Published on CIA FOIA (foia.cia.gov) (https://www.cia.gov/readingroom)


POLLARD SPY CASE'S LARGER ISSUE: WHY SPY ON FRIENDS

Document Type: 
CREST [1]
Collection: 
General CIA Records [2]
Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 
CIA-RDP91-00901R000600400027-2
Release Decision: 
RIPPUB
Original Classification: 
K
Document Page Count: 
3
Document Creation Date: 
December 19, 2016
Document Release Date: 
December 12, 2005
Sequence Number: 
27
Case Number: 
Publication Date: 
June 6, 1986
Content Type: 
NSPR
File: 
AttachmentSize
PDF icon CIA-RDP91-00901R000600400027-2.pdf [3]343.52 KB
Body: 
O PAGE am e+ired For Release 2006 91? 7T'IAN N C~q_EE P9 ~gONITOQ1gp00R600400027-2 'l M 6 June 1986 Pollard spy case's larger issue: Why spy on friends? Israelis seen as second only to Soviets in seeking data in US Such preparations ana promises suggest to some US officials a broader Israeli government involvement in the case. Others maintain that these new details fail to disprove Israeli government assertions that the oper- ation was organized by a cadre of officials within Israel's intelligence bureaucracy who were operating without broader government authority. Admiral Turner and William Colb also a former CIA ector, declined to discuss the extent of Israeli espionage actitivies in the US. A classified 1979 CIA report on Israeli intelligence activities said that information on secret US liand collection of scientific ' intelligence in the were top priorities for the Israelis. The former chief of the Jus- tice Department's internal-security section has been quoted as saying that Israeli intelligence was the second most active foreign intelligence service in the US. The most active spy network is run by the Soviet Union. "We always assume that they [the Israelis] have a high degree of activity," says a former US intelligence official. But he noted that clandestine efforts by Israeli agents and the risks of being exposed would normally be balanced against the large amount of information Israeli officials could gain through legitimate channels and contacts. US and Israeli intelligence services coop- erate closely on matters of mutual concern. "Any intelligence operation has to answer three questions: How important is the information? What are the risks- of being- exposed?- What- is -the result if exposed?" Mr. Colby say? He notes that the US has had agents in "various countries around the world," but that certain close allies have been considered off bounds for clandes- tine operations. "We would be out of our minds if we spied on Canada. The negative results on such a close ally would be ridiculous," Colby says. Likewise, some observers say it is hard to believe that the Israeli government would jeopardize its solid relations with the US and $3 billion in US aid simply to maintain an illicit back channel for classified US documents. "When you weigh the benefits of spying aginst friend or foe, the closer the friend the less likely there are to be benefits," Turner says. "I can't see where the Israelis have much of anything to benefit from a man like Pollard." He noted that the Pollard case underscores the need in democratic countries for a system of checks and balances, similar to those in the US, to ensure that intelligence officials are held accountable for their actions and their mistakes. By Warren Richey Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor Washington The Jonathan Pollard espionage case has sparked a broad federal investigation into alleged Israeli spy ac- tivities in the United States. And it has raised questions about why friendly coun- tries spy on each other. Of course it goes on," says former Central Intelli- nce Agency director Stanfield Turner, referring to ch activities. "But there is a big erence. enyouu spy on an enemy you risk having your agents captured and Jailed, or killed. When you spy on a friend, you risk considerable embarrassment and impact on your for- eign policy.' In the wake of Pollard's guilty plea on Wednesday to charges that he supplied Israeli officials with stacks of sensitive US military secrets, Israel is working to mini- mize any damage from the case on US-Israeli relations. The Israeli government has said little about the Pollard case, but officials have repeatedly stressed that the former Navy intelligence analyst's spying was an unauthorized espionage operation carried out without the knowledge and support of the Israeli government. Some Reagan administration officials have their doubts. Details of the Pollard case contained in court documents show that the Pollard spy ring was well organized, well financed, and involved an Israeli Air Force colonel, an Israeli intelligence officer, the science consul at the Israeli Embassy in Washington, and an employee at the embassy. All four were named in court documents as unindicted co-conspirators. In addition, the documents indicate that other Israeli officials and diplomats may have been present at meet- ings when Pollard delivered stolen US classified docu- ments. US Attorney Joseph E. diGenova says the inves- tigation is continuing and that individuals cited in the court papers are the subject of probes. As a reward for his espionage, Pollard was told that he had been granted Israeli citizenship and that after, 10 ;years of spying in the United States he would move to :Israel and live under a new identity as "Danny Cohen," the documents say. In addition, a foreign bank account was set up with the understanding that $30,000 would be deposited in the account each year during Pollard's anticipated 10 years as an Israeli spy. Approved For Release 2006/02/07 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000600400027-2 wage 40 PAGE lease 2006/02/07 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000600400027-2 10 NEW YORK DAILY NEWS 4 June 1986 STAT Attack on SALT-2 is no laughing matter By LARS-ERIK NELSON W ASHINGTON-From one White House official came a startled giggle, From an in- telligence official, there was a serious "Hmmm, that's a good question." From the Arms Control Agency, the answer, after a day of thought, was "Nobody knows the answer to that." The question that produced this dis- play of mumbles and grins: "Now that President Reagan has thrown out the SALT-2 treaty, what are we going to do if the Russians start concealing their nuclear missile deployments, covering up submarines, spoofing our satellites, hiding data from their missile tests?" The Reagan administration re- sponse: Giggles, "Hmmms" and an un- easy shuffling of feet. A more serious response from a career State Department official: "If the Russians cheat in the future, we won't have any basis for complaint. There is no standard any longer." Adds a Senate expert: "If they start to con- ceal their tests, we won't have any right to call them on it." In the past, if the Russians covered up a nuclear missile silo or encrypted data from a missile test, the United States could challenge them at the Standing Consultative Commission. That forum wasn't perfect, but it did clear up some U.S. misgivings about possible Soviet cheating. No longer will the Russians be obliged to answer any questions about their strategic nuclear force. By junk- ing SALT-2, Reagan has taken them off the hook. What the administration has over- looked in its lust to slay the "fatally flawed" treaty, is that SALT-2 was two treaties-a U.S.-Soviet intelligence agreement, and a cap on nuclear weapons. As an intell' treaty, SALT-2 worked overw a min 1 t tage of the U.S. it obligid the Soviets ta maintain an ' pen skies" policvfor sophisticated It forced the Soviet military to less secretive than it Drefer& Article 15 said, "Each party under- takes not to use deliberate concealment measures which impede verifica- tion ... of compliance with the provi- sions of this treaty." The ban on concealment appli Not any more. Where once we used to complain that the Russians en- crypted some of the telemetry (radio data) from their missile tests, now they are free to encrypt all of it. "We've thrown out the baby with the bathwa- ter," says former National Security Council expert Roger Molander. Reagan's SALT-2 decision has been a triple play: It has antagonized the Euro- pean allies, it has given the Russians freedom to return, if they choose, to a nuclear build-up in total secrecy-and it has united Democrats on an arms- control policy. The first challenge to Reagan's deci- sion will come next month-not from the Russians, but from House Demo- crats preparing legislation to bar him from spending any money to violate the limits on SALT-2. Under the plan, engineered by Rep.- Les AuCoin (D-Ore.), Reagan would have to abide by SALT-2 ceilings as long as the Russians do. It is a strategy that short-circuits the Constitution-but it has worked before: Last December, AuCoin used the power of the purse to force the administration not to test antisatellite weapons as long as the Russians don't. N EXT MONTH, House Democrats will submit a bill to force Reagan to dismantle Minuteman missiles if he proceeds with his plan to arm more B-52 bombers with cruise missiles. Normally, such extra-Constitu- tional diplomacy wouldn't have a prayer. But the Democrats are conclud- ing, in the words of one staffer, that Reagan's tough-sounding policies "real- ly don't protect this country's national. security." Approved For Release 2006/02/07 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000600400027-2 Use of Disclosures ARTIC+..i:4F NSW YORK TIMES 1' pproW F-1 or Release 2pD 029 %: CIA-RDP91-009 1 R000600400027-2 STAT Administration Often Unveils Secrets, At Risk to Security, for Sake of Policy By LESLIE H. GELS Species to The Nsw York Thuse WASHINGTON, June 1 - The Rea- gan Administration has been following a, pattern of disclosing highly classified information to support its foreign poli- cies, even though a number of Adminis- tration officials say these disclosures have endangered intelli- gence sources and meth- News ods. This fits the well-es- Analysis tablished practice of its predecessors, with two im- portant variations: In the memory of a number of past and present officials, the Reagan team does it more often. And this Adminik- tration has been more aggressive in threatening the news media withproee- ution for conveying similar intelli- STA.Igence information to the American people. This has set off a struggle between press and government over what Intel- ligence data should be made public and who should decide. William J. Casey, the Director of Central Intelligence, once again highlighted those issues with more threats to the press last week concerning coverage of the trial of Ronald W. Pelton, a former official of the National Security Agency who is STATaccused of spying for the Soviet Union. By the week's end the White House had moved to soften the threat somewhat. Today, In separate television inter- views, Secretary of State George P. Shultz and Defense Secretary Caspar W. Weinberger, while supporting the view that journalists who break the law on disclosing intelligence secrets should be prosecuted, called for volun- tary restraints and appeals to journal- ists' sense of responsibility. While the Administration's thrust with frequent warnings in recent weeks, its own role and reasons in di- vulging such information have re- ceived scant attention. As Representative Les Aspin, chair- man of the House Armed Services Committee, put it: "Every administra- tion wants to have it both ways - to keep its secrets, and to reveal them whenever doing so is useful for their politics and policies." The Wisconsin Democrat, a former Intelligence Com- mittee member, added that in his judg- ment a number of Administration dis- closures have been "more damaging to our gaining necessary information than the press disclosures the Adminis- tration is complaining about." Administration disclosures include revealing the most sensitive communi- cations interceptions in the recent case oi' Libya and the Soviet Union oft a num- ber of occasions, as well as releasing satellite photographs regarding Nica- Both j=& um pmss MW I the right to publish unauthorized infor- mation. But Admiral Turner insisted that the press then had to accept the risks of prosecution. In 1982, the Administration made public aerial reconnaissance photo- graphs that intelligence officials said proved Nicaragua, with Soviet and Cuban aid, was assembling the largest military force in Central America and was supplying Salvadoran guerrillas. At the time, a senior Administration of- ficial said: "It's a no-win situation. tIf we go public with the information, we may lose our ability to continue collect- ing in the field. If we don't, we may lose our chance to build public support fir The disclosures also include an inci- dent last year in which the Central In- telligence Agency offered the press de- tailed information provided by one of the highest-ranking Soviet defectors of recent times. Testimony at Spy Trial Last week the disclosures entailed a Federal prosecutor, for the first time using information supplied by the United States intelligence community, speaking in a spy trial of the general . American capability to "exploit," '.process," and "analyze" Soviet mes- sages. In each instance, according to Ad- ministration officials, intelligence offi- cers and others have argued against disclosure on the ground that adver- saries, knowing they were being seen and heard, could take steps to block these processes in the future. To some Administration officials and others, these authorized dislosures have been more damaging to intelli- gence collection than the unauthorized press disclosures of recent weeks that have so exercised Administration lead- ers. These include press accounts of the details of Libyan messages after Presi- dent Reagan had talked publicly about the substance of those messages re- garding terrorist activities in Berlin. Of the greatest concern to the Admin- istration were reports that an Amer- ican spy had told Moscow that United States submarines were involved in lis- tening to Soviet communications, infor- mation presumably already In Mos- cow's possession., When to Go Public? Nonetheless, the weight of opinion expressed by officials of past and present Presidential administrations is that the one in power has the right to decide when intelligence must be com- promised to advance policy. "I've always been of the view that an administration has to be able to make the judgment when to disclose, even if intelligence people are opposed," said McGeorge Bundy, President Ken- nedy's national security adviser. He re- called Kennedy's decision to reveal satellite photographs of Soviet missiles in Cuba in 1963 as a legitimate exercise of this right. P( Stansfield Turner, a retired admiral who was. President Carter's intelli- gence chief, went further, saying that "we always have, to make compro- mises" in balancing intelligence sources with policy considerations. But, he said, it i! "impossible to make this judgment fro outside the Govern- ment." ,I{ the policy." As it turned out, according to oft dais, the Administration neither lost its intelligence access nor convinced many of the extent of the military threat. But the photographs might have been useful to Soviet intelligence. In 1983, after the Soviet Union shot down a Korean airliner, killing 289 peo- ple aboard, Secretary Shultz revealed that American listening posts had in- tercepted the radio conversations be- tween the Soviet pilot and his control. lers. The disclosure may have failed to prove his point that the Soviets knew the plane was not an Intelligence air- craft and, as far as many intelligence officers were concerned, told Moscow that the United States could intercept important Soviet military communica- tions. The Case of the Defector In late 1985, the Central Intelligence Agency made a determined effort to tell reporters details about their inter- rogation of Vitaly S. Yurchenko, a key Soviet intelligence agent who appar- ently defected and then slipped out of American control and returned to Mos- cow. The C.I.A. told its side, as some of Its officials acknowledged at the time, to show that he had been a valuable in- former, former, contrary to White House asser- tions of his uselessness. A number of Administration officials at the time maintained that these C.I.A. disclosures tipped off Moscow to what Mr. Yurchenko had divulged, in the same way that Mr. Casey is seeking to prevent the press from telling Mos- cow and the American public about Mr. Pelton's alleged disclosures. Earlier this year, Mr. Reagan pub- licly spoke of the Administration's knowledge of messages sent to and from Tripoli and its diplomatic posts. He said these proved Libyan involve- ment in the terrorist attack April 5 against a discotheque in West Berlin, in which two people were killed and 230 others wounded. Several intelligence officials though4 the disclosure would allow the Libyans to prevent similar interception in the future. As to the decision to make disclo- sures at the Pelton trial, Edward P. Djerijian, a White House spokesman, said last week that it was "made by ap. propriate Government authorities after careful consideration of the de- and, Approved For Release 2006/02/07: CIA-RD (M O' P cause the national security'

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[3] https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP91-00901R000600400027-2.pdf