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Director of
Central
Intelligence
Egypt: The Domestic
Political Outlook
Interagency Intelligence Memorandum
Secret
Secret
NI JIM 79-10027
December 1979
Cop, 191
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EGYPT: THE DOMESTIC
POLITICAL OUTLOOK
Information available as of 10 December 1979 was
used in the preparation of this memorandum.
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Page
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................... 1
DISCUSSION ............................................................................................................ 5
The Current Situation .......................................................................................... 5
Potentially Destabilizing Domestic Factors ...................................................... 6
Islamic Fundamentalists .................................................................................... 7
The Egyptian Left .......................................................................................... 9
Military Concerns ............................................................................................ 9
Economic Concerns .......................................................................................... 11
Sadat's Actions and Perceptions ...................................................................... 14
Possibly Destabilizing External Factors ............................................................ 15
The US Factor ................................................................................................. 17
Impact of Continued Isolation ........................................................................ 17
Soviet Actions .................................................................................................... 17
Sadat's Death or Assassination ............................................................................ 18
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
The government of Egypt has weathered remarkably well the
controversy generated by the signing of the peace treaty with Israel in
March 1979. President Sadat faces a number of serious and potentially
explosive economic and political problems, but, if he continues to
exercise prudence and resourcefulness, he should be able to withstand
the challenges of the coming year.
The economic and political sanctions imposed on Egypt by the
Arab states since November 1978 have had no significant impact on the
Egyptian economy or Sadat's domestic position. Sadat's successful bid to
put an end to decades of hostility with Israel reflected the desires of the
overwhelming majority of Egyptians from all walks of life. The
minority of Egyptians who oppose Sadat's policies have been unable to
create an opposition movement of sufficient strength or cohesion to
challenge the regime seriously.
The prognosis for continued stability in Egypt is clouded, however,
as the Sadat regime remains vulnerable on several counts. Actions by
Sadat himself may be contributing to a decline in his domestic standing.
The President's confidence in his ability to chart the proper course for
Egypt to follow is at an all time high. He is generally unresponsive to
ideas that differ markedly from his own, and is unwilling to tolerate
domestic criticism. Risking isolation from reality, Sadat has surrounded
himself with those who are reluctant to report unpleasant developments
frankly.
Sadat most recently demonstrated his readiness to defy public
opinion and probably the advice of colleagues by renewing his offer of
asylum to the former Shah of Iran. By persisting in his vocal support for
the Shah, Sadat risks becoming overly identified with Washington at a
time when anti-US feelings are growing in the Muslim world in general.
The Shah's actual arrival in Egypt, moreover, could serve as a catalyst
that might spark demonstrations about issues of greater concern to
Egyptians, particularly continuing economic frustrations.
The regime's most immediate problem stems from heightened
expectations, probably unrealizable, that peace will result in rapid and
Note: This Interagency Intelligence Memorandum was drafted by I the Office of
Political Analysis, National Foreign Assessment Center, under the auspices of the National Intelligence
Officer for the Near East and South Asia. It was coordinated at the working level with the Departments of
State and Treasury, the Defense Intelligence Agency, the National Security Agency, and the intelligence
staffs of the Departments of Army, Navy, and Air Force.
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tangible improvements in the economic status of the average Egyptian.
Despite generally favorable trends in the Egyptian economy as a whole,
the government must deal with widespread frustrations over such issues
as inflation, inadequate housing, and overburdened government
services in the urban areas. Popular resentment also has focused on the
extravagant lifestyles of Sadat and other wealthy Egyptians and on
government corruption.
Egyptian military personnel suffer the
same economic hardships that concern the civilian population and are
irritated by the decline in the status and prestige of military personnel
in general
Egyptians in general attach great importance to their country's
growing ties to the United States. Any perceived faltering of US
political, economic, or military support, therefore, would deeply disturb
Egyptian officials as well as the populace at large. The Soviet Union's
influence in Egypt, on the other hand, remains minimal, but Sadat
recently initiated an attempt to ease the hostility that has characterized
Egyptian-Soviet relations for the past several years, and Egypt has
appointed an ambassador to the USSR for the first time since 1977.
Although there is little genuine concern about the Palestinian issue
among Egyptians, Sadat has staked his prestige on a successful outcome
of the West Bank-Gaza autonomy talks. A failure of those negotiations,
or the signing of an accord that included nothing concrete for the
Palestinians, would provide fresh ammunition for critics at home and
abroad. The threat remains of further isolation within the Arab world
and of additional economic sanctions against Egypt, such as the
expulsion of workers or the cutoff of remittances. The other Arabs'
economic self-interest and the continuing disarray within the Arab
camp-as exhibited at the summit meeting in Tunis in November
1979-make it questionable whether or not additional sanctions
eventually will be applied.
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A number of current and potential vulnerabilities thus can be
readily identified, but it is difficult to predict which specific
developments or events might upset the current political situation or
when they might occur. Outbursts of popular frustrations over
economic grievances could be triggered by relatively minor incidents
such as a shortage of a particular consumer item or a breakdown in
Cairo's public transportation system. These in turn could lead to more
widespread protests over other more general issues, and present the
government with the difficult and sensitive task of restoring calm.
Egyptian officials are alert to these dangers, and will attempt to
prevent a deterioration of public order.
Above all, Sadat in the past has shown resourceful leadership
and is clearly capable of imaginative actions designed either to forestall
or counter serious threats to his position.
Sadat's natural death or assassination could, of course, fundamen-
tally alter the current situation and would likely produce at least limited
change in most aspects of Egyptian policy. Vice President Husni
Mubarak, whose political views are similar to Sadat's, is the odds-on
favorite successor
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