JPRS ID: 10615 USSR REPORT POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS

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• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP82-00850R000500070061-2
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• Original Classification: U
• Document Page Count: 58
• Document Creation Date: November 1, 2016
• Sequence Number: 61
• Content Type: REPORTS

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.JPRS L/10615
25 JutvE 1982
U SS R Re ort
p
POLITICAL AND SO~IC~LOGICAL AFFAIRS
. . (FOUO 21/82~
FBIS FOREIGN BROO~?D~AST INFORMATION SERVICE
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NOTE
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- ~ JPRS Z/10615
_ 25 June 1982
U~SR REPORT
POLITICAL AND SOC~OLOGICAL AFFAIRS
(FOUO 21/82) .
CONTENTS
INTERNATIONAL
Role of Revolutionary Parties in Third World Discuss~ed
(Y u. V. Irkhin; VOPROSY ISTORII, Apr 82) 1
Issues in Soviet Tnternational Law .
(SQVETSKIY YEZHEGODNIK MEZHDUNARODNOGO PRAVA '1979, 1~~30)..... 17
' Internationa]. Ties of Soviet Institute of History
(Editorial Report) 32
NATIONAL
New Bromley Article on Contemporary Ethnic ProcestJes
( Yu. ~V. Bromley ; SOVETSKAYA ETNOGRAFTYA, Mar-Apr 82 ) . . . . . . . . . . 33
, ~ Guidance for Lecturers an 60~th Anniversery of USSR
- (Editorial Report) 51
REGIC,:
Q.L
Influence of Russian Language on Uzbek
( I. Yu. As fandiyaro v; VOPROSY YAZ~CI~OZN~uVIYA, Mar-Apr 82 52
.'i ~
- a - [III - USSR - 35 FOUO]
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~
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' INTERNATIONAL
=j
j
- ROLE OF REVOLUTIONARY PARTIES IN THIRD WORLD DISCUSSED
Moscow VOPROSY ISTORII in Rus~ian NO 4, Apr 82 pp 55-67
[Article by Yu. V. Irkhin: "Re~v~lutionary Vanguard Parties of~~orking People in
Liberated Countries" under the rubric "Fo11ow-Up on the Decisions of the 26th
- CPSU Congress"] e
- [Text] There r~as been an increase in the number of countries
with socialist oxientation, countries that chose the path of
socialist development.... In these coun.tries, revolutionary parties
reflecting the interests of the broad masses of workers have been
gaining in strength.
L. I. Brezhnev
A characteristic feature of the current stage of the world revolutionary ~rocess is
the expansion and deepen~ing of the struggle of the nations of Asia, Africa, and
Latin America against imperialism and d.omestic reaction and for ~emocratic trans--
formations and socialis;n. The ranks of the countries with socialist orientation
that had arisen during the 1960s in Asi~ ar.d Africa (the Algerian People's Demo-
cratic Republic, the Guinean People's Revolutionary Republic, the People's Demo-
cratic Republic of Yemen, the Feople's Republic of Congo, the United Republic of
- Tanzania, and others) were complemented in the 1970s by the People's Republic of
Angola, the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, the People's Republic of Benin, the
Republic of Guinea-Bisau, the People's Republic of Mozambique, Socialist Ethiopia,
etc. The rise of these states in Asia and Africa has been accompanied by the forma-
tion of an extensive zone of countries with . socialist orientat;on, having an aggre-
' gate population of some 150 million persons and an aggregate area of more than l~
million sq m.l In Latin America the path of social progress was taken in the
1970s by Nicaragua a~.d Granada and the revolutionary struggle of E1 Salvador and
various other countries on tha. continent is being expanded.
In the development of r.he revolutionary process in Asia, Africa, ar_d certain coun-
~ tries of Latin America, an important role is played by revolutionary democracy. Re-
volutionary-democratic forces, groups, and patties, rule virtually all the coun-
tries with socialist orientation and are an i::portant factor expressing public
anti-imperialist and anti-capi~alist tendencies in many liberated countries. More-
over, they take an active part in modern national-liberation movements and often
' even head them. A characteristic feature of the development of revolutionary-
_ 1
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~
democratic forces in Asia, Africa, and Latin America during the 1970s and early '
- 1980s has been theiz greater consistency in occupying anti-imperialist and anti- .
capitalist positions. In some of these countries, revolutionary parties are
beginning to be established according to the principles of scientific sociali3m
and are strengther~ing their coope~ation with the communist movement and the cduri-
tries of the socialist co~unity: this is another characteristic feature. �The
candidate member of the Politburo and secretary of the CC CYSU L. N. Ponomarev
stresses that "the revolutionary-democratic and national-democratic parties and
movements increasingly often declare themselves to be friends and comrades-in-
arms of the CPSU, the communist movement. Indicative is the following fact:
while the 25th CPSU Con~ress was attended by representatives of 19 such parties,
the 26th Congress was attended by 36. The ranks of revolutionary democracy ex-
perience a leaning toward scientific socialism, toward arming themselves with
Marxist-Leninist teachings and with the organizational and poltical principles of
building vanguard parties of workers."2
The historic possibility of the formation of revolutionary parties in backward and -
dependent countries and their evoluti~n into parties of Marxist-Leninist type was m`
first declared and substantiated by V. I. Lenin. In a report to the com~nission
on nationality and colonial questions at he 2nd Komintern Congress, and in his
report theses, V. I. Lenin pointed to the possibility of the emergence, in back-
ward countries, of "elements of future proletari an partfes,"3 called upon to
unify and embody the elemental leaning of the working masses toward socialism
based on a scientif ic theo ry. He repeatedly pointed out that the revolutionary
parties in backward countries have to accomplish a great deal oi work on the
nath of their transformation into communist parties, and he warned them against
a bias toward [ultra-]leftism. Thus, in reply to the question by delegates from
_ the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party [MPRP] whether "Should no~. a national-
revolutionary party turn into the communist party?" Lenin answered that he did
recommend it, because a party "cannot be 'transformed' into another party." Lenin
~tressed that "much has yet tn be accomplished by revolutionaries in promoting
their state, economic, and cultural construction before the proletarian mass
can be created from pastoral elements and subsequently assist in 'transforming'
a national-revolutionary party into a communist party. T`~~~nere replacing of
the name-plat~ is harmful and dar.gerous."4 The transformation of the MPRP
into the party of the working class took place only as late as in the 1940s
after the necessary conditions for it became ripe.s
The problem of the formation ef revolutionary parties in the liberated countries
and their evolution into part~es of the Marxist-Leninist type at the present
stage is cansidered in va~ious studies of modern national-liberation revolutions
and developing countries~. T'here exist no special overall monograph surveys pub-
lished on the history of fi~~e formation of revolutionary vanguard parties ~n the
liberated countries during the 1970s and early 1980s, as yet. Works by Soviet
historians deal with, as a rule, aspects of the fcrmation of individual vanguard
- parties. The first attempt at an analysis of the formative history of several
vanguard parties at a time, and at ~heir compara~ive analysis (as exemplified by
Angola, Niozambiqu~, and Guinea-Bisau), was made in the book by 0. V. Martyshin.~
2
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The need to consider this kind of questions is due to the fact~ that they are being
distorted by bourgeois historians. T. Parsans, D. Austin, S. Huntington, I.
Nelson, P. B'yarne [name transliterated], and others actively comment against the
- formation of vanguard parties in the liberated countries, regarding this process
as a real threat to the neocolonial ~nterests of the imperialist pflwers. They put
a false construction on the activities of such parties, attempting to prove that
the peoples of the liberated countY�ies supposedly are not "ripe" for socialism
and should necessarily pass through a lengthy stage of bourgeois development, or
. the stage of "modernization."8 The bourgeois ideologists consider the idea of a
~ vanguard party basing its activities on the principles of scientific socialism to
be "alien" and unacceptab~e to the developing countries.9
In this connection, it is becoming particularly topical to analyze the question of
the patterns and special features of the transition of revolutionary-democratic
forces to the positions of scientific socialism, and oF the paths wherelby these
- forces form revolutionary vanguard parties on the basis of the principles of
Marxism-Leninism. Below an attempt is made to examine the basic historical Forms,
patterns, and features of the formation and development of revolutionary vanguard
parties in the liberated countries of Asia and Africa on the basis of materials
pertaining to the 1970s and early 1980s. The principal source for analyzing the
activities of these parties is their program documents, the speeches aad ar.ticles
of their leaders, and the revolutionary-democratic party press.l0
In Soviet and foreign Marxist historical science the revolutionary vanguard parties
of workers are defined as parties of the transition type, meaning transition.from
revolutionary-democratic to Marxist-Leninist parties. The vanguard parties display
a number of class features and characteristics common to those of the parties of
the Marxist-Leninist type. They ac'xnowledge Marxism-Leninism to be their ideologi-
cal basis, substruct their activities on the principles of democratic centralism,
and complement their ranks through individual selection of the best representatives
of the working class, peasantry, and other laboring strata of the population. It
is these features that account for the vanguard nature of these parties, which
represent a distinctive proto-image of parties of the Marxist-Leninist type. As
~ for the difference between thP revolutionary-democratic vanguard parties of workers
and parties of the Marxist-Leninist type, it consists in tliat their members do not
as yet fully assimilate and apply in practice scientific communism, the share of
the working (especially cadre) class in thair membership is sma.ll,~and their
primary organizations are insufficiently strong and active in industry and army and
' are absent in some important spheres of the economy and public life. Hence, the
vanguard parties are markedly inferior to communist partie~ as regards the level
of maturity of [riarxist-Leninist] ~heory among their cadres, the degree of their
revolutionary influence on workers, and their ideological-political and organiza-
tional.PYY~?'ience. Their social basis consists of non-proletarian strata of
w~~Kers, the working class ir. its formative stage, and the intelliger~tsia.
Soviet and foreign. historical and political literature abounds in developed defini-
tions and names of vanguard parties in countries with socialist oY~ientation.
These names and definitions reflect the vanguard nature of the parties, their social
basis, and their class orientation. They are such names and definitions as
"revolutionary-democratic vanguard parties," "vanguard parties of worker.s," "par-
ties of the worker-peasant vanguard."Il It appears that the social composition
3
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and politicaT character of these parties are most precisely contained in the defi-
nition "revolutionary vanguard parties of workers," or, more briefly, "vanguard
parties" of the liberated c:~unt'.;:ies.
A major contribution to the substantiation'and depiction o� the role of the revolu-
tioriary vanguard ~,arties at the present stage of national-liberation movemenC was
made by the 26th CPSU Congress. The report submitted by the CC CPSU and the
speeches of foreign delegations at the congress pointed out that~the establishment
and consolidation of these parties are dictated by the objective needs of the deve-
lopment and deepening of the revolutionary process and are part of the pattern of
socialist orientation, of struggle for ~ccialism. An important theoretical conclu-
_ sion by the congress, which is ~f primary importance to the revolutionary-democratic
forces, is that socialist orientation is to be regarded as a purposive process which
needs to be effectively and scientifically directed by a revolutior~ary party. The
report submitted by the CC CPSU reveals the main c~irections of ravolutionary trans-
formations in the countries that chose the path of socialist development. "Namely, ~
the gradual liquidation of the positions of imperialist monopolies, indigenous '
big bourgeoisie and feudal landlords as well as restricting the activities of
foreign capital. Further, this means providing the national econor.ry with command-
, ing heights in economies and changing over to a planned development of productive
; forces, as well a.s promoting the cooperative movement in the countryside. Further
still, this means increasing the role of the working masses in public life and
gradually strengthening the machinery of stat~ with cadres devoted to the .
people."12
The conclusions of the 26th CPSU Congress concerning the actual problems o.f revolutio-
nary and de~ocratic movement in the liberated countries are of primary importance to
- the vanguard parties. The general secretary of the CC of the National Democratic Par-
ty of Afghanistan B. Karmal observed that "the comprehensive ar~~l.ysis of the deve-
lopment of the liberated countries provided at the 26th Congress is of exceptional
value to the NDPA. The party, since recently the ruling party, particularly acu-
tely needs a theoretical substantiation of the prospects for the revolutionary-
democratic development of the country--Frospects allowing for objective conditions
and subjective tactors."13 A genuinely scientific level of leadership of the
process of struggle for the socialist perspective of these countries as well as
the education of broad masse~~ of the people on the basis of the principles of
_ scientifir_ communism an~i th~e development of democratic activity of workers and
an increase in their role in public life can be assured only by a vanguard party
- armed w~th Marxism-Leninism and called upon to become the directing motive power
and gu~rant of socialist orientation. The experience of Ghana, Mali, Egypt,
etc. demonstrates that without such a party the tasks of the national-democrat~.~
revolition canno~t be accomplished and the stability of revolutionary-deniocratic
regimes cannot be assured.
'Phe left wing of revolstionary democracy increasingly arms itself with the P~arxist-
Leninist idea of forming revolutionary vanguard parties on the principles of scien-
tific communism, since this idea corresponds most to its current interests and
possibilities.14 Revolutionary democracy has already basically utilized the
revolutionary potential and possibilities of organizations of the broad national
fxont type. These days a topical problem to an overwhelminQ maioritv of the
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_ detachments of revolutionary democracy is the problem of creating and consolidating
� vanguard parties as embryos of parties of the Marxist-Leninist type. The docu-
ment of the Conference of Communist and Workers Parties of Tropical and Southern
Africa declares: "Revolutionary experience demonstrates that only the establish-
= ment of an anti-imperialist, anti-capitalist revolutianary organization basing it-
= self on the support of workers and other patri.otic strata of the population
- can serve to consistently accomplish and defend radical socio-economic reforms.
= Already many organizations which originated as broad ravolutionary-democratic
movements have commenced the process of their transformation. We welcome this
trend and consider sucti organizations to be part of the newJiV forming and growing
group of Marxist revolutionary vanguards on our continent." 5
- A major effect on the formation of the world outlook of present-day revolutionary
democracy is produced by the example of real socialism, by the active support
~ provided by countries of the socialist community to all anti-imperialast revalu-
- tionary-democratic movements in Africa, Asia, and Latin America.
A differentiation is taking place within the ranks of the revolutionary-democratic
forces, along with a strengthening of the positions of the left wing of revolu-
tionary democracy, and the coming to power, in a number of countries in Africa,
Asia, and Central America, of the "second ger.~ration" of revolutionary democrats
who have extensive experience in class struggle, are familiar with the experience
of real socialism and the basic premises of Marxism-Leninism, have actively
_ collaborated with communists in the course of anti-imperialist struggle, and do
= not reject joint activit�- under the new conditions. The aforementioned document
- of the Conference of Communist and Workers Parties of Tropical and Southern Africa
_ states that: "in the last few years an increasing number of revolutionary demo-
_ crats has adopted a positive point of view toward Marxism-Leninism."16
The formation of the vanguard parties results from the conceptual impact of
_ the CPSU's experience on the revolutionary democracy as well as from understand-
ing the Leninist tenet of the need to create a vanguard organization of the working
- class in the struggle to build a new society. Thus, the chairman of th~ Central
Committee of the Congalese Labor Party (CLP) , Denis Sassou-Nguesso,
_ characterizes as follows the political platform of CLP: "[It is] a vanguard party
_ whose organizational structure, orientation, aizd end-goal are defined on the basis
or the revolutionary experience of garties of a new type among which the brightest
example is the party of Lenin."17
- The creation of the revolutionary vanguard parties signifies a-qualita~ively new
~tage in the evolution of revolutionary democracy and the developmentof countries with
socialist orientation. B. N. Ponomarev ~oints out: "In certain countries
progressing along the path of socialist development, th~~ ruling revolutionary-
democratic parties (for example, in the People's Republ'i:: of Angola, the People's
_ Republic of Mozambique, Socialist Ethiopia, the People's Democratic Republic of
Yemen, the People's Republic of the Congo, and others) proclaim Marxism-Leninism to
Ue the ideological and political basis of their activity. The leaning toward
scientific socialism among the vanguard detachments of the national-liberation
- movement is becoming increasingly more explicit."18 The experience of the deve-
lopment of revolutionary-democratic forces in the liberated countries is a shining
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affirmation of Lenin's conclusion that "in the 20th century... one cannot be
a revolutionary democrat /if one fears/ [printed in italics] advancing toward
socialism."19
In the 1970s the process of the formation and strengthening of the vanguard parties
~ has been taking place in the group of countries with socialist orientation as
well as in certain other liberated countries of Asia, Africa, and Latin America.
The Congolese Labor Party, established in 1969, has been gaining in strength. In
1977 the following turned into vanguard parties: the Mozambique Nationai Libera-
. tion Front (FRELIMO)--the party retained its original name, and the National
Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), which was renamed MPLA--Labor Party.
In 1975 tliere arose the Party of People's Revolution of Benin (PPRB), and in 1978,
the Yemenite Socialist Party (YSP). Toward the end of 1979 the crisis within the
National-Democratic Party of Afghanistan (established in 1975, became the ruling
party in April 1978) was overcome. In 1980 in Nicaragua work was begun to trans-
form the Sandinist Front of National Liberation (SFNL) into a vanguard organiza-
tion, the Sandinist revolutionary party (as yet, a conditional r~ame). In 1979 ,
in Ethiopia there was created the Commission for the Organization of a Workers ~
Party (COWPE). The process of formation of vanguard parties can be observed in
_ the Republic of Guinea-Bisau, the Republic of Cape Verde Island, the Democra~ic
Republic of Sao Tome and Principe, and Bahr ~in.20
Historical experience demonstrates that the formative process of parties of the
vanguard type in countries with socialist orientation may assume various forms
and proceed along different paths. One direction taken by this process is the
tormation of vanguard parties in the countries with socialist orientation where
revolutionary-democratic parties or groups already exist. In this case, the left
wing of revolutionary democracy can utilize the experience and part of cadres
of the revolutionary-democratic party when establishing the vanguard party. The
CLP, for example, was founded in 1969 by M. Nguabi [name transliterated], the
leader of the left wing of the mass party National Revolutionary Movement which
- had existed in the Congo from 1964 until 1968. In Angola and Mozambique in 1977
parties-movements became transformed into vanguard parties.
Another direction is that of the formation of vanguard parties in the countries
in which revolutionary-democratic parties previously were absent. In this case,
revolutionary or military-revolutionary democrats be~in to form vanguard p3rties
chiefly with their own forces. This precisely has happened in Benin, where the
military-revolutionary government headed by M. Kerekou, which came to rule in 1972,
established in 1975 the Party of People's Revolution of Benin. The First Extra-
ordinary Congress of the PPRB in 1976 adopted the party program and consolidated
the course of development of the country on the basis of the principles of scien-
- tific socialism. In Ethiopia the progressive wing of the ruling military-
revolutionary democracy, while heading the process of the formation of a vanguard
party, at the same time strives to cooperate with those political organizations
or their representatives which or who support the government's policies. The
third form of establishing a vanguard party is a rapprochement of positions,
followed by the unif ication of Marxist and revulutio~~iary-democratic organizations
on a common platform of scientific socialism. In the People's Democratic
Republic of Yemen in 1~75 the political organization of the Nationa-]_Front, the
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~ People's Democratic Union, and the Party of the People's Vanguard merged into a
united political organization called the National Front on the basis of which
the Yemenite Socialist Party was created in 1978. In princigle, o~her paths of
~ the formation of vanguard parties also are possible.
~ Clearly, the creation of a vanguard party is an objective necessity and law
of the onward progress of the liberated countries in the direction of socialism.
_ R. A. Ul'yanovskiy states: "The socialist orientation presupposes first of all
an effective political leadership by vanguard parties or by an alliance of parties
forming the front of progressive forces. The idea of creating vanguard parties
which are close in their nature to parties of scientific socialism, as put
forward by many revolutionary democrats, is a constructive idea."21
Bourgeois historians and political pundits claim that the I.iberated countries suppo-
sedly lack the necessary soc~al bas~.~, and primarily the proletariat, for establish-
ing vanguard and communist parties.22 But an analysis of the numbers of the
working class and its share in the social structure of the countries with a socia-
list orientation, as well as of its role in the vanguard parties, produces an
opposite conclusion. Although the share of the working class in the social
structure of these countries is smaller than in the devel4ped countries, in Asia
and Africa the proleta_riat--including factory and plant workers--had emerged on
the political arena as early as in the 1950s and 1960s and it continues to
grow rapidly in numbers. Between 1960 and I973 alone the working c~ass in Africa
increased by 5 million people or 35.2 percent, and at present it consists of more
than 19 million people.23 In the countries with socialist orientation the
overall growth in the numbers of workers is accompanied by a rapid increase in the
numbers of skilled workers due to the grow'th of the state sector, the stabiliza-
tion of the labor force, and improvements in the system of the occupational
training and education of workers. In Congo, for example, the size of the working
class between 1963 and the present increased from 40,000 to 70,000 persons, and
its prop~~tion in the gainfully employed population rose from 7 peicent to 12
percent. In Ethiopia there are aboi~t 100,000 factory and plant workers and
the a;ricultural proletariat consists of some 310,000 persons. In A1 eria there
are 370,000 industrial workers, and in Mozambique, more than 100,000.~5 The
materials of the First Congress of the Yemenite Socialist Party point out that
J~ one of the principal changes that took place in the country's social structure
and in the party's social composition since the mid-1970s has been "the rapid
growth of the numbers of hired workers. Within this huge army of workers there
begins to arise a stratum of skilled workers and technicians associated with
the new system of production, who represent the hard cor.e of the Yemenite working
class."~6 The General Secretary of the Universal Confederation of Trade Union
Workers of the PDRY, Sultan ad-Dash [name transliterated] ?.nnoun~ed: "Today
three-fourths of the 100,000 trade-union members are workers."27
Consequently, the working class in the countries with socialist orientation
indisputably can and indeed does provide the principal social basis for the for-
mation of vanguard parties. Their program documents and charters contain provi-
sions that exclude from membership any reactionary and non-working elements and
stipulate the primary role of representatives of the wor.king class and working
people in the party and in the socio-political life of the countries with socia-
list orientation. For example, the charter of the YSR states that "admi~sion to
membership in the party granted through an individualized procedure to candidates
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who complete the stage of candidateship. Membership in the party is granted to
the most conscious and active representatives of workers, peasants, soldiers,
and other strata of working people and revolutionary intelligentsia. For
workers, members of peasant and fishery cooperatives and soldiers (of worker
- and peasant origin) the stage of candidateship lasts one year and for all othere~
two years . "28
The purposeful drive of the vanguard parties to recruit to their ranks the b est
representatives of the working class is producing fruit. For example, the pro-
portion of workers in the CLP climbed to 31.5 percent of its total membership of
some 7,000.29 In the PDRY during the three years of preparations to establish
the YSP [Yemenite Social.ist Party] (from 1975 until 1978) the proportion of
workers in the vanguard political organizati~n c.limbed to 55.7 percent. At present
the YSP has a membership of 26,000 of whom 13.2 percent are workers and 12.8 percent
peasants.30 The MPLA-Lab~r Party is actively working to recruit workers for its
membership. Thus, in recent years its membership in the Northe~r_ Luanda mining
region increased froL^ 274 to 1,137, and the number of party ce1:1s rose to 112. �
Workers account for 51 percent of the party's total membership. Of the 31,000
mebers and candidate members of the MPLA-Labor Party, industrial workers account
for 25.9 percent; agricultural workers, more than 23 percent; peasa^~~, 1.9 percent;
the intelligentsia and technician nPrsonnel, 6 percent; and white-collar workers
� and managerG,more than 39 percent.31
Vanguard parties in the countries with socialist orientation organize cells at
' larger enterprises. For example, four party ce~.ls consisting of 80 members and
candidate members of the YSP operate among the 1,350 blue- and white-collar workers
of the Port of Aden.32 Luanda's largest industrial enterprise, the Textang
Textile Factory, is the site of MPLA-Labor Party cells numbering 60 members, esta-
blished in 1978.33 A chapter of FRELIMO has been organized at the Mabor plant,
a large industrial enterprise in Maputu, the nation's capita1.34 As pointed out
at the Fif th Plenum of the PDPA Central Committee (1981), 25 percent of the
new members and candidate members of the party are cadre workers and working
peasants.~5
~ In Mozamb ique, in accordance with the decisions of the Third Plenum of the
FRELIMO Central Committee, the year 1978 was declared to be "the year of party
construction." The plenum put forward the slogan, "We shall build the party in
. order to better organize our life." Under this program, a national seminar on
party construction was held on 17 February 1978 with participation by the leader-
ship of FRELIMO. In May 1978 a seminar of party organization secretaries on
organizational work was held in Maputu. These seminars activated the drive for
party construction. Thousands of Mozambican working people applied for admission
to the party. They mostly consisted of workers, peasants, and members of the
armed forces and security troops. The main aspect of that drive was that, "paral-
lel to the growth in the number of candidates augmenting the party's ranks,"
as pointed out in the Mogam36que press, "the class awareness of the working
people is also increasin The measures taken caused the m~mbership of
FRELIMO to increase to 35,000 persons associated in more than 1,Q00 party
organizations.37
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The vigorous work to create and strengthen party cells resulted in an increase
- in the number of primary organizations in all vanguard parties. In the PDRY
the number of primary organizations of the Yemenite Socialist Party has increased
by 10 percent between 1975 and 1978 and amounts to some 1,500. In Angola about
3,000 primary party organizaicions are active.38~T~ primary organizations of the van-
guard parties are created chiefly according to the territorial-production prin-
ciple. In some cases there arises a number of difficulties associa~::d with the
formation of party cells in enterprises and establishments where class conscious-
ness is insufficiently developed among workers, especially wh~re the number of
illiterates is large. In view of this, the vanguar3 parties devote more attention
to ideological-political and educational work w:;th broad masses of working people.
An organic part of the process of increase in the share of t1~e working class in
the membership of the vanguard parties is the elimination o~` Uo+irgeois elements
- from these parties. Parties of the vanguard type differ from revolutionary-
democratic organ~zations chiefly in their more explicit class composition and
more resolute ideologi~al-political platform. The rightist groups and elements in
= the ruling circles and the machinery of state of the countries with so::ialist
orientation, which realize that the formation of the vanguard parties objectively
presupposes their elimination from membership and the strengthening of the course
toward socialism, resist thisproc~ss and attempt to impede the creation of van-
guard organizations and, in the f inal analysis, turn the young countries away from
the progressive parth of development. Thus, in the PDRY the opportunist grouping
headed by S. Ali acted to oppose the decision to organize tl:e vanguard party of
working people. The group made demagogic declarations stating that a vanguard
party had supposedly been formed long ago in the PDRY, and it agitated for reduc-
ing relations with the socialist countries and developing contacts with reactionary
Arab regime,. When, however, the grouping realized that the process of the forma-
tion of a vanguard party of working people in the PDRY cannot be halted, it at-
tempted on 26 June 1978 a coup d'etat which was foiled by revolutionary forces.
The heads of the YSP pointed out that the clique of "opportunists opposed the crea-
tion of the YSP, claiming that the Yemenite working class is still small in numbers
and has a low level of awareness. But we believe that, despite the small size of
the working class in Yemen (in our country there are about 80,000 blue- and whire-
collar workers out of a total population of 1.75 million), the leading role can be
assured by a revolutionary vanguard with a clear-cut ideological platform."39
The optimal approach to the iormation and strengthening af vanguard parties of work-
ing people is one when the process of the consolidation of positions of the left
wing of the ruling revolutionary democracy and its transition to the positions of
scientific socialism occurs in an inseparable connection with the process of enhan-
cement of the role of the working class and working people in the party, state, and
public life of the countries with socialist orientation. These processes objecti-
vely occur as interwoven tendencies. Consistent proponents of the course toward
socialism among the ruling revolutionary democracy are objectively interested in
support by the laboring masses while the working class and other laboring strata
of the population, in measure with the growth of their awareness, provide increas-
ing support to the progressive policy of the revolutionary-democratic forces.
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The share of workers belonging to the vanguard parties of working people in the
- deliberations of party.congresses is increasing. This contributes to the adoption
- of decisions promoting the interests of broad masses of working people, and to
the activization of the party`s work to implement these decisions. Of the 459
delegates taking part in the deliberations cF the First Extraordinary Congre5g o~
the Yemenite Socialist Party on 12-14 Octo'oer 1980, workers accounted for 21.9
percent; peasants, 6 percent; the intelligentsia, 40 percent; administ~ative em-
ployees, 19.5 percent; and soldiers, 10.6 percent.40 The congress approved the
basic directions and indicators of the second Five Year Plan for the Development
of the PDRY for 1981-198_`. Major attention at the congress was devuted to aspects
of improving organizational-party work and the social-class structure of the party,
- as well as the qualtiative composition of the party~s leadership, and increasing
its share of workers and other working people. Recently the YSE replaced party
cards, which was of major organizational and political-educational importance.41
In January 1982 an important political measure commenced in Afghanistan--the
issuance of party d~~cuments to members and candidate members of the PDPA. In
- the last one and one-half years its membership has doubled. The party`s ranks
are being augmented with pace-setting workers, peasants, soldiers, and the intel-
- ligentsia. The striving of working people to link their fate to the party is an
- eloquent proof of its growing authority and the trust placed in it by the popular
masses. The PDPA has 62,000 members and candidate members associated in 1,656
party cells. Of the 18,000 members and candidate members joining the PDPA in 1982
~ 40 percent were workers and peasants.4~
= A major place in the activities of the vanguard parties is occupied by problems of
the management. of mass organizations of working people, of restructuring them on
a revolutionary basis, enhancing their role in the country socio-economic life,
increasing their membership, and refining their structure. Special attention is
being devoted by the vanguard parties of working people to improving the activities
of the trade unions, which even now represent a real. political force in the coun-
- tries with socialist orientation. In Ethiopia, for example, during the years of the
revolution, the membership of the All-Ethiopian Trade Union increasd from 100,000
to 350,000.43 The membership of the Congolese Trade Unions Federation has more than
doubled during the years of the revolution and now amounts to 85,000.44 'I'he Univer-
- sal Confederation of Trade Union Workers of the PDRY has doubled in membership
within 4 years and now has 100,000 members.45 Trade unions in the countries with
socialist orientation Were granted the right of supervising working conditions at
enterprises and participating in the preparation of plans for the country's politi-
cal, economic, and social development.
An important school of class awareness for the working class of the countries.with
socialist orientation is the participation of that class in elections to the
organs of people's authorities and its subsequent participation in these authori-
ties. The vanguard parties, as a rule, promote this process. In Angola, for ex-
ample, the "Law of Elections" (1980) granted to the population of that country
broad elector.al powers. At the same time, this law provides for certain restric-
tions on persons who had collaborated with the colonial regime or take part in
actions against state security, in acts of sabogate, or who are involved in corrup-
= tion, smuggling, speculation, etc. Candidates for pxovi.nce deputies were nomina-
ted from among activists of the MPLI~-Labor Party, trade unions, youth organiza-
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~ tions, and women's or;anizations. This accounted for.the.high proportion of.the
- o~orking class and oth~ar working people elected to the provincial people's assemb- .
~ lies, whose deputies.consi~t !+0 percent of workers, 30 ~~ercent of peasants, 10 per-
~ cent of representatives of the intelligentsia, 10 per ent of employees of the
~ state administration, and 10 percent of the military.~6 The elected deputies of
- the people`s assemblies--the central ruling bodies in Angola and A'Iozambique--
consist correspondingly ~f 28.5 and 31.4 percent of workers, respectively, and 22.6
and 28.7 percent of peasants, respectively.4~ Of the 111 deputies to the Supreme
- People's Council of the People`s Democratic RP~public ~f Yemen, about 50 percent
are workers and peasants (1978 elections).48
A primary role in the strengthening of the vanguard par~ies is played by elevation
of the level of ideological and poliCical-educational work both among party mem-
bers and among the broad masses of working people. The vanguard parties consider
it an important task for their members to master the basic tenets of Marxism-
Leninism. At the same time, they promote the propaganda of the i~eas of scientific
socialism among the popular masses. The documents of the Third Congress of
FRELIMO state: "Marxism-Leninism is the ideological and theoretical basis of our
~arty. So that it may become a genuine vanguard of the laboring classes, the
party should be armed with a revolutionary theory which woulci enable party members
- to correctly understand the laws of social development and revolution. Without
such an ideological and theoretical basis the party cannot lead the struggle of
r.he working masses and have them follow it. T'nis basis is Marxism-Leninism. The
party will always guide itself by the universal principles of Marxism-Leninism
on allowing for the specific conditions of development of the class struggle in
our country."49
To train qualified party and administrative cadres, workers of public organizations
of working people, and propagandists and agitators, special party and state educa-
tional institutions have been established in the countries with socialist orienta-
tion. They are: the Higher School of Scientific Socialism in Aden (1971), the
Central Party School in Mozambique (1975), the Political School named after
the February Revolution in Addis-Abeba (1976), the Party school in Brazzaville
(1973), the Party school in Guinea-Bisau (1978). Scientific socialism is being
studied at the Aden, Addis-Abeba, and other universities of the countries with
socialist orientation. In the PDRY, for example, some 10 000 persons have been
- graduated from the Higher Schaol of Scientific Socialism.~~ The number of acti-
vists who completed the Political School in Ethiopia exceeds 8,000, and the gra-
duates of Afghanistan's Institute of Social Sciences under the PDPA Central
Committee number 1,600.51 During 1977-1979 the party schools in Angola trained
more than 2,200 persons of whom 40 percent were representatives of the countiy's
working class. The country's first "rabfak" [workers' faculty] has been estab-
lished at Kabul University in 1981 (with an enrollment of about 500).52
Recently a number of new party or political journals dealing with actual problems of
Marxist-Leninist theory has been founded in the countries with socialist orientation.
These journals also concern themselves with party construction and problems of
Marxist-Leninist education. In the PDRY, for example, the first issue of the monthly
KADAYA AL-ASR [Problems of the Present Day) has been published. In Ethiopia, the
quarterly "Marxist-Leninist ideological journal" MESKEREM [September], has been
published since January 1980.53 ~
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The ideological activities of the vanguard parties serve.the cause of imbuing
the working class and all working people in the countries with s~cialist orienta-
- tion, with a sense of responsibility for the fate of the revolution, awakening
and developing their class consciousness, and familiarizing them with the prin-
ciples of the s~ientific world outlook. The further strengthening of the van-
guard parties on principles of Marxism-Leninism and enhancement o~ the role of the
working class in all domains of public life in the countries with socialist orien-
- tation are prerequisites for their transition to socialism. Thus, in his speech
at the 26th CPSU Congress, the Chairman of the MPLA-Labor Party Jose Eduardo dos
Santos declared that "under the specific conditions of Angola our party gradually
affirms its Marxist-Leninist nature."54
Of invaluable importance to the strengthening of the vanguard parties is the deve-
lopment of their relations with the communist parties. During the 1970s there took
place a number of joint international conferences and symposiums dealing with
- questions of theory, at which the communist and the revolutionary-democratic par-
ties exchanged experience and opinions. A tendency toward the strengthening of �
- ties between the CPSU and the vanguard parties of the liberated countries is ob-
served. Rcentl,y, the USSR has bee.n visited by party delegations from the YSP,
MPLA-Labor Party, FRELIMO, PDPA, CLP, SFNL, and COWPE. In its turn, upon invita-
tion by the vanguard parties, the CC CPSU has dispatched party delegations to the
concerned countries. In the course of these visits, plans for cooperation between
the CPSU and a majority of the vanguard parties, exch~~nge of parliamnetary delega-
tions, and interaction in economics-; science, and culture, were formalized.
The leaders of the vanguard parties prize highly the ties between the CPSU and the
revolutionary-democratic forces of the liberated countries. The member of the
CC CLP P. Nze commented in that context that "between the Congolese Labor Party and
tY~e CPSU excellent relations of friendship and cooperation have been established.
The views of our parties on the basic international problems and questions of
building socialism coincide. We are convinced that the succcessful implementation of
- the decisions of the 26th CPSU Congress will contribute to further strengthening
the militant solidarity of our nations and parties."55 The General Secretary of
the YSP A. N. Muhammad streses that the relations between the YSP and the CPSU
"are of a militant, strategic nature. Our alliance with the CPSU has always been
the solid basis for the development of Yemen's revolution. It contributes to
defending national sovereignty and solving the socia~. problems of Democratic Yemen.
Our revolution has directly witnessed the unshakable adherence of the CPSU to the
cause of internationalism."56
As stressed at the 26th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, "The
CPSU shall consistently adhere to the course of developing cooperation between the
USSR and the liberated countries, strengthening the alliance of world socialism
i and national-liberation movement."57 Support by the countries of the socialist com-
munity provides favorable external conditions for the formation and strengthening of
the positions of the vanguard parties. The strengthening of the existing vanguard
parties and provision of the necessary premises for their formation in a number of
other countries objectively exist as a most important task for the revolutionary-
democratic forces.
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FOOTNOTES
- 1. An. A. Gromyko, "Afrika: progress, trudnosti, perspektivy" [Africa: Progress,
` ~ Difficulties, Perspectives], Moscow, 1981, p 72.
~
2. B. N. Ponomarev, "On the International Significance of the 26th CPSU Congress,"
KOMMUNIST, No 5, 1981, p 16.
3. V. I. Lenin, "1'olnoye sobraniye sochineniy" [Complete Works], Vol 41, p 167.
4. Ibid., Vol 44, p 233.
5. See Yu. Tsedenbal, "Izbrannyye stat`i i rechi" [Selected Articles and Speechesj,
Vol l, Moscow, 1962, p 280; L. M. Gataullina, "Problemy nekapitalistischego
razvitiya. Mongol'skaya Narodnaya Respublika" [Problems of Non-Capitalist
- Development. The Mongolian People's Republic], Moscow, 1978, pp 65-157.
- 6. "Razvivayushchiyesya strany: zakonomernos~ti, tendentsii, perspektivy" [The
Developing Countries: Patterns9 Trends, Perspectives], Moscow, 1974; Zarubezhnyy
Vostok i sovremennost' [Non-USSR Orient TodayJ, Vols 1-3, Moscow, 1981;
K. N. Brutents, "Sovremennyye natsional'no-osvoboditel'nyye revolyutsii"
[Present-Day National-Liberation Revolutions], Moscow, 1974; by the same author,
- "Osvobodivshiyesya strany v 70-e gody" [The Liberated Countries in the 1970s],
_ Moscow, 1979; An. A. Gromyko, op. cit.; R.A. U1'yanovskiy, "Sovremennyye problemy
Azii i Afriki" [Present-Aay Problems of Asia and Africa], Moscow, 1978; A. V.
- Kiva, "Strany sotsialisticiieskoy orientatsii" [Countries With a Socialist
Orientation], Moscow, 1978; P.I. Manchkha, "Aktual'nyye problemy sovremennoy
Afriki" [Current Problems of Modern Africa], Moscow, 1979; N. D. Kosukhin,
_ "Formirovaniye ideyno-politicheskoy strategii v afrikanskikh stranakh sotsiali-
sticheskoy orientatsii" [Formation of Ideological-Political Strategy in the
- African Countries With Socialist OrientationJ, Moscow, 1980.
7. See V. Ya. Stekol'shchikov, "Narodnaya Respublika Kongo v bor'be za sotsialisti-
cheskuyu orientatsiyu, Moscow, 1976; A. S. Gus'kov, "Natsional'nyy Front Demo-
kratischego Yemena[ [The National Front of Democratic Yemen], Moscow, 1979;
0. V. Martyshin, "Afrikanskaya revolyutsionnaya demokratiya. Ideyno-politicheskaya
platforma MPLA-PT, FRELIMO, and PAIGK" [The African Revolutionary Democracy.
Ideological-Political Platform of the MPLA-Labor Party, FRELIMO, and PAIGK
Moscow, 1981.
8. For more detail see V. Ye. Chirkin, [Burzhuaznaya politologiya i deystvennost'
razvivayushchikhsya stran" [Bourgeois Political Science and the Reality of the
Developing Countries], Mosco~r, 1980.
~ 9. See "Africa and International Communism," London, 1980; J. Sartori, "Parties and
Party System," Vol 1, Cambridge, 1976; S. Huntington, I. Nelson, "No Easy
Political Choice: Political Participation in the Development Societies," N. Y.,
1976.
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10. See "Programmnyye dokumenty Beninskoy revolyutsii. Rabochiy lc.lass i sovre-
mennyy mir" [Program Documents of the Benin Revolution. The Wo'rking.Class and
the Present-Day WorldJ, No 6, 1977; "I s"yezd Narodnogo dvizhe~iya za osvobo-
zhdeniye Angoli (MPLA)" [First Congress ~f the National Movement for the Libera-
tion of Angola (MPLA)], Moscow, 1978; "Materialy I s"yezda Yemenskoy sotsidli-
sticheskoy partii" [Materials of the First Congress of the Yemenite Socialist
Party], Moscow, 1979; "Dokumenty partii FRELIMO Narodnoy Respubliki Mozambik"
~[Documents of the FRELIMO Party of the People's Republi.r. of Mozambique], Moscow,
- 1980; "Extraordinary Congress of the Yemenite Socialist Party, Aden, October
i980, Beirut, 1980 (in Arabic); "Vizit Babraka Karmalya v Sovetskiy Soyuz.
Dokumenty i materialy" [The Visit of Babrak Karmal to the Soviet Union. Docu-
_ ments and Materials], Moscow, 1980; "Vizit Ali Nasera Mukhammeda v Sovetskiy
Soyuz. Dokument,~ i materialy" [The Visit of Ali Nasser Muhammad to the Soviet
Union. Documents and Materials], Moscow, 1980; "Vizit Samory Moyzesa Mashela
v Sovetskiy Soyuz" [The Visit of Samora Moises Machel to the Soviet Union],
Moscow, 1980; "Basic Principles of the Democratic Republic o~ Afghanistan," in
the book "Demokraticheskaya Respublika Afganistan" jThe Democratic Republic of '
Afghanistan], Moscow, 1981; "Vizit Deni Sassu-Ngesso v Sovetskiy Soyuz" [The
Visit of Denis Sassou-Nguesso to the Soviet Union], Moscow, 1981; "Programme
- du Parti Congolais du Travail, Brazzaville, 1972; "Basic Documents of the
Ethiopian Revolution," Addis Ababa, 1977; "Relatorio de Comite Central ao I
Congresso Extraordinario do MPLA--Partido trabalho," Luanda, 1980, et al.
11. P. I. Manchkha, "Aktual'nyye problemy sovremennoy Afriki" [Current Problems of
Africa], Moscow, 1979, p 130; An. A. Gromyko, o~. cit., p 75; "Dokumenty~
partii FRELIMO Narodnoy Respubliki Mozambik," op. cit. 206; Ye. M. Primakov,
"Countries With Socialist Orientation: The Difficult but Real Transition to
Socialism," MIROVAYA EKONOMIKA I MEZHDUNARODNYYE OTTTOSHEIvIYA, No~~ 1981, p 81;
- G. F. K~m, "The Insurmountable Process," PRAVDA, 20 June 1981.
12. "Materialy XXVI s"yezda KPSS" [Materials of the 26th CPSU Congress], Moscow,
- 1981, p 12. .
13. B. Karmal, "The Forum of Soviet Communists and Our Primary Tasks," KOMMUNIST,
No 6,1981, p 81.
14. The "revolutionary democracy" in the liberated countries is construed, in the
social meaning of the term, as politically active strata of pett~~ urban
bourgeoisie, peasantry, and radical intelligentsia which take the positions of
an anti-imperialist, anti-feudal, and, to some extent,anti-capitalist struggle;
in the political sense crf the term, it is construed as the parties, organiza-
tions, and groups expressing the interests of these strata (see "Nauchnyy
kommunizm. Slovar [A Dictionary of Scientific Communism], Moscow, 1981, p 227).
The "left revolutionary-democratic wing" is construed to mean those revolutio-
nary-democratic or national-democratic circles which change over to the posi-
tions of scientific socialism (see U1'yanovskiy, op. cit., pp 58, 59).
~ 15. "For the Freedom, IndepPndence, National Rebirth, and Social Progress of the
' Nations of Tropical and Southern Africa," RABOCHIY KLASS I SOVREMENNYY MIR,
No 4, 1979, p 140.
16. Ibid.
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i
~
~
~
~ 17. D. Sassou-Nguesso, "Ten Years of.the.Congolese Labor.Party~" KOMMUNIST, No 3,
4 1980, p 88.
I 18. B. N. Ponomarev, "Zhivoye i deystvennoye ucheniye marksizma-leninizma" [The
j Living and Effective Teaching of Marxism-Leninism], Moscow, 1981, p 99.
19. Lenin, op. cit., Vol 34, p 190.
j
' 20. See "Politicheskiye partii. Spravochnik" [A Guide to Political Parties],
Moscow, 1981, pp 118, 206, 2.36, 305.
_ 21. R. A. U1'yanovskiy, "On the Countries With Socialist Orientation," KOMMUNIST,
No 11, 1979, p 120.
22. F. Lloyd, "Classes, Crises, and Coups," London, 1977, p 128.
~ 23. An. A. Gromyko, "Development Tendeacies of the Working Class in the C~untries
of Africa," ItABOCHIY KLASS I SOVREMENNYY MIR, No 5, 1978, p 11; "Rabochiy klass
i rabocheye dvizheniye v Afrike" [The Working Class and Worker Movement in
Africa], Moscow, 1979, p 13.
24. Gromyko, "Rabochiy klass i rabocheye dvizheniye v Afrike,"op. cit., pp 197-198.
' 25. "Mezhdunarodnoye rabocheye dvizheniye. Spravochnik" [A Guide to the Internatio-
nal Worker Movement], Moscow, 1980, p 356.
26. "Materialy I s"yezda Yemenskoy sotsialisticheskoy partii," op. cit., p 67.
' 27. PRAVDA, 2o May 19so.
28. "Materialy I s"yezda Yemenskoy sotsialisticheskoy partii," op. cit., pp 239-240.
29. Sassou-Nguesso, op. cit., p 94.
= 30. "Materialy I s"pezda Yemenskoy sotsialisticheskoy partii," op. cit., p 127.
31. "Relatorio do Comite Central ao ICongresso Esxtraordinario do MPLA-Partido
trabalho," p 16.
32. PRAVDA, 20 May 1978.
~ 33. V. Volkov, "Angola: The Third Spring of Liberation," ZA RUBEZHOM, No 46, 1978,
p 12.
~ 34. PRAVDA, 21 September 1981.
I 35. KABUL NEW TIMES, Kabul, 29 March 1981.
36. See A. M. Khazanov, "Mozambik: vremya peremen" [Mozambique: A Time of Change],
~ Moscow, 1979, p 44.
~
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- 37. PRAVDA, 4 Februa,ry 1979.
38. "Materialy I~"yezda yemenskoy sotsialisti,cheskoy partii," op. cit., p 127;
- "Relatorio," o~. cit., p 18.
39. A. F. Ismail, "The Birth of a New Type of Vanguard Party," PROBLEMY MIRA I
SOTSIALIZMA, No 1, 1979, p 1:1.
40. "Extraordinary Congress of the Yemenite Socialist Party" [in Arabic],
op. cit., pp 434-435.
41. A. N. Muhammed, "Devotion to the Revolution," PROBLEMY MIRA I SOTSIALIZMA,
No 3, 1981, pp 29-30.
42. PRAVDA, 6 January and 15 March 1982.
43. A. Keshokov, "The Country of the Young Revolut3on," KOMMUNIST, No 6, 1978,
~ p 109.
44. "Rabochiy klass i rabocheye dvizheniye v Afrike," op. cit., p 208.
45. PRAVDA, 20 May 1980.
46. "Relatorio," p 42.
47. V. S. Yakovlev, "Mozambik" [Mozambique], Moscow, 198C, p 29; ZA RUBEZHOM,
- No 50, 1980, p 9.
48. "Strany mira. Spravochnik" [The World's Countries. A GuideJ, Moscow, 1981,
p 206.
- 49."Documents of the Party FRELIMO of the People's Republic of Mozambique," op.
cit., p 71.
50. "Materialy I s"yezda Yemenskoy sotsialisticheskoy partii," op. cit., p 107. _
51. PROBLEMY MIRA T SOTSIALIZMA, No 11, 1981, p 6S.
52. PRAVDA, 16 June 1979; 15 March 1981.
53. Yu. V. Irkhin, "A New Marxist Journal in Ethiopia," AZIYA I AFRIKA SEGODNYA,
No 2, 1982, p 55.
54. "Privetstviya XXVI s"yezdu KPSS ot kommunisticheskikh, rabochikh, natsional'no-
demokraticheskikh i sotsialisticheskikh partii" [Greetings to the 26th CPSU
Congress From Communist, Workers, National-Democratic, and Socialist Parties],
. Moscow, 1981, p 301.
55. Ibid., p 356.
56. Ibid., p 345.
57. "Materials of the 26th CPSU Congress," op. cit., p 15.
COPYRIGHT: Izdatel'stvo "Pravda", "Voprosy istorii", 19$2
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- I1~iTERNATIONAL
ISSUES IN SOVIET INTERI~TIONAL LAW
Moscow SOVETSKIY YE2HEGODNIK MEZFIDUNARODNOGO PRAVA 1979 in English and Russian
1980 pp 7-8, 96-97, 105-107, 120-12I, 131-I32, 145-146, 160-1.61, 170, 199,
211-212, 232-233, 249-250
(Table of contents and selected articles from SOVIET YEARBOOK OF INTERI~TIONAL
LAW 1979 published by Soviet Association of International Law]
[ Text ]
. CO NTENTS
E. T. flsenko. CMEA as Subject of Internatlonal Law i
S. V. ~l~ernichenko. International Law Rules, Their Formation and Specifics of ~
TheIr Structure � � ~ � � � gq
S. N. Le6edev. On the I~Jature ot Private International Law . ~
V. F. Gubtn. The New USSR Constitution and Aliens in the USSR
G. Tunkla. Nuremherg Principles and Modern International Law � � � ' i07
G, M. Melkoo. Leqai Content of the ~Zone of Peaces Notton . � � !2f
0. V. Bogdanov. On the Right oE Disarmament Formation . � � � i32
S. A. Tarasenko. On Banning Chemical Weapons
l. P. Blishchenko, N. V. Zhdanov. Mercenarism: an tnternational Crime . . ~ i48
V, 1, Eointoo. Peculiarities ot Drawing up Texts o( Contemporary International 16!
Treaties tn Different Languages
- b(. L. EatiR. Conception oF inter-state Dispute in lnternational Court Practice and i7!
in the 8ourgeois Doctrine of international Law
' G. A. Sirtirnou. Historical and Lcqal Analy4is of Disarm~mcnt Problrm (1J4fi-
I!?.5.5) . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
D. I. Feldman, S. N.~Chebyshev. Nihilism in ~ International Law (Its Genesis and ~
Contemporaneity) � � � � � � � � ~ � � �
IL. A. Lunts . On ~Qualification~ in Private International Law . . . . . 2i2
' A. L. ~ylakocsky. Unification of 1~taritime Law and the Notion oF Private Interna- ~O
- tional Maritime Law �
G. G. lvanov. United Nations Convention on the Carriage of Gaods by Sea, 1978 2~
Surveys and Reports
,tit. A. Sarsernbayev. Constitutional Fundamentals of International Personality of
Soviet Union Republics 25!
~ L. A. TrakhtenAerts. Legal Regulation of Temporary InternaGonal Research Enti- ~5
ties
b'. .V. Dezhkin. From the History of Russia's Science of International Law (the
First Russia's Journal Devoted to [ntcrnational Law Questions) . . . . 2g1
L. V. Korbut, t'u. Ya. Baskin. International Rivers: History and the Present Zgg
. In the Association
The 21st Annual ,~teeting of the Soviet International Law Association . . . 2i4
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Chronicle
Treaties and Agreements oi the Soviet Unian with Foreign States in 1978 . . 275
- Legislative Acts Pertaining to Foreign Relations oi the USSR, Adopted in 1978 . 279
,Najor Normative Acts of Socialist Countries Pertaining to Foreign Relations, ~
Published in 1978
,vlajor Normative Acts of Capitalist Countries Pertaining to Foreign~ Relations, ~7
- Published in 19i8 �
'The First Seminar af Jurists ot Socialist Countries on the Questions of Cosmic
l.aw Related to the [nterkosmos Proqramme Implementation ~
Consideration of Cestain International Law Questions in the Sixth Committee of ~
the 33rd Session of the U[V Cseneral Assembly . . . . . , 291
Ttie 34th Session of the UN Commission on Human Rights . . . . . . ~4
� Reviews
U. I. Felclniun et al. Iniernational Law . � � 298
L. N. Shestakov, G. 1. T u n k i n. International Law in the [nternational ~System 304
G. A. Smirnov. D. I. B a r a t a s h v i I i. The Principfe of Sovereign Equality of
States in International Law ~T
.~N. V. Yanovsky. D. B. e v i n. The Principle of PeaceFul Settlement of lnterna-
tionai Disputes 310
~1. L. Xolodkin. Modern International Maritime Law: Research. Marine Cnviron-
_ ment Protection. Merchant and Military Navigation . 312
L. A. lvanashchenko. G. G. S h i n k a r e t s k a y a. Archipelago States: (nterna-
- tiona! Law Trcatmant 314
G. M. Meikov. T. I. S p i v a k o v a. 1'he Law and Natural Resources of Coastal
Zones 316
L. A. /vanashchenko. V. G. S i d o r c h e n k o. Leqal Stalus of Ship and Cargo Sal-
vors 317
R. ,N. Valeyev. L. N. G a 1 e n s k a y a. Lcgal Problems oE Cooperation of States in
Combatting Crime 3~
D. Feldman. Encyclopaedia of Internationai Law and Internationai Relations . 321
L. N. Shestakov. The UK Yearbook oi Intcrnational Law, 1974-75 . . . . 3~3
" R. .4. ,t1ullerson. The French Yearbook of [ntcrnational Law 19i8 . . . . . 326
' . Personalia
V. ~~I. Korctsky (On the Occasion of lhe Nineticth Birthday) . . . . 329
= Bibliography
Soviet Works on [ntcrnational Law (1978) . � . � � � � � ~
- Iutcrnational Law Literature of Socialist Countries (1978) . ~3
Documents . . . . . . . . ~;7~
THE NEW USSR CONSTITUTION AND ALIENS 1N THE USSR
V..F. Gubin, Candidate of Law
Summary
As defined by Leonid I. Brezhnev the Tfiis article does not deal with tiie status
new Soviet Constitution. adopted at the Se- of aliens enjoying any immunitics. It deals
venth (Special) Session of the Supreme So- with aliens as persons presei~t in tl~s ter-
viet oE the USSR, the Ninth Convacation, ritory of the Soviet Union wl~o are not
succinctly summarized sixty years of the its citizens proper and wlio are fully
Soviet State development and became the subjected to its ~urisdicti~n (political emi-
- fundamental law of life for the developcd ~ gres. foreign correspondenls, tourists, atu-
and mature socialist society in our country. dents, representatives oi foreiqn xience,
. Its adoption heralds a further development culture, sociat organizations, and business
of the Soviet sacialist democracy and an communities, crew members of foreign
unprecedented in history broadening and means of transportation, relatives and
- depening of rights of Soviet citizens, and quests of Soviet citizens from abroad, etc.).
it decisively influences the position of ali- Tlie status of citizens oi ~ilur countries
- ens in the USSR. , in t~~c USSR is charxlcriud by lhoir dual
We treat aliens as persons present in subjection both to tlie law order of the
the cerritory oi a given st~le. wl~o are not country of residence and to li~at oF the ,
its citizens and sub~ected to its jurisdiction. , state of their nationaliiy. Their :ights and
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j duties in the territory of lhe Soviet Union ties of resident and temporarily present ali-
~ are defined by Soviet legislation as well ens in a country is different.
~ ~ as (by transformacion) b~- tlie provisions The USSR Constitution reflects a gene-
j of international agreements to which the rally acknowledged provision that the ea~er-
USSR is a party. !n accordance with these cise by citizens of their rights and freedoms
; legal acts aliens iii the U~SR are, in is inseparable from the fulfilment of their
i Principle, accorded national treatment, obligations. This elementary rule also ap-
~ i. e., on the whole they are equated as plies to aliens present in the US~R. Just
I to their rights and duties to the citizens like their rights, their obligations are, on
~ proper of the Soviet~ Union. Art. 3? of the tlie whole, identical to those of Soviet citi-
_i Constitution states as follows: ~Cittzeas of zens. However, aliens are relieved from cer-
~ other countcies and statetess persons in the tain rights and duties addressed solely to
j USSR are guaranteed the rights and free- $oviet ci~tizens (participation in the mana-
doms provided by law A number of gement of stafe affairs, duties ~o defend the
special normative acts of the USSR and the USSR and to serve 9n the Armed Forces,
� Union Republics further concretiz~ this pro- taxation oF bachelors and citize;;s without
vision and provide for same exceptions cau- a child or with a small family, ~tc.).
_ sed by the fact that citizens of other coun- Aliens who have committed crimes, mis-
tries are in legal hond will~ the state of demeanours and other offences are subjec-
their nationality and by considerations of ted to criminal, administrative and other
' the siate security of the USSR and ita responsibilities under Soviet law principaUy
~ economic interests. on the same footing as Soviet citiaens.
~ The l~gal status of aliens in the USSR ` However, deportation from the Soviet Uni-
depends to a certain extent upon such cir- on as a punishment for committing a rele-
cumstances as the term. purpose. conditlons vant offence is appiied more often to them
oE their stay, etc. Dependint; on the term of than to Sov{et citizens.
thcir residencc in the i?SSR alicns are dtvi- The Soviet people and the Soviet State
, ' ded by Soviet legislation into two catego- treat citizens oF other states and stateless
ries: (a) those temporarily present in the persons present in their country with all
USSR and (b) those resident in the USSR. cordiality and hospitability. They often vest
The latter comprises aliens who reside in them with such rights and treedoms ar.d
- the Soviet tenitory for not less than extend to them such Fenefits of which no
18 months running and engage in any ac- ' traces can be found in their native countries.
' tivitp allowed by lau. The international le- ~ Therefore, the Soviet people is entitled to
i gal science also divides aliens into groups ~ eapect that to their cordial tWelcomel~ fo-
; depending on their term of presence in a ~ reign guests will reply by duly respecting
! grven country. It is considered as generally Soviet laws, customs and traditlons.
i ~ recognized that the scope. of rights and,
du :
~ - - . ~
~
~ NUREMBERG PR[NCIPLES AND MODERN INTERNATIONAL LAW
-i G. Tu~~kin, Correspondin.Q Memher o/ the USSR Academy
nf Sciences, Meriled Scientist o/ the RSFSR
Summary
The Charter of the (nternational Military ' ~ tocmalism, and they do not take int~ acco-
; Tribunal to try chief German war criminals , ~ unt the entire complexity of its rule-ma-
and the indictment of the Tribunal, embody- king process.
~ ~ ' inq the so called Nuremberg principles, were The appearance in international law of
~ an important contribution to tFee devetop- the principle oF ban on an aggressive war
, ment oi international law. . and its characterization as an ~nternativnal
. ~ crime w~s a necessary condition for the in-
_ _ _
~ Provisions of the Charter gave rise to a~ ternational criminal respoc~sibility of indivi-
~ frantic discussion which to a certain extent duals for crimes against peace. As is knoan,
�continues up to now. This discussion focu- such a principte appeared ~n the period bet-
ses on two basic questions: to what eatent i ween Wor1d War I and World War !I. The im-
the Huremberg prmciples cocresponded to petus in this direction was given by the Dec-
~nternational law at the time of their formu- ree on Peace of November 1917 - the first
letion, and what place they assume in mo- legislative act of the first socialist State in
dern international law. I the wortd. The Decree solemnly declared an
- Opponents of the Nuremberg principles ~ anneaationist and aggressive war as ~the
~ subject to especially severe cr~tis~sm the. greatest crime against humanity~?.
provisions of the International Military Tri- ~ The Paris Pact of 1923 for the Renuncia-
bunal Charter and of� the indictment of this ~ tion of War as an Instrument of National
Tribunal which relate to crimes against ~ policy, also containing obligations to settle
, peace. Arguments which have been and are intPcnat~onal disputes by peaceful mean~
brought up against the Nuremb~rg princip- I only, macked the ap~earance of the aggres-
- les are based on a static view o[ internatio- , siv~e war ban prinrapla In 1939 63 states
~ nal� law, they are permeated with eztreme ; were parties to this Pact. including Germa-
i '
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ay~ Italy, and Japan. The aggressive war of the aggressive war ban may serve as one
- ban principle soon became a generally re- of the ezamples.
cognized pr~nciple of international law. Ai:er being proclaimed in the Nuremberg
lt means that the question of internatio- ~~lilitary Tribunal Charter tiie Nuremberq
nal responsibility of state for the violation principles were recoqniaed by all states as
of the aqqressive war ban principle, or in international law rules. There is many a
other words. the question of responsibility ~ proof to such reco~nition and, althouQh.
of aggressor-state was already definitely each of them taken separately is not suffi-
resolved in international law beEore World cient, taken all toqether they constitute a
War II. All measures taken by the allied sufficient amount oF proofs ~or a general
powers aiter the war with regard to Ger- recoqnition of these principles by states.
many, Italy. Japan and their allie,s aere le- One cannot but aQree with Professor John
gally based right on the princi~~le of inter- F~ied ot New Yor~ University, a tireless ad-
national resprnnsib(lity of aggressor�state vocate for the qeneral recogn:tion of the
for an aggresstve war. Nuremberq princ~pies, who said the folio-
The second question is the question of wing in his presentation ~The Posittve Mes- .
whether there ea~isted international criminal sage oE Nuremberg for the Nuclear Ages at
- responsibitity of ;ndIviduais in international the Wortd Congress of the International
laar related to the responsibility o.f aggres- Politlcal Science Association held in Mos-
sor-state who actually committed acts in, cow in August 1979: ~It is the thesis of this
violation of the aggressive ~ar h~an prin� paper that in the v iew of the development of
ciple. war technology since Nuremberg, the Nu-
[t would be, of course, an ovaexaggaa- remberg principies are becoming ever more
tion to assert that the principle of interna- essential than they were written almost a
tional criminal responsibility of individuals generation ago~.
for aqgressive war was at the time as firmly The Nuremberg principles have not only
established in international law as the prin- become a part of tnternational law but they
ciple oF responsibility oE state for sach a have influenced and continue to inEluence
war. Itowever, the principle was already in consider~bly its fucther development.
the process ot formulation during a certain [t was under the influence oF the Nuremberg
pcriod of timc bcfore Vl~~rld War ti undcr ~ principles that the Soviet doctrinc of inter-
�.vhich ~c~~res~ive war wae a criminal act national law put forwarri and substantiate~l .
and. therefore, its launching and ava~in~ ~ I_~t~e conception under whic~~ a!I vinlations ~f
had to entail not only a heavy rezponsib~lity internaEIonal law are divided into two cate-
of aggressor-state but also the international gories: international crimes and interna-
criminal responsibility of individuals who tional delicts. The first category comprises
actually committed such acts. In other the most dangerous violations of interna�
_ words, the process of coordinating the ailis tional law by state, and the second one -
af states with regard to the recognitioa of all other international offences.
international criminal responsibility of in- Of course, the term ~crimes-is used here
dividuals for aggressive war started soon in a different sense than it is u~ed in do-
after World War I, and there is enough rea- mestIc law. It does not imply the recogni-
son to assert that this view was embodied tion of the intetnational criminal responsi-
in the Paris Pact of 1928. The Inter~national bilitr of state but it is used anly to single
Military Tribunal had enough ground to sta- ` out the most dangerous violations of inter-
te in its indictment that ~t;:e solann renun- , national law by states, which entail a heavi-
ciation of war as an instrument of national er responsibility of the violator-state as well
policy necessarily involves the prepo~ition as international criminal responsibility of
� that such a war is illegal in international relevant indivfduals.
law; and that those who plan and a~age This view was supported by the Interna-
such a aar with its inevitable aad temble tional Law Commission Spesial Rapparteur
consequences are committing a crime ia so on State Responsibility Professor R. Ago,
doing...~. _ - _ - and by the Commission itself. In 1976 the
Commission adopted Art. l9 of the draft ar-
The International Military Tribunal Char- ticles on state responsibility entitled in the
- ter completed the process of coordinating following way: ~International Crimes and
the wills of states w~th regard to the recog- International Delicts~. The Commission cha-
nitiort of the principle, of international cri- racterized international crimes as a breach
minal responsibility oF individuals for an of an international obligation by state which
aggressive war, which lasted for rather a is, so essential for the protection of funda-
long timn~ prior io the oatbreak of World i mental interests of the international com-
- War II. , muniiy that its breach is recognized as a
The Charters of the Nuremberg and Tokyo crime by this cummunity. The Commission
N(ilitary Tribunals and their indietments has given in this article a number of examp-
were not the end of the Nuremberg princip- les of international crimes: a serious breach
les. Beinq an international agreement con- of an international obliQation oE essential
cluded amonq the Soviet Union. the United importance for the maintenance of interna-
States, the United Kinqdom and France, the tional peace and security, such as that of
Nuremberg Military Tribunal Charter was prohibiting aggression; a serions breach of
binding only over these states. an international obligation of essential im-
Hoaever, rules made by tao or more sta� portance for safeguarding the right ot selE-
tes very often qradually obtain general re- determination of peoples; a serious breach
cognitiort in international law. The principle of an international obliQation of essential
20
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; importance for safeguarding ~human envi- tionat law was an' important event in the
i ronment, such as that af prohibiting mas- progressive development of international
sive pollution of the atmosphae or of the law. It signifted the appearance of a new,
' seas. institute of international l~w - internati~-
The influence oi the Nuremberg principles nal criminal responsibility of indlviduals fo:
is felt in the Convention on the Prevcntion international crimes which is of a material
and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide ! significance for increasing the role ot inter-
~ of 1948. the Convention on the Suppression ; national law in securing peace.
and Prinishment of the Crime of Apariheid The Nuremberg pciar~ples aae a monu-
~ of 19T3, and in many athu international do- I ment to the great struggle of peoples
cuments. against the Nazi barbarity. a monument to
While talking about 4he significance of all those who gave up their lIves in this sac-
' the Nuremberg principles one cannot fail to red struggle, and who fell victim to the
mention that the UN General Assembly at Nazi obscurantism. The Nuremberg princip-
his 32nd Sasion resumed the discussion ot les are a constant reminder of the necessity '
~ a draft Code oF Offences against the Peace to be vigilant and not to give up for a mo-
and Security of Mankind after it was adjo- : ment the struggle for peace against the for-
urned in 1954. ' ces risking a new world war ahich would
- The consolidation of the Nuranberg prin- ~ be thousand times more terrible than the
_ ciples. as the ~rinci~les of common intana-_ ~ previous one. J____
~ LEGAL CONTENT OF THE ~ZONE OF PEACE~ NOTiON
~ G. M. Melkov, Candidate of Lam
Summarv
- In connection with the preparation of a 2. A zone oE peace in a geographical sen-
conference on the Indian Ocean to declare se consists of t~�o mutually inseparable~
it a zone o[ peace the following questions component parts: land and water territories
are dealt with in the article: What is a pos- of coastal and mainland states and air spa-
sible legal rnntent of the ~zone of peacer ce over them; and the water space beyond ~
notion? Is there any relation oi this notion to the limits of territorial waters of coastal
the political and military detente and to the states and the air space over i~ ~
legal content of cdemilitarizations, ~neulra- 3. As to its content the ~zone of peace~�
lizat[on~ and ~nuclear-free zones notions a~- notion is a unity of m~asures of regional'
:eady known to internalional law? [s the political and military detente. as well as it
- establishment of- a-zone oE-peace in any re- is an impoctant step in the direction of li-
gion relevant to the solution of the problem mitinq the arms race and of disarmament.
of qeneral and complete disarmament? 4. The