Right and conservative forces and groups as well as the
general confusion and disorder among liberals and Left radicals has been
favorable to the neoconservative turn in ideology (see p 5).
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A broad program of propaganda "reidologization," mcre active propagation of
the bourgeois society's traditioiial ideals and values in a renewed form and
the formation of an antidemocratic and antisocialist outlook with the aid of
- various philosophic and ideulogical ideas began to be implemented in bourgeois
ideology from the early Seventies. During the Seventies and Eighties, the
infl.uence of conservative political and social and philosophic ideas reach e.
high level and the official internal and external political aims become more
rigid. This policy and the ideology of contemporary conservatism are justly
regarded in the book as an expression of definite reaction by the influential
b~urgeois circles in the West to the positive changes in international
relations elicited by the process of detente and to the successes of peoples
liberation struggle and general democratic movement in capitalist countries.
Neoconservatism in the United States also reflects a reaction by the imper-
iulist circles to the changed position and role of the United States and other
developed capitalist states in the contemporary world. The increased
aggressiveness of imperialism and, above all, of American imperialism,
connected with further narrowing of the sphere of imperialist supremacy in
the world and intensification of internal contradictions and rivalries in
capitalist countries, has been notecl in the CPSU Central Committee's accounta-
bility report to the 26th party ccn.~ress. The various theories of contemporary
conservatism are called upon to ful~ill the function of rationalization and
ideological justification of the reaction~ry policy in bourgeois society and
in the internation~il arena.
Beginning in the Seventies, westerr. columnists and scientists proclaime3 the
coming of a"conservative revival" period and the appearance of. conservatism
on the proscenium of ideological aid political life. Lately the phenomenon
of neuconservatism has indeed become an important factor in policy and
ideolo~y of the United States, Britain, the :RG and some other countries in
the West. The coming to power of such conservative figures as M. Thatcher
in Great Britain and R. Reagan in the United States is often appraised in the
West as a sign of a"new conservative wave," which supposedly will predominate
in the next 50 years or even longer.
Strengthening oi c~~nservative trends in the sociopoliticai sphere relies to
z great extent on specific ideological and theoretical base. In essence
we are dealing witY; a serious ideol~gical reorientation within the framework
of contemporary bourgeois consciousness and ideology, which may have far-
reaching consequences. ,
It is obvious that the study of a broad range of problems connected with
contemporary conservatism is an extremely important task of Marxist philo-
sophical science--in the plan of its theoretical significance and in political
topicality as well. The question is about necessity of theoretical under-
standing and generalization of a principally new range of ideological and
political phenomena, which are being pushed increasingly into the forefront
of the ideological struogle.
In essence, the book being reviewed is the first ~r~onogr.?n~ic study in nation~l
scientific literature of the ~tated range of problems. The work has been done
with material on social philosophy of contemporary American conservatism. At
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the same time, some of the conclusions are of general theoretical and
methodological significance, concern problems of typology and criticism of
bourQeois ideological orientations (f irst of all, of liberalism and conserva-
tism) and extend to the cardinal questions of evolution of ideological
strategy of contemporary imperialism. Main attention is devoted to the study
of conservatism's social and philosophical basis, namely its world outlook
and philos~phical sources and its pPCUliar concept of peace, man, society,
culture, history and progress.
A concrete Marxist analysis of causes and peculiarities in the current
intensification of conservative trends in American sociopolitical and
~ ideological life and of increased interest in philosophical ideas of conserva-
tism is contrasted in a well-reasoned manner by the author with the widespread
ttiesis in western literature on an ideological "cycle," an alternate inter-
chankir?g of "Right" and "Left" trends. The main causes of increased popularity
of conservatism lie in the sphere of a deep crisis, which today defeated the
ideology of liberal etatism that has ruled the United States and other
countries in the West since the Thirties.
The book's ~:erit is in its attempt to develop methodological aspects in
understanditig the ideology of conservatism and to analyze its inner typologi-
cal structure and basic features. Defining conservatism as a"particular
type of thinking in social sections whose position in society is threatened
by objective trends of social progress" (p 12), the author reveals sufficiently
firm ideological mechanisms by means of which one or another "cutdatzd"
ideology acquires a conservative function. A debatable conclusion is offered
regarding conservative ideology being "secondary" in all its variations and
that it is derived from some other forms of ideology which are assimilated by
- it only after they have "exhausted" their primary set social function (see
p 14). Special att~ntion is devoted to exposing the anticommunist essense of
contemporary conservatism.
'The author's analysis goes with good reason beyond the framework of the
already traditional dichotomy of "liberalism-conservatism" and reveals the
real inner heterogeneity of conservative ideology. Contemporary American
conservatism includes trends which c.an be traced to f eudal-aristocratic
i.deology, the free enterprise ide~~logy and the ideology of state monopolistic:
capitalism. Their specific philosophical sources, particular ideological
mechan isms of their formation and the social class base peculiar to them are
exposed.
Research in the book is based on a historical and typological principle. An
ai~al.ysis of peculiarities of American ideological tradition serves as a
basis for revealing thE basic stage~ of formation of conservative thought in
the United States and its ideological and theoretical sources. Among them.
one must note the ideological trdditions of classical conservatism which have
been placed into service of contemporary bourgeoisie and on th~~ basis of
which the "traditionalist" variety of contemporary American conservatism is
formed. The second such source are the traditions of classical liberalism
- with their "free market" ideal, which acquire a conservative function in
chinged social conditions and become a base for the f ormation of~ the
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the "libertaristic" ("market") version of contemporary conservatism. And
finally, the third line in formation of the conception of contemporary
American conservatism is appearance of a strictly "neoconserva~ive" opposition
to the theory and practice of neoliberalism. It is precisely neoconservatism
that is in a leading trend position of bourgeois ideology in the United States
today (and in some other Western countiies) and to a great extent represents
the ideological and theoretical platform of those conservative political
circles which currently set the tone in Washington snd advance a program of
attack against the workers' standard of living and rights in the country and
of deliberate aggravation in the international situation.
In revealing the origit~ation and peculiarities of neoconservative ideology.
the author views the problems in the context of deepening crisis of capitalism
and intensification of its socioeconomic and political contradictions.
Neoconservatism (its leading re~~resentatives in the United States--(D. Bell),
~ (S. Lipset), (I. Kristol), (N. Gleizer), (P. Podhorets), (S. Huntington) and
many other leading bourgeois philosophers, sociologists and politologists)
advances a program of a new moral "justification" of capitalism. However,
_ attempts made within its framework in search of ways and means for ideological
reorientation of contemporary bourgeois consciousness and to ensure "viability"
of the capitalist system have been unsuccessful and in fact have only testi-
fied to the further deepening of critical phenomena in a.mperialism's strategy
in the Seventies and Eighties.
It would have been expedient to devote somewhat more attention to precisely
this most important asepct of problems being examined in A. YL. Melvil's
monobraph. At the same time, there is no doubt that as a whole the book
being reviewed is an interesting research of some principally new trends and
phenomena in the ideological and political life of the West.
COPYRIGHT: Izdatel'stvo TsK KPSS "Pravda", "Voprosy filosof ii", 1982
9817
CSO: 1800/467
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~ INTERNATIONAL
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OI'rIC1AL CRITICIZES U.S. POLICY IN CARIBBEAN, CENTRAL AMERICA
PA131757 Havana PRELA in English 1232 GMT "13 May 82 ~
[Repor.t by Juan Buria]
[Text] Havana, 13 May (PL)--The secretary general of the Soviet Foreigm
Uffice, Yuriy Fokin, indicated that his coimtry calls for "the cease of all
subversive activities against Cuba and Nicaragua and other countries of
the Caribbean and Central Amer~Lca."
Fokin. gave an interview to PRENSA LATINA, in which he spoke about his visit
to Cuba and analyzed (?aspects) of the international palitical situation.
~ He expressed the condemnation of the USSR to the U.S. attitude "of stepping
~ up the tension around Cuba, Nicaragua and in general in Central America
and the Caribbean."
i "That policy," he said, "does not favor the cause of peace. It bothers the
i
~ peoples of the region and undermines their efforts aimed at a quiet wor
indistinctj way."
He also referred to the conflict of the South Atlantic, in which Argentina,
while defending its sovereignty over the Malvinas Islands, is facing an
- ag~;ression of the war fleet of the British Government.
"Tl~ose British actions," he st�ated, "are aimed at the reestablishment of
the colonial situation in th~ Malvinas, which contradicts the resolutions
of ttie United Nations."
i In his declarations, the secretary general of the Soviet Foreign Office
- also spoke of aspects regarding the meeting of t~e Soviet leader, Leonid
Brezhnev, and of U.S. President Ronald Reagan. ~
'I'he Soviets estimate that a dialogue of such a level requires a special
preparation and a previous examination of all the topics to be analyzed by
both presidents.
"The Soviet Union is in favor of preparing well the meeting and of holding
it next spring in one of the neutral capitals of Europe," expressed Fokin.
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"We would like the United States to have a~ (?constructive) point of view,
for on this depends the results of such an important meeting.
rokin has just ended a 6-day visit to Cuba, heading a delegation which held
talks with the Cuban Foreign Ministry.
_ His visit to Havana, he saicl, was related to the next h~lding of the
special session of the General Assemb ly of the United Nations on disarmament.
The Soviet diplomat stated that the socialist coimtries and the nonaligned
ones wil~ work together, in order to help tr~is UN meeting, which begins
in .TunE, "to be carried out in a constructive atmosphere and to reach
positive and true results."
CSO: 3020/124
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N~.T IONAL
FORMTsR PROPAGANDIST DESCRIBES WORK, CENTRAL ASIANS IN MILITARY UNIT
Mun~ich KONTINENT in Russian No 31, (1982) pp 189-207
~ [A~:ticle by Anastasiya Poverennaya: "Russia and Reality: Coming Down From .
th.e Lectern (Reflections on the Work of a Soviet Propagandi.st)"]
[Excerpt] When I was just starting out, callow youth made everything seem
i.tew an~' excit9_ag: new places, new peo~le, interesting encounters.... Time
- and experience showed that though places and people could vary, the problems
remained the same all over....
II1 my home too-n 1 could speak before whatever audience I chose: at a scientific
; r.esearch inst~Ltute, a H~use of Culture or an educational establishment. In
' the provinces there was no choice. Lecturers usually traveled to the
"backwoods" at the invitation of some oblast committee and usually delivered
~ their lectures at a regular meeting of the party or party-administrati~~e
' aktiv as part of the obligatery education for upper-echelon party bureaucrats.
The lectures were listed as "patronage" [shefskiy] and, therefore, no fee was
forthcoming. There was, however, a covert understand3ng b etween local party
organizations and the "Znaniye" society, with which we wer e all listed, whereby
tliey did their best to provide us with as $reat a"load" as possible in the
form of several prearranged lectures for a fee at city and oblast enterprises.
We were thus often able to deliver as many as 30 lectures per week, so we were
not too bad off. No lecturer would ever think of traveling away from home
witliout such an incentive, whatever the moral code of a communist might
pre scribe .
I especially liked to travel up north, to Petrozavodsk, Murmansk or Kandalaksha,
at the height of th e Arctic day. My mos~ memorable trip, however, was to
Arkfiangel'sk. . . .
Upon arriving, I went at once to the oblast committee, obtained the necessary
materials and quickly began to prepare myself for the role of "the person from
tlie center" omniscient of everyth ing, including the state of affairs in
Arkhangel'sk and the oblast, their achievements in the last 5-year plan, their .
prc~spects for the future and their currenz "bottlenecks." I went over the
reports of enterprises, memorizing the names of the best plants and enter~.~rises,
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their executives and foremost workers, as well as those who had defaulted on
- tne plan and were,.therefore, open to severe criticism. This was the tnost
important and dif ficult part of the job . To be sure, only the f irst lecture,
the one for the executives, required such serious preparation. WhPn it was
over, it didn't really matter where they took me or before whom I spoke. I
would pump my guide en .route (and I think I have traveled by virtually
every means of transportation, from airplanes to a hear~e!), and we would
agree on the topic of the lecture. But I came well-prepared for my first,
"patronage" lecture. At last I would be ready, having committed to memory
all I would conceivably require.
My brain would discard all that trash the very next day, but for the lecture
it was essential: such were the instructions of the Central Committee's
Ideological Department: Wherever we spoke and what~ver the topic, be 3t
"The International Situation," "The Economic Achievements of the USSR in the
Epach of Developed Socialism" or "Problems of Communist Moral Upbringing,"
every lecture had to be "dovetailed" to the life of the collective providing
the forum for it. The impact was indubitable, and I could always see how
readily our listeners succumbed to the hypnotic effect of the lecturer's
art. They took delight in whatever criticism was leveled at them, pleased
that the "person from the center" had something to say ahout them svecifically,
whicti meant that "up there" they were known and remembered. In this ~aay the
lecturer established rapport with the audience and at the same time strengthened
the masses' confidence in their own sovi~t power!
Someone once said: "If a person knows how to do something, he does it himself,
if he doesn't, he teaches others�; and a.f 1-~e can do neither, he teaches to teach.~~
- Unfortunately, all our lectures, my own and my associates', fitted this aphorism
completely. For we would b e telling knowledgeable people who knew their jobs
liow to teach their associates and subordinates to "fulfill and overfulfill,"
to "catch up with and pass..."
So there I was in Arkhangel'sk. I had the best room in the best hotel in town;
I took my meals in the restaurant downstairs (for which I was issued a comfort-
able sum for expenses to be reported subsequently"). And there I was on the
lectern, commencing my�lecture. As I talked I watched the chairman out of the
- corner of my eye (the lecture being part of the conference proceedings, the
presidium remained in place on the stage). I immediately took note that
the chairman was no novice and was pleased to see how deftly he sorted out
the notes with questions to the lecturer coming up from the audience. He
divided them into three little piles: the f irst, I knew, he would pass on to
me; the second would b e divided b etween the s ecretary of the city par ty
committee and the chairman of the oblast executive committee--these dealt
' witti local questions, with specific problems, so to say. He would do his best
to surreptitiously destroy the third pile of questions as soon as the lecture
ended. These w ere impermissible questions which one did not answer. Our
work was judged "upstairs" by, among other things, the questions asked by
our listeners. We also had to report to our superiors about the political
atmosphere in the audience, attaching a list of listeners' question.s (from
the first pile, of co urse) to the memo on the lecture we were supposed to
submit to tiie party organization.
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'I'tiis time, however, I was more interested in the third pile and, taking my
seat next to the chairman after the lecture, I unceremoniously scooped it
over. First question: "Tell us openly: is pilot Belenko a traitor?
'Tile PRAVDA report about him was phoney." Second question: "Who conceived
th~~ idea of the 'After Midnight' TV show for northern regions? What for?
According to stati�~tics in our and neighboring oblasts, this hds caused a
big jump in job related accidents and injuries. Do you hope to keep people
from listening to Western radio stations?--this a costly way of fighting
_ ba�rgeois propaoanda." Third question: "For many years the state budget
lumps heavy industry together with the light and food industries. Everyone
knows that the heavy industry also includes expenses for the war industry.
Wtiy are they concea~.ed? After all, it is obvious that the sum of
17.4 billion rubles under the item 'Defense Capability' is hardly enough
_ to .just clot~ and feed the army. But what about armaments?" Or take such
a question: "Do yo u know that there is a huge personal herd of the
President of Finland Urho Kekkonen grazing in our tundra; it is assigned
tu one of the collective farms, and the Soviet authorities wi.ll confiscate
it if the Finns refuse to return defectors?"
No, L didn't know that, of course, just like many other things. Now I do,
- as well as many other things.
After the meeting I, as usual, made a rapid esti.mate of the percentage of
~ tricky questions with respect to the number of people present: there had
b een seven such questions from the more than 800 people in the audience,
, that is, less than 1 percent. This was not worth our attention. Only
numbers matte-red. But I would add them to the card file I had been assembling
for several years. I had started out with the very best of intentions: I
wanted to understand, grasp and evaluate the reactions of my listeners....
Tliis is what it has led to: I am an enemy of the people.... Can it be
that my work associates believe this?
My colleagues were all really nice people--kind, responsive, good comrades.
' Newcomers joined us rarely, and we had gr~~wn used to each other, like one
big family. Every day at 1000 hours our chief assembled us for a short
meeting or briefing, but we usually came in at 0900. Duri~ng that hour we
felt completely free and unconstrained, as if without our official uniforms.
- We ctiatted, bantered and swapped political jokes. That hour, I think, brought
us closer even than our friendly drinking parties (which, incidentally,
were fairly frequent) . Most of the jibes and wisecracks were, T recall, aimed
at our Leader and Chief Agronomist, of whom it was said that he had managed
to ~;arner a bumper harvest from his "Malaya Zemlya." Those moments were the .
safety valve which made it possible for us to breathe easier before getting
into tlie straight~acket of our official uniforms which, though customary,
were tight, oh how tight! To be sure, at the time none of us probably even
realized it. What did we know about freedom and what it was like?
The fi.rst crack in our rock-hard positions was, it seems, caused by the Czech
Aub�st of '68, i remember that during Lhat period even our. mer�riment declined
somewtiat. But soon, armed to the teeth with Soviet patriot:ism and the
principles of international friendship, we contained our p~~~rsona]., to put it
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m~.idly, astonishment. Every day we spent hours on the lecterns; we organized
e.rdless mzetings at factories, enterprises and scientific institutes; we
held rallies and seminars. Many people at the time wondered, couldn't
understand and were even indignant. It was our job to help them to apprecj.ate
tlie events correctly, that is, to accept the officill line. We defended
�
ttie Soviet understanding of the term international friendship" from our
lecterns as good as our tanks in the streets of Prague....
I was neith er a dissident nor a rights defender; I never read any banned
literature--that was an entirely different world of which we knew only
~ whar we were supposed to know. I would naver have matched up to the exploits
of those people, even if I had considered them to be right. Together with
everyone from our circle of so-called "party elite" I iirst denounced them
and later simply failed to understand them, thinking of th em as "playing
populists." It is hard for me to say exactly when I began to change; it
matured gradually, somewhere in my subconsciousness. A definite part in
this change was played by the "impermissible" questions from my listeners.
Frequent trips into the "boondocks" were also very important because I could
see Soviet reality there without any embell3.shments....
My trip to Arkhangel'sk was especially memorable.... It was encounters with
acutely realized the utter uselessness of my work; during my
my listeners, I saw that we were poles apart and would never understand each
- oti~er. I will describe it as it happened.
- After my lecture at the Arkhangel'sk City Committee, I was whisked away to a
- lumber camp. I was greeted by the secretary of the party committee, who told
me ttiat he had announced my lecture to the workers on the day before and that
it would be held between the end of the second shift and the beginning of the
~ third shift.
"Tliey are all there, waiting," he e.xplained as he ~odtaketadvantage ofrthe.
"We have to work three shifts now, plus holidays,
summer weather to get ahead with the plan. We have been lagging, so now we
have to catch up...
The Forest path took us to the newly built wooden club. The party secretary
unlocked the door, which opened into a fairly large hall w ith a stage on which
stood a table covered with a red cloth and a new lectern... and not a soul
inside! The windows were wide open.
The party secretary spread his hands, his face as red as the cloth on the table.
"Wel.l what can you do with such people? I locked the door so they have
escaped through the windows! What a crowd! I am sorry, do not be angry.
It is pr etty hard on our workers right now, being springtime, and they all
have gardens to tend. If they don't r~-=ra;: on time, there w ill be nothing
to eat in the fa11. I should not ha-?e told them beforehand, of course....
But we will punish them--they will not get their thirteenth pay. Besides,
_ we will pay your fee for the lecture anyhow, only do not report this to anyone
anyone..."
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7: was angry and disappointed but tried not to show it. I got into the car
acid went on to my next "target," the "Trud" [Labor] sewing artel for manu-
facturing worker coveralls. ~
After the lumber camp with its new, bright buildings and the refreshing
fra~;rance of the woods, everything at this settlement seemed bleak and
dismal: there was not a tree, not a flower, nothing but mud and puddles
around.... I was taken directly to th e shop. The women ceased their
sewing and croaded around me, unconcealed curiosity showing on their dusky
faces.
`Clie ctlief of production, a young woman, introduced me and announced the topic
oC tlie lecture. The women went back tu their sewing machines, two long rows
ol~ tllem. Th eir faces were hidden and all I could see wer.e flowery headscarves.
I felt uncomfortab le: it was hard to talk without seeir.g any faces.
Nevertheless, I began, but after a few words the clatter of a sewing machine
_ interrupted me. I fell silent and the woman who had begun to sew said good-
natur.edly, "Don't you mind me, honey, ~o right on with your yarn. I will get
some of my plan in while listening."
Ttie other w~men objected loudly.
"01~, come on now," the woman said, but stopping the machine nevertheless. She
_ reached over for a shopping net containing some food. "If I cannot work, I
can at least have a snack. Haven't had a morsel since moming."
I was well awar e that all over the country the "Znaniye" society lecturers
~ usually spoke before worker audiences cluring the lunch break, and this always
made me angry. What right did we have ti:o keep the workers from resting? This
way, in those 40 minutes they enjoyed neither their meal nor the lecture.
This was th e first time for me, and my spirits plinnmeted, but I went on with
tlie lecture. Soon the women began to leave their seats and surround me in a
rigl~t circle. 'Well,' I thought, 'at least I've got them interested!' I
told them about the Soviet way of life, about the problems of fxee time,
al,out the psychological microclimat e of a Soviet collective.
I then went on to compare all this with the capitalist world, demonstrating
our superiority with fa~ts and figures, wh en suddenly some~ne plucked at my
sleeve.
"You are spinning a nice yarn, but listen to me for a moment! And look around,
too, 7inaida," she turned to the manager, "take her to the cutting depa~tment
and sl~ow tier the materi.al they are cutting for our team and the kind their
usin~ for Lenka's. They get all th e f iner material, without any tears, and the
best quality thread.... Is that fair? We barely ma.nage to get the plan done
- wh ile she has it all overfulfilled and is awarded the oblast banner. And they
got a bonus, too. We complained to the director, but he says it is an honor
f.or us all. And that the artel's bonus would go to repairing the kindergarten.
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The kindergarten, by the way, has been closed down for over half a year: one
authority closed it down saying it was in a condemned condition, while the
oth er says there is no money for repairs. So now we take turns to run off
. during work hours to look after and feed the kids.... That is all talk!
He is obliged to provide a kindergarten without any banner...as if we were
Eools and did not understand! All he wants is to get his own bunus!"
_ And there I was telling them about how to make better use of their leisure
~ time! Did they know the meaning of the word? And what did they care how
_ workers lived in the capitalist world when their own lives were so har~?
And yet my visit had given them some hope. In the sianplicity of their
souls they gave me a warm send-off. Totally ignorant of the party hierarchy,
they saw me as some big chief, and I could hardly keep up jotting down ttieir
complaints. How, indeed, could I tell them that there was nothing I could
do to help them, that I had no authority whatsoever. Not even the aiitr.ority
over my own convictions, in fact.... And they were growing weaker and weaker
- after every such an encounter, so that each new day b egan for me with the
question: "What can I do?"
T}ie same question was wor.rying another person whom I met out there. Only
recently a student, he was now the chief engineer of a butter and cheese
factory in Arkhangel'skaya Oblast, and he seemed somewhat out of place there.
We chatted in his off ice while I waited for a car to take me to a lecture
I was to give at some army division.
"All my workers are women," he told me. "You have seen them: all wearing
rubber boots and dirty brown, once white smocks, and all swearing four-
letter words without end."
"How do you manage here?" I asked.
"I do my job. I want to rebuild this little plant: we've received new
Hungarian equipment, and I am excited by the opportunity to make the women's
work easier. To this day only 30 percent of the jobs are mechanized. The
other 70 percent are done with female hands. There are only three men at
th e factory: the directoL, a stable-hand, and myself. It is hard work, though
actually they all ought to be booked for theft: they steal something awful.
You know for yourself: can you get butter or cheese at the store? At
first they were cautious, sizing me up, but r.~w they know I will not report
them, so they are at it again. Every 10 days I have an inspection of the teams:
how much milk came in, how much was made from it. They come to me quite
- openl~ and ask, 'Grigoryich, what is my shortfall for these 10 days?'
~ 'Quite a bit,' I say, 'you are short 10 kilograms of butter.' 'Don't you
worry, Grigoryich, I will make it up over the next 10 days with a 100-kilogram
sur~~lus...' And they do..."
"Ilow do they do it?" I asked.
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~ "We cover up all shortfalls with cheese. Have you seen our cheese vaults?
They are above criticism. A head of cheese should shrink in the vault by
11 percent by the end of the year, but the humidity is so high that it
~ actually shrinks by hardly 7 or 8 percent. Besides, with our technology
it is impossible to determine the percentage of fat exactly and a variation
of plus or minus 2 percent is permitted. My lady cheesemasters have lea~cned
how to save 2 percent on fat for every kilogram of cheese. So that I ev~~n
run up some comfortable surpluses for the factory as a whole..."
"I was listening to you," the young man continued. "You talk nicely, but if
you lived here for a~while you would understand what your lectures lack. And
af.ter a while, you w~uld most likely prefer not to give tY~em anymore. In
th e'L years that I have been here I have mature~i a full 20 years, so that now
I cannot help wondering: What next? I would like to return to the capital
and go in for science. I want to get away from all this."
Ttiere he was: 20 years old, knowing everything, and his mind made up. But
wtiat about me? Where could I go from here?
At that moment all I had before me was just another lecture. Prior to my visit
- to the Uutter and cheese factory, I had received a phone call from the city
committee asking me to speak at an army d3vision where some military brass
from the Main Political Directorate or the Military District's political
directorate were on an inspection tour. They were assembling the officer
and propaganda personnel for a meeting and wanted me to give a lecture on the
subject of "Problems of Ethical Education in the Mat~rials of the ~Sth Party
Congress."
I was back in my right place, cast in my usual role, with only commanding
o�ficers in the hall. That was good. It is so mueh easier to convince the
convinced. The words flowed light and freely, I was back "in my own
element" again. I told them (as well, indeed, as myself) what was ethical
and unethical from the point of v3ew of the party norms of Iife. The
customary words flowed freely forth as I quoted passages from Lenin. Everyone �
was pleased, they gave me a round of applause--another familiar reaction,
but none the less gratifying for that.
,11ter the lecture the division commander inv3ted me and the high visitors
to dinner. The service was sumptuous: antique china and silver, the dishes
were alre~dy on the table, perched on little spirit stoves to keep them warm.
W~ took our seats and pitched into the food. There were fish of the most
expensive varieties, salad with fresh tomatoes, cucumbers and scallions....
= 7'l~iti was the season when cucum bers went at Moscow's Danilovskiy Market for,
8 rubles a kilo, and tomatoes for 12. .
"ldi~ere did all this fine food come from?" I could not help asking.
~ "We confiscated the fish from poachers," the commanding officer explained, "and
wc grow our own vegetables in hothouses."
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"So you feed your men fresh vegetables the year round?" one of the visiting
Urass asked.
''Not the whole year, b ut on Victory Day and the October holiday for sure,"
the commander replied. ~
I looked at him attentively. He had the rank of colonel even though he
could not have been more than 40. The club manager had mentidned that he was
from Moscow and was there without his family. So he'd most likely come for
his general's shoulder s~:.raps: now it is impossible to get them serving in
Moscow or Leningrad. From the confidence he exuded, from the flare he assumed,
I could see that he probably had the backing of the Main Political Directorate.
There was no vodka on the table for some reason or other, so they'd be having
tlieir drink in the evening, after I was gone.
Out in the yard by the mess-hall I found a majur with construction battalion
insignia waiting for me.
"Please come to our unit," he pleaded. "It's not far from here. Give a
lecture for my men, they have just taken their oath of allegience. I will
have you taken right back to your hotel when it is over."
I would have preferred to get back to it at once, I was so.tired, but I could
not refuse, and besides, I could do with the money. The military, yo u
should know, are orderly in everything: your lecture is hardly over when
there they are with an envelope containing th e cherished tenner. They pay
on the spot, not like the "Znaniye" society!
On the way we discussed the topic of the lecture.
"Perhaps I could tell them about the international situation?" I suggested.
"No, no," the major objected. "That's too complicated a subject for our
construction battalion men. I know their level, so many of them have passed
through my hands. I asked one from the last call-up he hailed from.
'Tambov,' he said. 'Do you have any relatives living abroad?' 'Yes.'
'Where?' 1" asked. 'In Shuya!' he said. Better give them something simpler."
All right, I thought, let it be something simpler, say "The Tasks of the
Youth Alliance in V. I. Lenin's Speech at the 3d Komsomol Congress."
Wtien we got there we went straight to the club. The hall was packed. I
begar~ to resound the difficulties of the first years of the Soviet government,
the participation of Komsomol members and young people in building up the
Soviet state. But as I was going through th e introductory remarks I f elt
the absence of any communication with my listeners. What was wrong? I went on,
quoting a brief historical aside they should have lmown from school. I felt
that it was getting harder and harder for me to speak. Didn't they understand
me? I was speaking distinctly enough, and the microphone was in order. But
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they just sat there very still, without moving, the whole hall like one
face, all with close-cropped heads, all in the same clumsy-f3.tting uniforms,
all with dark, somewhat slanted eyes which seemed to contain a mute question,
or was it just my imagination?
I was getting nervous. What had happened to my years of experience in the
art of lecturing? Why wasn't it helping me? Were Lenin's words that "the
task is to study, to study and to study" so hard to understand? Why every
Young Pioneer knows them! Or had I been too vague explaining the.harm done
to the development of Soviet culture by the theory and practice of the
"Proletkul't" association?
I cast a pleading look at the deputy com~ander for political affairs, begging
for support, as I kept throwing the words at the quiet audience which seemed
to be listening but apparently heard noth3ng.
Ttiey f inally came to life when I f3nished and the political officer stood up
and began to clap his hands and thanked me for "such a fine lecture,
delivered on a high ideological and politic~l level." At that they all stood
up, too, and joined him with their applause.
I wa~ked over to the political officer and asked why the men had not been
listening.
"On the contrary," he assured me, "they were most attentive. I was watching
tliem. The thing is that some of them are K3rgizians who understand no Russian
- except for general commands..."
I was literally at a loss for words, and tears cf dismay caused my throat to
contract. "How could you do that!" I barely managed to say, choking on the
words .
Tlie major, however, was quite pleased. "Don't let that worry you," he comforted
me. "We all have our let-downs on our jobs. The lecture has done them no
harm, and it is served a useful purpose becanse /a start has been made/ [italics].
Their political education has begun!" _
I t;ave been living in the West for 2 years now, and my life has.changed completely.
But liave I changed? Yes and no. The past still has a grip on me in some ways;
it .is not at all easy to pull out one's deep roots. Although I have gained
freedom, I am still not entirely free. One thing, however, is for sure:
having abandoned the Soviet propaganda rostrum, I no longer participate in its
lic5.
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Anastasiya Poverennaya was born in 1939. She was the secretary of a rayon
Komsomol committee in the town ~f Murom, on the Volga River, and later worked
there as the director of a House of Culture. She was subsequently tfie
director of a lecture off ice in Novgorod, then worked as lecturer-consultarit
on Marxist-Leninist education at th e Officers' Club of the Leningrad Military
District's Political Directorate. She i~ presently residing in West Germany.
COPYRIGHT: Kontinert Verlag GmbH, 1982
9681
CSO: 1800/463
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NATIONAL
STRUCTURE, FUNCTIONS OF LOCAL COUNCIL OF ECONOMIC~ SOCIAL DEVELOPNIENT DESCRIBED
Leningrad RAYKQM I NAUCHNO-TEKHNICHESKAYA INTELLIGENTSIYA in Russian 1981 (signed
to press 11 Sep 81 ) pp 25--30
[I:xcerpts from book "'1"he Rayon Commi.ttee and the Scientific-Technical Intelli-
gentsia", Lenizdat]
[Excerpt] The comprehensi~e approach in planning presupposes a social orientation
in plans, a rational combination of sectorial and territorial development and in-
tersecturial and intrasectorial proportions, strengthening of economic balance,
and fuller consideration of the interests of consumers in shaping production as-
signments.
Tt~e party has always considered the comprehensive approach to be a key principle of
social planning which permits thorough consideration of the requirements of propor-
tional economic development and resolving social proiilems.
Seven years ago a public council on economic and social development was set up at
the Smol`ninskiy Rayon committee of the CPSU. The purpose of the council was to
provide mettiodological and practical help to the rayon party committee in organiz-
ing and managing integrated economic and social development of the rayon. The
council is a public body under the rayon CPSU committee (see diagram on next page)
ancl works directly under its leadership. The council determines the ways and
methods of solving particular problems of economic and social development of the
administrative region and of production and labor collectives, and orients them to
raising work efficiency and quality. Tfie council summarizes and disseminat~s pro-
gr.essive know-how in working out and implementing comprehensive plans of economic
and social development, and organizes fulfillment of its resolutiores and recommen-
dations.
The principal areas of activity of tfie council are the following; improving organi-
zation and management of the public economq; improving tlie efficiency of tTie use of
l.abor, material, and financial resources, and the use of fixed production capital
and capital investment. The council also concerns itself witfi questions of raising
tlie technical level and effici:ency of production and the quality of lalior and out-
p~~t produced through the efforts of specialists. The council gives close atten-
tion to communist indoctrination of the working people and population, refining
forms and metfiods~ of socialist competition, and to questions of maintaining a.
clc:an, fi ealthy environment.
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Tfie Council of Economi.c and Soc~.al Dev~.lopment of tha Smoltninskiy
Ra}ron CPSU Committee.
~l~li~~r ui uiy+t cuuera ~
I . ~~c11'r.17TC96 COBL`T8 I ~ OTItCTCiF3CHHL11f CCK~)CT7~)L i~~!~:1 ~
- ~ -
~ _ ~
,i;t~1. II~~CICC;I~ITCIIA IIO 3KOHOMN4eCK091y ~ 3a~. npe~ce,lare:tA (lO H~~9flU-TCXHN~!~ili~~t~'
~ (4~'- N CU11N1116HOMV pa3BNTH10 ~ i ~~r~ ?~Of~eCC~" _ ~
I ~
CexuNH coeeTa I I
~ (6~
~ i
~ ~ ~ I i i t i , I ~ , ~ i ~ ' , ! � -
�~,y/~ Cloa cll>; ~ - !
G I ( ~ . ~ I . ~ . , ^ _ ~ 1 ~ ' � '
~ j Y m I I ! ~ I I ! i v ; ~ ~ O C ~ ~ ~'LQ~ I
~ I ~ ~ . , , I
~ ~ ' i C I~ i ~ O ~ ; I ~ pfKONIfTCT ~
~ i ~ c 1 ~ I u I~, ~ i ~ r- ~ I I ~ p u i I~ ~ ~ I DWCT24Kif .UfIGiT ~
j.~- I~ ~ I ~ ~.s. I Q I I Y I i O= G Y i ROBbIllIP.HfIA ~
~ ~ ~ i ~ I G .~a I r ~ u ~ u ~ aKi j ~ C I j~ ~ 3(~CKTHBHOCTII
d~ I ' ~ ' _ - pa boTw e H{1{i ~
C,; I m~ i ~ v ~_'~,r,~ ~ I I v v o I~ ~
~ Q ~ p r_ i ~ ~ ~ F' F; I~, ~ a ~ O I_ I~ ~ fi K6 Jlexiti~rpaza' ,
a m - ' ~ ~ ~ _ i , I ~ O I ~ C C = ^ - - , ~
~ - ~ I ~ ~ I ~s~ ,
y x ~ ~ e~ i F I' I ~ C I ~ f V I ~ I R O. ~ ~ I ~ I I ~
~ U Y ~ I_~ I_ i p ~ C:~ Q H ~ 1 O ~ I u C I C 1Si ~ I v i U .
u r, ' ~ u~ S i ~ . ~ I ~ I-I ~ I I I ~ ~ I I i~ - -
~ . I~ . -
Key: C1~ Presidium of the Council;
(2) CGairman of tTie Council; .
(~3) Accouatable Secretarp of tfie Council;
(4) Deputp Cfiairman for Economic and Social Development;
(5) Deputy Cfiairmaa for Scientific-Tecfinical Progress;
_ C6) Sections of tfie Council;
(7~ Tmproving Control in Automated Control Spstems;
(8) Labor Resources;
(9) Sociaeconomic Planning of Development of the Collective;
(10) For Scientific Researc~i Tnstitutes;
(11) For Planning-Desiga Divisions;
(12j For Iadustr�,~;
(13} For Construction;
(14) For Railroad Transportation;
(15). For M~otor DeFiicle Transportation;
(16) S'ocialist Competiton; ~
(17) For Dissemination and Iatroduction of Progressive Know-How Based
on Scientific-'Tecfinical Researcfi;
(18) Couacil of Innovators;
(14) Council of Tutors;
(20} Organizing Com~ittee for tfie Exhibition KExperience with Raising
GToxk Efficiency at Scieatific Researcti Institutes and Design Sureaus
tn Lentngrad." ~
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Lc'3(Illlh workers, scientists, eng~neering--technical personnel, and party, Soviet,
' and economic managers take part in ths work.of tTie.council.
~ The council is fieaded bp a presidium. Tfis cfiairman of tfie presidium lias two
deputies in cfiarge of economic and social development and tecfinical progress. Or-
~anizational work is assigned to tlie accountal~ility secretary. The working units
of the council are 11 sections, tfie council of innovators, the council of tutors,
and the organi:zing coam?ittee for tfie esfiibition "Experience with Raising Work
Cfficiency at S~cientif ic Researcfi Instttuces and Design Bureaus in Leningrad."
Lacfi section fias a cfiairman, a deputy, and an accountaiile secretary. The sections
are usually headed 6y managers of science-~roduction associations, enterprises,
- or organizations.
The sections of the council include experienced specialists, scientists, engineer-
inp,-tecfinical personnel, and party and trade union workers. These are people who
not only have a good knowledge of their occupations, but also have a broad outlook.
For example, ttie deputy chairman of the section on scientific research institutes
is communist V. Ya. Paul', head of the division of development, organization, and
- economics of scientific research at TsNIIMF [Central Scientific Research Institute
of the Maritime Fleet]. He is one of the authors of tfie methodology for compre-
t~ensive evaluation of the efficiency and quality of work at scientific institu-
tions and tlie organizer of socialist competition among the science^production
- associations and scientific researcfi institutes of Smol'ninskiy Rayon.
! L. V. Ivanova, fiead of the sector on technical-economic substantiation at TsNIIMF,.
a.Lso works actively in this same section. She is a highly skilled specialist who
~ regularly analyzes the economic activities of tfie scientific research institutes
in the rayon . The results of her analysis are taken into account in evaluating
i the efficiency and quality of their work.
- '1'he sections perform the following functions: systematic analysis of the state
and developmental trends in their areas; investigation of timely problems of
raising tfie efficiency of public develogment in the rayon; determining ways and
means oE solving tliese problems; giving organizational and methodological help to
r.(~e rayon party committee and executive committee, and to enterprises and organi-
~ations; s-ubmitting informational materials and analytic, forecast, and innovative
~~roposals to the presidium of the council on improving management of the economy
of the rayons; organization of quarterly social.ist competition according to a
comprehensive system for control of work qualitp and efficiency (KS UEKR); and,
~ s~immarization and dissemination of progressive know-how at seminars, meetings,
and science-practice conferences.
tlc~re is how the worli. of the council is organized. The presidium and its sections
c�c>mpile plans of work for the year. Tfiey are revieazed at meetings of the sections
.ind of the presidium and coordinated witfi the bureau of the Soviet at the oblast
party committee.
The work plans~ of tfie sections include conducting scientific-technical conferences,
rayon seminar~,, quarterly "quality days," special days in honor of specialists and
innovator~s, cc>mpetitive inspections, and scientific-technical exhib:i..tions.
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'I'o pre~are for and conduct the planned activities the sections form working com-
missions made up of the mos.t experienced specialists. The cotmnissions have 3-5
memhers.
Monitoring performance of the plans. of the council and its sections is assigned
to the accountable secretary. Each year Fiefore 15 January they compile reports
- and send them through the section for dissemination of progressive know-how at
~ the Leningrad Central S~cientific Research Institute to tfie Soviet of the oblast
party committee.
'['he territorial-~s~ectorial principle of managing socialist production and the in-
tensified role of party organizations in solving management problems necessitate
the development and use of new forms. and methods of managing the improvement in
work efficiency and quality at enterprises and organizations of the rayon.
One of the major projects carried out by the council in the lOth Five-Year Plan
was development of an integrated system to manage work efficiency and quality.
Tt is in operation today alongside sectorial systems and supplements them with
respect to sociopolitical matters. In setting up this system the counci"1 made
use of tfie experience of tlie L~vovskaya Oblast CPSU committee, the Mytishchi
c~ty CPSiT committee, and the Moskovskiy Rayon CPSU committee in Leningrad.
't'lie compreliensive control system contemplates planning improvement in work effi-
ciency and quality, keeping track of it, monitoring it, and evaluating the re-
sults. Tfie evaluation is done by comparing work efficiency and quality coeffi~-
cients achieved by enterprises, organizations, groups, and the rayon as a whole
with similar coefficients for a corresponding period of the preceding year.
The main principles of the evaluation are uniform methodology, establishing a
hase indicator for work efficiency and quality, prompt and periodic evaluation,
comparability and objectivity, and publication of results.
'f'he crucial indicators in the methodology for evaluating scientific research
institutes are the economic impact from introduction of new developments and �
their high scientific-tecfinical level, while for planning-design associations
the main indicators are reducing the estimated cost of construction of planned
projects and conserving materials and energy.
T~:ach quarter tfie commissions of the council together with the industrial-
transportation division of the rayon CPSU committee review the report data sub-
mitted by enterprises and organizations, process it, and report on it to par-
ticipants in the rayon efficiency and quality day. The results of work on the
KS UEKR are totaled at the same time as the results of socialist competition in
the rayon. Appropriate places are awarded according to these results.
COPYRIGHT: Lenizdat, 1~81
11,176
(;SO: 1800/~i91 ~
20
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NATIONAL
SUGGESTED LECTURE TOPICS ON BREZHNEV TRADE UNION SPEECH
(Editorial Report] Moscow SLOVO LEKTORA in Russian No 5, May 1982, carries on
p 17 a 500-word list of "Themes of Lectures, Reports, and Cor~versations for the
l:xplanation of the Speech of Comrade L.I. Brezhnev to the XVII Congress of Trade
Unions of the USSR." Among the 40 topics listed are: "We will fulfill the
- decisions of the XXVI Party Congress," "We will support the new and advanced,"
and "Prade unions in the political system of Soviet society."
~i3KOM SECRETARY ON RAISING LABOR PRODUCTIVITY
(Editorial Report] Moscow SLOVO LEKTORA in Russian No 5, May 1982, carries on
~p 43-45 a 3,000-word article title "In the name of creative and interesting
work" by A. Vorob'yev, secretary of the Zaporozh'e oblast' committee of the
Ukrainian Communist Party. The article suggests that the selection of good
lecturers and the prenaration of interesting lectures wi11 promote improved
productivity among workers in increasingly mechanized enterprises.
~
OBKOM SECRETARY ON TRANSFER OF PARTY ERPERIENCE TO KOMSOMOL
[Editorial R~port] Moscow MOLODOY KO1~II~f[TNIST in Russian No 1, January 1982,
carries on pp 8-13 a 6,000-word article titled "The Wealth of Part.y Experience
' to the Komsomol" by M. Trunov, first secretary of the Belgor~d oblast committee
of the CPSU. The article describes the effdrts of the B lgorod party organiza-
tion to involve Komsomol activists in its work in order to develop their leader-
' ship capabilities.
COPYItIGHT: "Molodoy komanunist", 1982
c;Sc~: 1.H~0/652 ~ END
21
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