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Secret
DIRECTORATE OF
INTELLIGENCE
Intelligence Memorandum
Cambodia's Boundary Problems
State Department review completed
Secret
CIA/BGI GM 68-2
27 February 1968
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WARNING
This document contains information affecting the national
defense of the United States, within the meaning of Title
18, sections 793 and 794, of the US Code, as amended.
Its transmission or revelation of its contents to or re-
ceipt by an unauthorized person is prohibited by law.
GROUP I
Excluded horn automatic
downgrading and
declassification
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CENTRAL? INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
Directorate of Intelligence
27 February 1968
INTELLIGENCE MEMORANDUM
Cambodia's Boundary Problems
Summary
The areas in dispute between Cambodia and its neighbors
are small, sparsely populated, and -- with the possible ex-
ception of certain islands in the Gulf of Siam -- of little
intrinsic value. Sihanouk's preoccupation with boundary
problems, including his current drive to gain recognition
of Cambodia's frontiers by the major powers, reflects his
broader interest in safeguarding the existence of the Cam-,
bodian nation against what he sees as the continuing threat
of Thai and Vietnamese expansionism, Settlement of Cam-
bodia's border claims would probably be relatively uncom-
plicated from a legal and cartographic standpoint, but the
deep-seated animosities among the nations involved will
continue to make such a settlement difficult to achieve.
Note: This memorandum was produced by CIA. It was prepared
by the Office of Basic and Geographic Intelligence and co-
ordinated with the Office of Current Intelligence and the
Office of National Estimates.
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Sihanouk and the Boundary Issue
1. To Prince Sihanouk and other Cambodians, the salient
feature of the modern history of, the Indochina area has been
the unrelenting pressure exerted on Cambodia's territory by
the more aggressive Thai and Vietnamese. In the Cambodian
view, the French protectorate established in 1864 averted the
threatened extinction of the Khmer (Cambodian) nation by these
neighbors, and the departure of the French in 1953 placed it
in jeopardy once again. Since independence, therefore, the
primary goal of Cambodian foreign policy has been to ensure
national survival in the face of anticipated encroachments by
the Thai And Vietnamese. Militarily weak, compared to these
neighbors, and so far unable (for various reasons) to secure
boundary treaties or agreements with them, Cambodia has come
to rely on diplomatic maneuver among the great powers to
safeguard its territory. In particular, Sihanouk has made
repeated efforts to obtain international Tecognition of Cam-
bodia's existing boundaries. Indeed, in July 1967, Sihanouk
demanded such recognition as the price for continued normal
diplomatic relations with his government,
Most countries represented in Phnom Penh have complied
with Sihanouk's demand and offered formal recognition of Cam-
bodia's territorial integrity "within its present frontiers."
A number of countries have substituted formal recognition of
the "inviolability" of Cambodia's frontiers, but Sihanouk has
not fully accepted this formulation. The United States, which
has had no diplomatic relations with Cambodia since May 1965,
has not provided a formal declaration. However, the joint
communique released at the conclusion of the January 1968 U.S
mission to Phnom Penh noted that Ambassador Bowles had "re-
viewed American assurances of respect for Cambodian . .
territorial'integrity," and "emphasized that the United States
of America has no desire or intention to violate Cambodian
territory." For his part, Sihanouk stressed a desire to
achieve US recognition of and respect for Cambodia's "present
frontiers."
?3. Any US move to meet Sihanouk's demands on the border
issue is complicated by numerous political considerations,
particularly the possibility of repercussions in Bangkok and
Saigon, The issue is further complicated by the existence of
conflicting national views on the precise location of the
Cambodia-South Vietnam border. And there are some persistent,
though much less acute, problems regarding the permanency of
Cambodia's borders with Laos and Thailand.
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Cambodia-Laos Border*
4. There is no open dispute between the governments of
Cambodia and Laos concerning the alignment of their common
boundary. In October 1964, the two parties exchanged aides
memoire on the subject. In return for Sihanouk's acceptance
of the legitimacy of the Souvanna Phouma regime and expres-
sions of respect for the territorial integrity of Laos,
Souvanna explicitly denied that Laos had ever made any claims
on Cambodian territory.
5. Sihanouk, however, has remained somewhat suspicious
that the Lao retain designs on portions of northeastern Cam-
bodia's Stung Treng and Ratanakiri provinces (Orientation
Map). These areas, sparsely populated by largely non-Khmer
tribal minorities, were once subject to Lao rule. Sihanouk's
suspicions are fed by occasional border_ incidents and by
rumors, some leftist inspired, of continuing Lao official
interest in pressing border claims against Cambodia. He is
also disturbed by reports of Pathet Lao claims to parts of
this same area; he may relate these claims to maps produced
in North Vietnam that apparently consign portions of Cambodia's
?northeastern tip to Laos (see Section: Cambodia-South
Vietnam Border).
Cambodia-Thailand Border**
6. The border problem is a significant hindrance to the
reestablishment of diplomatic relations between Cambodia and
Thailand.*** Sihanouk apparently insists that any agreement
to renew diplomatic relations include statements of recogni-
tion of each other's territorial integrity -- in particular,
the observance of the boundaries fixed by the Thai-French
treaties of 1904 and 1907 and the 1962 Judgment of the
* For detail see: Department of State, International Bound-
ary Study No. 32, "Cambodia-Laos Boundary," 12 June 1964,
Unclassified.
** For detail see:. Department of State, International Bound-
ary Study No. 40 (Revised), Cambodia-thailand Boundary, 1 No-
vember 1966, Unclassified.
*** Diplomatic relations were broken in 1961; the proximate
cause was the Preah Vihear dispute discussed in this paragraph.
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International Court of Justice (which awarded the Preah Vihear
Temple site to Cambodia). For its part, the Thai Government,
while willing to accept the language of the 1904 and 1907
treaties, rejects the French maps subsequently prepared, par-
ticularly those delimiting the northwestern Cambodian border
along the watershed of the Dangrek Range. Thai leaders at-
tribute the galling loss of the well-known temple, situated
on the edge of the Dangrek escarpment, to the French maps
placed in evidence by Cambodia. Following the court's deci-
sion, Preah Vihear was evacuated by the Thai, but they chose
to maintain a reservation to the decision. In its unproductive
negotiations with Cambodia, conducted since mid-1966 through a
UN mediator, Thailand apparently holds to the position that
the border question should be deferred until diplomatic re-
lations are renewed, after which a Thai-Cambodian commission
would demarcate the border in accordance with existing trea-
ties and agreements.
7. Should Thailand's proposal be adopted; boundary
adjustments would be very minor, but one would probably
involve the politically sensitive Preah Vihear site. Thai-
land has stated a willingness to accept shared control of
the temple in the interest of reaching agreement, and the
problem of the rest of: the .sparsely populated Dangrek bound-
ary zone could be settled With relative ease. Thailand would
probably be willing to defer the entire matter indefinitely
if Sihanouk relented in his demands for prior recognition of
borders. The primary condition for boundary agreement, -there-
fore, is a desire on both sides to improve relations generally.
Meanwhile, the boundary issue will contribute to the mutual
suspicions and hostilities which characterize relations
between the two countries and are exhibited in frequent
border incidents, including military and paramilitary clashes
along several sectors of their 500-mile boundary.
Cambodia-South Vietnam Border
8. Cambodia's most serious border problem is with South
Vietnam. Sihanouk ended formal relations with Saigon in 1963,
in part because of a series of border incidents involving
alleged incursions by South Vietnamese armed forces. Diplo-
matic relations with the United States were broken in 1965
following an attack by US planes on a Cambodian border village.
In both cases Sihanouk's assessment of political developments
in the Indochina area was almost certainly the controlling
factor in his decision,
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9. In the absence of any serious negotiationsbetween the
two countries on demarcation, Cambodian-South Vietnamese dif-
ferences regarding the precise location of their boundary came
to light in piecemeal and unsatisfactory fashion in the years
following the 1954 Geneva settlement. In the early 1960s,
however, with increasing US involvement in South Vietnam, the
US Army Map Service systematically procured official maps from
the governments of Cambodia and South Vietnam. Both govern-
ments provided sheets produced during the colonial period by
the French Service Geographique de l'Indochine at a scale of
1:100,000 (1 inch equals 1.6 statute miles). In 1964, how-
ever, the Cambodian Foreign Minister presented the United States
with another series of map sheets, including some older edi-
tions, on which the Cambodia-South Vietnam boundary had been
altered in several cases. Compared to these maps, those
provided by the South Vietnamese were generally more recent
and adhered to the French version of the border with little
modification.
10. The two sets of maps revealed eight relatively minor
differences, including a conflict over certain small islands
in the Gulf of Siam.* Since 1966, additional points of bound-
ary disagreement have emerged; some became known as a result
of border incidents during Allied military operations, while
others were surfaced in the course of further exchanges of
mapping information between the United States and the govern-
ments of both Cambodia and South Vietnam. Fifteen areas along
the Cambodian border with South Vietnam may be in dispute at
this time (see Orientation Map and larger scale Area maps).
Areas in Dispute
Area 1: Cambodia-Laos-South Vietnam Trijunction
("The Northeast Salient") (Map 1)
There are a few small sectors of overlapping claims
in Area 1. They total approximately 4 square miles of
extremely rugged, heavily forested terrain, populated
-- if at all -- by migratory tribal peoples. The
"dispute" is apparently the result of technical prob-
lems in locating the water divide on which the bound-
ary is supposed to be based.
* Detailed results of this comparison and related information
are presented in: Department of State, INR Research Memorandum
RES-19, Cambodia-Vietnam Boundary, 13 September 1966, Secret/No
Foreign Dissem/Controlled Dissem.
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A potentially more serious boundary problem in this
general region was raised by the publication in 1964 of
North Vietnamese maps showing most of Cambodia's north-
east salient divided between. Laos and (South) Vietnam.
The discrepancy may indicate nothing more than North
Vietnamese reliance on outdated French maps, but
sustained Viet Cong-North Vietnamese Army use of
portions Of the area over the past 2,or 3 Years raises
other possibilities. Though Cambodia claims juris-
diction over'the entire area in controversy, its
official presence is virtually nonexistent. There
is no indication that Hanoi's cartographic claims in
this region have been the subject of any specific
complaint by Sihanouk. Saigon's view of the problem
is unknown.
Area 2: Route 19 Crossing (Map 2)
In mid-1967, in connection with its latest demand
for border recognition, Cambodia informally provided
25X1 I linformation on its
territorial claims on the South Vietnamese border.
The Cambodians repeated some earlier claims, dropped
or omitted others, and added some new ones, Among the
last was an area of 4 Or 5 square miles in the vicin-
ity of Route 19 west of Duc Co --the Plei M'loU area
The claim appears to be unfounded, it Contradicts the
Cambodian maps provided to the United States in 1964
and all other reliable map sources. . It should be
noted, however, that the Route 19 'crossing point was
the scene of frequent moving of, boundary pillars by
:both sides during the late 1950's; .the area is
evidently of some interest to Phnom Penh and Saigon.
Area 3: The Ia Drang Crossing (Map 2)
The frontier zone in this sector is not well known,
and the boundaries drafted on French and Cambodian
maps may be in error. .The problem is essentially one
of judgment; there is, in effect, no legal basis for
the boundary in this Area The sector in possible
dispute is only about 2 Square miles,' but it may be
of some use to Viet Cong-North Vietnamese Army units
in the upper Ia Drang valley region of South Vietnam.
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Area 4: Ea Lop-Ea Mei) Confluence (Map 3)
Precise boundaries in the vicinity of the
Ea Lop-Ea }leo confluence are unknown, and maps
differ slightly. Involved is a strip no more than
a half mile in width, extending from near the con-
fluence of the Ea Lop and Ea Hie? southward for
about 25 miles to the Srepok River. The problem
came up on the 1967 list; Cambodia apparently de-
cided to move the previously accepted boundary
eastward to the confluence site.
Area 5: The Srepok Crossing (Map 3)
The problem in this Area is mainly one of dif-
fering cartographic interpretations of vague French
instructions regarding the use of the watershed as
a boundary. Approximately 3 square miles, probably
uninhabited, are involved.
Area 6: Cambodia - Annam - Cophin-China Trijunction
(FIlle Three Frontiers") (Maps 4 and 4A)
This is one of the few disputed areas of con-
sequence along the Cambodia-South Vietnam border.
About 21 square miles are involved, including
several villages. In this case, Cambodian maps
have long differed from other authoritative sources.
Area 7: Northeast of Bu Do, (Map 4)
In 1964, Cambodian maps depicted a very small,
heavily forested, and sparsely, populated zone east
of the upper Dak Huyt as part of Cambodia. The
claim was dropped or omitted in the 1967 brief and
probably can be ignored.
Area 8: North of Loc Ninh (Map 5)
Although there is no open dispute in this Area,
there are indications that the, Cambodians may some
day press for minor boundary revisions in the Route
13 sector.
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Areas 9 and 10: Tay Ninh Region (Maps 6 and 6A)
Among Cambodia's 1967 claims are some along the
border of South Vietnam's Tay Ninh Province This
has been a sensitive border in recent years because
of major military operations in the Communists' War
Zone C complex. Many complaints by Sihanouk have
alleged Allied border violations, including a few
very reCently. These new border claims may have
been put forward in the hope of restraining Allied
activity in this sector of the border.
There is no known legal or cartographic basis for
the 1967 Cambodian claim to the relatively large area
(Area 9) south of Mimot, Cambodia, and the claim is
strongly opposed by Saigon. The villagers are pre-
dominantly ethnic Cambodians, but ethnic lines have
never been closely followed in establishing Cambodia's
boundaries with its neighbors.
Cambodia's 1967 claims in the Tay Ninh region
also include "numerous other small but important
areas such as Thlok Trach" (Area 10). This sort of
langUage probably indicates that Cambodia is reserv-
ing its position on ?the alignment of the frontier in
this sector. The Thlok Trach area is in South Viet-
nam according to existing maps, but the area road
pattern clearly links it to Cambodia and it has
Apparently been under Cambodian administration.
The same situation may prevail in other nearby
villages.
Areas 11. and 12: The Mekong-Bassac Neck (Map 7)
The precise alignment of the boundary in these
poorly drained areas between the Mekong and Bassac
rivers is uncertain. Cambodia has claimed a narrow
and sparsely settled strip of land, 5 kilometers
(about 3 miles) in length (Area 12).
East of the Mekong the Cambodians in 1967 claimed
a village or two located almost certainly in South
Vietnam (Area 11).
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Area 13: Song Chau Doc Waterway (Map 7)
The Cambodians in 1967 presented claims to a thin
slice of swampland west of the Bassac. The claim of
a straight-line frontier in the area contradicts
existing boundary pillars and is probably invalid.
Area 14: Kinh Vinh Te Border (Map 7)
This problem apparently stems from incorrect
drafting by US mapmakers. Cambodia claims that
the long stretch of border north of the Kinh Vinh
Te waterway should be moved 250 meters (some 820
feet) farther south. The United States accepts this
correction, and Saigon probably does so too.
Area 15: Islands in the Gulf of Siam (Map 8)
Sovereignty over certain islands in the Gulf of
Siam is actively claimed by both Cambodia and South
Vietnam. Disagreement over ownership has existed
since the early years of French administration.
Finally, in 1939, French authorities decreed that
the limits of insular administrptive responsibilities
of Cambodia and the colony of Cbchin-China would be
defined by a straight line (the "Brevie Line") that
extended seaward from the mainland at a bearing of
234? (except in the vicinity of the large island of
Phu Quoc where the line looped north to include this
area under Cochin-Chinese administration). The
decree, however, expressly disavowed any intention
of dividing the islands on the basis of sovereignty.
After independence, Cambodia on several occasions
expressed a willingness to accept the Brevie Line,
the de facto administrative boundary, as the official
boundary, but South Vietnam continually rejected its
validity and demanded control of all the islands,
including two lying off the Cambodian port of Ream.
In the late 1950's, the temporary South Vietnamese
occupation of certain of these islands lying just
north of the Brevie Line further alarmed Cambodia.
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In 1960, official South Vietnamese rejection of
the Brevie Line led the Cambodians to withdraw their
previous offers of compromise and, in 1964, they
submitted maps to the United States claiming not
only the islands immediately south of the line, but
also the island of Panjang, far to the southwest.
In mid-1967, the Cambodians reaffirmed this claim
with the aid of some erroneous mathematical techniques
(that is, deliberately or otherwise, they selected
the wrong bearing for the Brevie Line). It seems
likely that Sihanouk's current claims are nothing
more than a gambit and that he would settle quickly
for the status quo -- the accepted version of the
Brevie Line. He appeared satisfied, for example,
with an alleged 1966 denunciation by Viet Cong
negotiators of Vietnamese claims to the islands
under Cambodian rule. For its part, Saigon has not
disavowed Diem's 1960 claim; it may be significant,
however, that in December 1966, Saigon accused
Cambodia of illegally occupying only the two islands
Kien Yang and Keo Ngua -- which lie immediately
north of the Brevie Line.
. Even in total, the disputed Cambodia-South
Vietnam land border areas are of little intrinsic
value -- strategic or otherwise -- to either of
the nations, but the islands off the Cambodian
ports of Kep and Ream may be of considerable
strategic importance to Cambodia; which fears
restriction or denial of its access to the open
sea. In the Gulf of Siam area, therefore, the
Cambodians are unlikely to give way to Saigon's
claims.
Outlook
11. The current drive by Cambodia to define its frontiers
and gain official acknowledgment of their validity by the
major powers may be the culmination of a 15-year campaign to
commit the international community to the broader objective
of safeguarding the existence of the Khmer nation. Despite
Sihanouk's frequent and vociferous claims to this or that
sliver of mountain jungle or delta swampland, his border
problem is essentially the establishment of a limit to what
he sees as Thai and Vietnamese expansionism and much less one
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of rectification and demarcation, Settlement of his border
claims probably would be relatively uncomplicated from a
legal and cartographic standpoint (though actual demarcation
on the ground would encounter great obstacles so long as
hostilities persist in South Vietnam). The deep-seated
animosities among the parties, however, have prevented and
continue to prevent such a settlement. Even if a settle-
ment were possible, it would almost certainly not lead to
an end of border incidents and violations, so long as the
parties remain basically hostile to one another.
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