SOVIET AND LATIN AMERICAN COMMUNIST INVOLVEMENT IN EL SALVADOR S LEFTIST INSURGENCY AND RELATED PROPAGANDA

• Document Type: FOIA
• Collection: FOIA Collection
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 05083596
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: U
• Document Page Count: 25
• Document Creation Date: July 13, 2023
• Document Release Date: November 14, 2022
• Case Number: F-2022-00154
• Publication Date: June 22, 1981

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Central Intelligence Agency
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mshington.nczosos
MEMORANDUM FOR: The Honorable Alexander M. Haig, Jr.
Secretary of State
SUBJECT: Soviet and Latin American Communist
Involvement in El Salvador
This document has been declassified and can be used
publicly. I would strongly recommend that. The attached
version includes some minor editing so that it can be used
in toto.
Att
William J. Casey
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MEMORANDUM
SUBJECT: SOVIET AND LATIN AMERICAN COMMUNIST INVOLVEMENT IN
EL SALVADOR'S LEFTIST INSURGENCY AND RELATED PROPAGANDA
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Since early 1980, the Soviet Union, assisted by Cuba, has been
involved in a massive overt and covert disinformation campaign on
El Salvador. The campaign is directee at Western Europe, Latin
America, the U.S. and to a lesser extent Australia and New Zealand.
Up until now Moscow's primary interest in conducting the campaign was
to divert public (mainly European) attention from the invasion of
Afghanistan.
Besides overt propaganda, the campaign is characterized by the
use of forgeries, communist international fronts, communist parties,
covert media placements and staging of demonstrations and protests.
Those involved in the campaign are the Soviet Union, Cuba, and
the DRU/FDR (policy planning organization of the insurgents and their ,
political front charged with international representation).
The campaign is also accompanied by diplomatic efforts and
official propaganda. Diplomatic activity includes USSR and Cuban
efforts in international orgarizations to gain acceptance of the
DRU/FDR, and sponsoring travel by FDR representatives to the United
States, Europe, and Canada. Official Soviet propaganda stresses the
theme of U.S. intention to intervene militarily in El Salvador.
INTRODUCTION
Since early 1980, the Soviet Union has been involved in a massive
covert disinformation campaign on the subject of U.S. policy towards
El Salvador. The campaign is directed at Western Europe, Canada, and
the U.S. and to a lesser extent Australia and New Zealand. In 1980
the Soviet Union also caused weapons and ammunition to be sent to the
insurgents by the Bloc countries, the PLO and others. The Soviets are
being helped by the Cubans in the disinformation campaign, but the
campaign is ultimately a Soviet operation.
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SOVIET OBJECTIVES
Although the USSR clearly wishes to see El Salvador ultimately
become a Communist state, Moscow's primary interest in early 1980 in
conducting the disinformation campaign appears to have been
influenced substantially as an effort to divert public attention from
the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan. The campaign was designed to
criticize U.S. "intervention." Propaganda stressed "U.S.
militarism," identified the U.S. with "atrocities" in El Salvador, and
stressed throughout the campaign that the U.S. was poised to invade
El Salvador.
In early 1980, instructions went out from Moscow advising there
was a new propaganda policy. Instructions were to begin immediately
stressing "militaristic" policies of the United States in the
strongest terms.
By June 1980, the theme of U.S. militarism was particularly
important for propaganda going to Western Europe, especially West
Germany. Soviet instructions to their media offices said that both in
the short and medium terms it is necessary both strategically and
tactically to reduce world attention on Afghanistan. Instructions
also said that on El Salvador the Soviets should proceed with a great
deal of caution and delicacy.
BACKGROUND
The Soviets had been in touch with the Salvadoran Communist
Party (PCES) for years. The Soviets were monitoring armed insurgent ,
activity in Nicaragua during 1979; however, the Cubans were closest to
the insurgents at that time.
In early 1980, Soviets, Cubans and Salvadoran insurgents (the
PCES was represented) met on two occasions .that were significant. As
a result of the first meeting, the Frente Democratico Revolucionario
(FDR) was established. As a result of the second meeting, the United
Revolutionary Directorate (DRU) was established. The FDR is the
political front organization which represents the insurgency abroad.
The DRU is the central planning and tasking organization of the
insurgents. The DRU plans both internal military and international
political strategy.
In March 1980, a PCES representative travelled to Moscow in the
company of other insurgent leaders. He met with CPSU officials. From
there he travelled to a World Peace Council Conference where%he met
with an East German official who promised financial and other:aid for
the insurgents. From there, the PCES reE5 travelled to other East Bloc
countries.
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In April 1980, PCES representatives and leaders of other
insurgent groups met at the Hungarian Embassy in Mexico City with
representatives of the GDR, Bulgaria, Poland, Vietnam, Hungary, Cuba
and the USSR, and made "certain requests," probably weapons.
In May 1980, "Aide et Amitie," an organization founded by the
late Henri Curiel to provide support to natyional liberation
movements, met in Paris to discuss requests for support and training
of cadre for the insurgency in El Salvador. There are reasons to
believe that Curiel had links with the Soviets and that the
organization may ultimately, be responsive-to Soviet guidance. The
Curiel groups, even at this early date, expected a major military
offensive in November, 1980.
In June, Shafick Handal (head of the PCES) traveled to Moscow and
met with the Deputy Chief of the Latin American section of the CPSU.
The Soviets suggested that Handal travel to Vietnam to seek arms and
offered to pay for Handal's trip. Handal during June obtained
promises of weapons, training or financial assistance from Vietnam,
the GDR, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, Hungary and Ethiopia.
An examination of El Salvador related events during 1980 and
early 1981 shows that the Soviets and their Cuban and Salvadoran
clients engaged in covert activities to influence public opinion in
Western Europe, Latin America, Canada, and the U.S. These activities
included fabrication of forgeries, use of front groups, covert
placement of media items, and staging of demonstrations and protests
on El Salvador.
They also engaged in overt diplomatic activities to gain
recognition for the insurgents in international organizations, and in
overt propaganda.
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STRATEGY
The Salvadoran DRU, central planning and tasking organization o
e insurgents, was established in a meeting in Havana at which the
Sovie ..were-present,in June 1980.�."-fine exact rororesirfat
t is meettAg is_RaP_Iii4=7the meeting established tegyfos.
for L
campaig9_,,,,Ekettieritt of--that-strategy, taken ,
r captured documents are as follows:
1. Propaganda: Spokesmen should emphasis that the Salvadoran
revolution represents the people. The people are fighting against
oppression, for independence, and for freedom from outside
intervention. The people oppose the imperialistic designs of the
U.S. The U.S. seeks to intervene militarily in El Salvador to keep
the Junta in power.
Supportli/Representatives should gain
ecognition and stifiptYrr-.06F-the insurgents in the following
organizations: Non-Aligned Movement, International Christian
Democratic Movement (to undermine support for the Junta), European
Parliament, Socialist International, Council of Europe, UN, OAS, and
6�lhe Human Rights Commission in Geneva. They should also gain allies
n: the German Christian Democratic Party, West German Parliament,
Italian Christian Democratic Party, Italian Communist Party, the
Italian Parliallent, and the COPEI party in Venezuela.
3., U.S. Initiatives: Representatives should strengthen ties
with the National Council of Churches and sectors of the labor
movement. Representatives should make approaches to Senators and
higher levels of the Conyress to gain allies for the FDR.
4. Other Initiatives: Representatives should seek endorsement
from the World Council of Churches, Amnesty International, and the
International Tribune of the Peoples (Russell Commission).
5. Public Posture: From the outset, representatives should call
for a dialogue to seek resolution of the conflict. "The policy of a
dialogue is a tactical maneuver to broaden our alliances, while at the
same time splitting up and isolating the enemy." Representatives
should take up the banner of peace, and maintain that we seek only
lasting peace and justice.
6. Humanitarian Organizations:H The DRU should establish a
front organization to funnel aid and money from European and Canadian
Catholic, Protestant and Humanitarian organizations, like th.e..
Catholic Relief Services, International.Committee for the Red- Cross,
and others.
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A comparison of DRU strategy laid out in captured documents with
actual events shows that the insurgents followed this strategy very
closely.
CUBAN AND SOVIET STRATEGY
A Cuban official told a leader from a radical leftist party in
Central America that the Soviet Union and Cuba were engaged in a world
wide campaign to block U.S. aid to El Salvador. The campaign "will
denounce U.S. assistance to and training of Salvadoran military" at
U.S. bases in Panama. The campaign will also expose an allegedly U.S.
sponsored plot, "discovered" by Cuban intelligence, to invade
El Salvador using the armies of Hondura7 and Guatemala with
assistance from Brazil, Argentina and Colombia. The campaign will
characterize the U.S. plot as a last ditch effort by the U.S.
President to turn the situation in El Salvador in favor of the JRG
prior to the U.S. elections in November, 1980.
The themes from the Cuban official's statement were echoed in
propaganda put out by the FDR (the political front of the insurgents
which represents the insurgents abroad), the FDR's Solidarity
Committee abroad, pro-Soviet communist parties, and official Soviet
propaganda. Soviet media showed particular interest in printing and
broadcasting alleged U.S. plotting to invade El Salvador.
COORDINATION
Captured DRU documents revealed that the DRU coordinates the FDR
and the latter's international activities (in the U.S., Canada, and
Europe) out of Mexico City. The Soviets 5n Mexico City have been in
contact with the Salvadoran insurgents; however, logistics and
international relations policy is all handled out of Havana. In
fact, the Cuban press agency, Prensa Latina, handles international
communications for the FDR and its representatives abroad.
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THE COVERT CAMPAIGN
The following sections describe the covert activities conducted
outside El Salvador.*
Forgeries and Documents of False Origin
1. Purported NSC Document Entitled "National Security Council
Background Paper on Mexico." This document reportedly covered a range
of alleged issues in U.S./Mexican relations, but the relevant thrust
was that the U.S. was dissatisfied with Mexico's independent stance On
Central America. On 26 August 1980, the Mexican press reported on the
contents of the alleged NSC Report; however, there never was any such
NSC Report. The U.S. Government has ne-er been able to obtain a copy
of the document from which the article was written.
2. Bogus Dissent Paper on El Salvador and Central America.
This paper, dated November 6, 1980, was mailed with no return address
to several executive departments in Washington and the Congress. It
was also mailed to selected government officials in El Salvador. The
paper charged that an energetic but mainly covert U.S. intervention
took place to prevent the crisis in El Salvador from climaxing prior
to the elections.
It has been determined that the document was never entered in the
State Department's Dissent Channel (as the paper claimed); however,
the provenance of the document still remains uncertain.
*Because these activities are designed to conceal the true identity of
their originator, it is often difficult to attribute each activity.
Therefore, some activities will appear below unattributed. Where
there is clear eviCence that a particular group was responsible for a
particular deed, the responsibility is noted. Moreover, though there
is evidence the campaign was carefully coordinated among the parties
to it, one cannot assume that coordination was in such detail that
every group had knowledge of every act of every other group.
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The paper Makes several false allegations that support Soviet CA
goals in Central America. It alleges that the U.S. has been training
(in 1980) Salvadorans at its bases in Panama, "in the largest training
program it has ever sponsored for any Latin American country in a
single year." The paper also claims that Argentina has become the
second largest trainer of Salvadoran officers, and that Chile and
Uruguay (two frequent victims of Soviet propaganda) are providing
intelligence, logistics and urban and rural counterinsurgency
training. The paper goes on to allege that the U.S. knows of a para-
military strike force in Guatemala made up of members of Somozes
former National Guard., anti-Castro Cubans, Guatemalan military
personnel and mercenaries.
3. Bogus Press Release Purporting to be from the Mexican
Secretariat of Foreip Relations. This release was sent to a number
of newspapers in Mexico City. It falsely announced that the
Government of Mexico had decided to break diplomatic relations with
the Government of El Salvador. A report out of San Salvador suggested
that the Salvadoran insurgents hoped for a rupture in relations
between Mexico and El Salvador.
4. Purported Identity Document Taken from a U.S. Soldier Killed
in Action in El Salvador. In September 1980, during a secret meeting
between members of the Salvadoran Communist Party and the Salvadoran
Christian. Democratic Party, the PCES representative alleged that there
were U.S. troops fighting on Salvadoran soil, and produced a U.S.
social security card allegedly taken from a dead soldier as "proof."
Subsequent propaganda echoed this claim while charging that large
numbers of U.S. troops were fighting in El Salvador.
Communist International Fronts
The Soviets employed their large front organizations in support-)
f the campaign.-
1. erWat-i-cm'al Uril-tTh-OrEtud .This Soviet front group,
based in e frUnde-d-a-ffm-b-dt-ZT-rdlidarity meetings on El
Salvador. From early to mid-April a representative of IuS travelled
throughout Ceniral America to organize solidarity functions.
2. World Federation of Democratic Youth This Soviet front
group was p anning-an rfit-Etnational conIZE'Ence on solidarity with
El Salvador to take place in late July or early August 1980. It was
planning to co-sponsor the conference with the International Union of
Socialist Youth, the youth arm *of the non-Communist Socialist
International.
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Though the conference was never held, it is noteworthy because it
indicates that the front groups were already beginning to plan their
support for the Salvadoran insurgency as early as March 1980.
3. World Peace Council. In December 1980,the Ecuadoran
government gave its approval for a World Peace Council- sponsored
"Solidarity on El Salvador" meeting. The Conference took place in
April 1981. The Conference was to be jointly sponsored by the Latin
American Association for Human Rights, the Socialist International,
and the Permanent Conference of Latin American Political Parties. The
WPC was to play a discreet role, perhaps because it is so widely known
as a Soviet front.
Communist Parties
,c,.,-Commun4st-pdtergb' iW-tdrOpe, Latin America, Canada, and
Au tralia participated in the propaganda campaign and helped organize
demons tra
a ion in El Salvador, and contributed to the disinformation
circulating about the country. For instance, the Communist party of
Spain, in its magazine "Mundo Obrero Semanal," amid pictures of
blood-covered bodies, accused the U.S. of surrounding El Salvador witbi
the aid of Honduras and Guatemala, of sending tanks and helicopters
"piloted by yankees," of invading El Salvador, and of murdering
Archbishop Romero (a leftist Catholic bishop murdered early in 1980 in
El Salvador).
Others examples are the Quebec Communist Party in Canada, which
organized a demonstration and carried it out even in a driving
rainstorm, and the Australian Socialist Party (pro-Soviet) which
joined with Trotskyites and other leftists to stage a demonstration
against U.S. intervention."
In Central America the Communist parties carried out clandestine
activities at the behest of the DRU. They were involved in
gun-running, and in planning acts of violence against U.S. Embassies.
(This is treated in more detail in a separate section.) No
information is available re any Soviet role in the DRU tasking.
Fidel Castro also attempted to have the Communist Parties in
Central America stage uprisings in support of the Salvadoran
insurgents. He tried to have them contribute personnel to fight in El
Salvador. However, he was not successful.
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Solidarity Committees
The DRU directed the establishment of Solidarity Committees
throughout Europe, in Canada and even in Australia and New Zealand.
Their purpose is to serve as outlets for information (propaganda), to
serve as conduits for aid contributions, and to organize solidarity
meetings and demonstrations in support of the insurgents.
In many cases the insurgents established these solidarity
committees as. part of a broader "Nicaragua-El Salvador Solidarity
Committee" or "Guatemala-El Salvador Solidarity Committee." In other
cases the committees stood alone as "El Salvador Solidarity
Committees" or "El Salvador Support Committees."
These committees helped plan, in conjunction with Communist
parties and local leftist groups, many of the demonstrations that took
place throughout Europe, Latin America, Canada, Australia and New
Zealand. These demonstrations were planned in anticipation of the
"final offensive" to be conducted in E: Salvador.
Nicaraguan television announced in March 1981, that the
"Nicaraguan Solidarity Committees," through agreement with the World
Peace Council, would join the fight against TNF modernization in
Europe. TNF (Theater Nuclear Force) is an issue on which Soviets have
been active in Europe, but the issue has not received any significant
attention in Latin America. The World Peace Council; is the Soviet
Front Organization that has been in the forefront of opposition to TNF
in Europe.
Demonstrations and Protests
Throughout 1980 press reports, both Soviet inspired and others,
on El Salvador in Europe, Latin America, Canada and the U.S., had -
generally portrayed the Salvadoran government as a "rightist,
repressive regime" and created a poor public image. Missionaries and
other clergy returning from El Salvador also brought with them stories
of oppression. The murders of Archbishop Romero, and other American
religious workers in El Salvador contributed to the perception that
the Junta government was responsible for outrages against its own
peopl
Following the January 10 "final offensive" in El Salvador and the
fJanuary 16 USG decision to resume military aid to El Salvador, �
demonstrations broke out in Europe, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and
e U.S. Over 70 demonstrations have been recorded around the world
nce January 1 fiv&wewer,lpst of these demonstrations were not
spo aneous; ey had been planned. in anticipation of the final
offensive.
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The pattern of dates and places of the demonstrations shows that
they were the result of a well-coordinated world-wide effort. Their
sponsorship, for the most part, by Communist parties and "El Salvador
Solidarity Committees" also demonstrates that this was a coordinated
effort.
However, other groups participated in the demonstrations as well,
indicating that parties and solidarity committees were able to draw
the Eiarticipation of others interested in El Salvador. Some of the
other groups were Trotskyite parties, leftist student groups, and some
labor organizations. The largest demonstration thus far was held
31 January 1981 in Frankfurt, West Germany. Fifteen thousand people
attended the demonstration and marched on the U.S. Consulate General.
See Apendix for listing of many of the demonstrations.
Violence Against U.S. Persons and Installations
The DRU urged violence against U.S. persons and installations as
a means to protest U.S. "interference" in El Salvador. Following are
examples of violence that took place or had been planned.
1. 28 January. The U.S. Ambassador's residence in Tegucigalpa
was under surveillance. A check of the license number of the car used
by the surveillant revealed he was a member of the Honduran Communist
Party.
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2. 3 February. The U.S. Consulate in Milan received a threat to
"take measures against you" unless the U.S. stopped giving arms to
El Salvador. The caller identified himself as part of the "Movement
of 28 February," a Salvadoran guerrilla organization.
3. 5 February. The U.S. Embassy in Stockholm received a letter
warning that the Embassy would be bombed in two weeks unless the U.S.
stopped economic aid to the Junta in El Salvador.
4. 5 February. The U.S. Consulate General in Amsterdam was
attacked and physical damage was such that it closed for five days.
This was the sixth security incident since mid-December �in Amsterdam.
No group claimed credit for the incident, but it probably
was the work of groups protesting either the neutron bomb or El
Salvador.
5. 23 February. The El Salvador Committee, which had been
protesting U.S. aid to the Junta in El Salvador, threatened to
assassinate the U.S. Ambassador in The Hague.
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Covert Media Placements
Placing material supporting a viewpoint in local media has
also been a feature of Soviet and Cuban propaganda activity in
El Salvador. An example of covert placement of material is indi-
cated by the activity of a Cuban Er"bassy official in one Latin
American country, who obtained a copy of a color video tape made
by a group called the "Association of Churches." It depicted
atrocities allegedly committed by the Salvadoran Army. The
official's intention in obtaining the tape was to show it to the
President and Vice President of the country and place it on one
of the television networks. The official stated that one of the
most important things was to show the credits on the tape accurately
so that Cuba's non-involvement is made clear.
THE DIPLOMATIC EFFORT
International Organizations
Captured documents indicate that the DRU intended to seek '
recognition of the FDR in international organizations and obtain
condemnation of alleged "U.S. interference" in El Salvador. The
DRU also expected to obtain financial support as well as relief
supplies from international humanitarian organizations. The organ-
izations specifically targetted by the DRU for a diplomatic effort
were: the UN, OAS, NAM, European Parliament, and Council of Europe
Some of the Humanitarian organizations selected for approach were:
Catholic Relief Services and International Committee for the Red
Cross. Captured documents also indicated that the DRU expected
the Socialist International to be its ally in this effort.
'Given the complexity of the Salvador'an situation and the
strategy of the DRU, the congruence of positions taken'by:groups
such as the Socialist International and other target organizations
and the position of clearly identified Communist front groups should
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not be construed necessarily as proof that all these opposition
groups are tools or fronts for the Soviets. Nevertheless, a
certain parallelism can Be seen in some of the communiques
and statements coming out of Socialist International meetings
dealing with the Central America area. European Socialist
and social democratic leaders involved in SI matters, such as
Willy Brandt, have stated that the SI European parties usually
defer to the views of their colleagues in the area concerned
on matters concerning these areas; i.e., the views of the leaders
of the socialist parties in San Salvador, Venezuela, the
Dominican Republic, and Costa Rica have been reflected in SI
Latin American communiques. Since these Latin American
socialists, particularly the leaders of the Socialist party
in El Salvador, are strongly influenced by DRU positions,
there is significant convergence of Soviet/Cuban positions
on the El Salvador situation and that of the SI.
There also are instances of apparent Soviet manipulation
of SI statements. For example, a :etter reportedly from the
Hudson Institute to the U.S. State Department surfaced at a
crucial time. This letter conveyed a list of persons whom, is
alleged, that the U.S. Government might wish to call upon to
help influence European parties and governments on the issue
of El Salvador. One of the names in the letter was that of a
delegate to the conference who was falsely identified as from
the U.S. Government, if not the CIA, and thereby limited his
effectiveness.
In this ,context it is interesting to note that a signed
PRAVDA editorial on 1 October, named this person as a CIA
agent and said that he had previously participated in the
pacification program in Vietnam during the 1960's and was now
"main" advisor to the Salvadoran Junta on agrarian reform. In
reality this person worked for the AIFLD in El Salvador as an
advisor on agrarian reform. PRAVDA'S accusation against him
circulated widely among Congress delegates, further ruining
his credibility.
Non-Aligned Movement Ministerial in New Delhi (9 to 12
February). At the NAM Ministerial, the Cubans had sought a
strongly worded condemnation of the U.S. and the Salvadoran
Junta. They arrived at the conference with a delegation of
30 people and coordinated activities closely with six Soviet
diplomatic personnel who were also working the conference.
The language of the final communique condemned interference
in El Salvador from all external parties, and called upon
governments to abstain from supplying arms and rendering
other forms of military assistance.
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Thus there was no direct condemnation of the U.S. on
El Salvador. The final communique did call, however, for
the withdrawal of "foreign troops" from Afghanistan, something
which i could not have pleased Moscow.
Human Rights Commission in Geneva (23 February). Cuban
representatives introduced a resolution criticising the
government of El Salvador and received help from the Soviets
. in lobbying the Western European delegations. They circulated
� supporting papers on letterhead of the FDR which referred to
captured DRU documents and said that "falsification of
documents is a daily duty of American intelligence agencies
such as CIA." They also circulated the Hudson Institute Letter
about the Socialist International meeting in Madrid, a Nicara-
guan denial of Soviet arms shipments through its country, �
a.New York Times article headlined "Solicitor General Call
Two Ame-TiaiTi-Tined in El Salvador 'Under Cover,'" and an
article from. The Washington Post headlined "Vietnam from the
Phoenix Program to El Salvador." Despite the heavy lobbying
effort a far more moderate resolution introduced by the .
Netherlanda delegation.was adopted.
Other Organizations
The DRU had targetted other organizations to obtain
either publicity, financial assistance or other forms of
assistance. The insurgent's cause was taken up in the
following organizations:
1. EC Commission - The EC proposed to send $400,000
EUA in cash assistance and one million in food assistance to
humanitarian organizations in El Salvador through the ICRC.
2. International Permanent Commission of the Peoples
(Russell Commission). This group held a "trial" of the U.S.
for "invading El Salvador, and of the government of El Salvador
for "genocide."
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3. European/Latin American Parliamentary Conference--Socialist
delegates to this conference sought a condemnation of the Salvadoran
Junta and U.S. support for it. However, a gentleman's agreement
among European delegations dropped condemnation of the USSR's
invasion. of Afghanistan in return for dropping condemnation of
the U.S.'s support for the Salvadoran Junta.
Travels hE FDR Representatives
Representatives of the Frente Democratico Revolucionario (FDR),
including Guillermo Ungo and Hector Oqueli, travelled extensively
in Europe, Latin America, and Canada. Some FDR representatives
visited Australia. The FDR also sent "permanent representatives"
to live in many European capitals. The Cuban news service, Prensa
Latina, provided communications facilities for the FDR representa-
tives.
During their travels, FDR representatives met with heads of
state, members of parliament, socialist leaders, religious leaders,
and others to talk about El Salvador and secure political support.
They also spoke at demonstrations and rallies. Public statements
by these representatives generally followed the propaganda line
established by the DRU and repeated in Soviet and world-wide Com-
munist party propaganda. These ranged from statements that the
U.S. is planning to intervene militarily in El Salvador, to claims
- that invasion was already a fact accompanied by great detail on
the "thousands" of U.S. troops, tanks, helicopters supposedly in
the country. FDR representatives always maintained that the insur-
gents were ready any time to "dialogue" with the Junta, and charac-
terized the Junta as "rightist, military, repressive, and genocidal."
OFFICIAL PROPAGANDA
Soviet Media Commentary on El Salvador
Overt Moscow media comment on El Salvador has attempted to dis-
credit U.S. policies by convincing international audiences that U.S..
actions are motivated by narrow self-interest and constitute a
threat to all of Central America. As in its comment on other Third
World areas, Moscow accuses Washington of supporting tyranny and of
attempting to suppress popular struggles for legitimate social,
economic, and political goals. The Soviet Union is portrayed in
this propaganda as a champion of people fighting for freedom and
sovereignty. Moscow publicly acknowledges Soviet political and
moral support of the Salvadoran insurgents but dismisses .charges
about Soviet arms supply as fabrications aimed at justifying U.S.
interference in the country.
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Moscow's propaganda line is conveyed to foreign audiences in
more than 1,800 hours of broadcasts per week. Of these broadcasts,
slightly over 108 hours per week are beamed to Latin America, pri-
marily in Spanish and Portuguese. The major part of this broad-
casting comes from the official Soviet radio, Radio Moscow. Some
14 hours per week are beamed to Latin America over the purportedly
unofficial Radio Peace and Progress--a radio using Radio Moscow
transmitters but claiming to speak for Soviet public opinion. In
addition, the Moscow World Service, established in June 1978, is
:on the air around the clock in English to international audiences;
some of its programs can be heard by English-speaking people in
Latin America.
Soviet international broadcasts first stepped up attention to
El Salvador in early January 1981, with commentary supporting
Salvadoran guerrilla plans for a "final offensive" against the
government. The volume of broadcast attention to the subject
peaked in mid-January in reaction to the U.S. decision to resume
military assistance to El Salvador. While the volume of comment
then diminished, the tone became much more strident in early
February in response to statements by U.S. officials linking the
Soviet Union with international terrorism and charging the Soviets
with helping to arm the Salvadoran guerrillas.
The preponderance of Soviet broadcast comment on El Salvador
in the past three months has been directed at audiences in Latin
America and West Europe. The targeting and content of this
material suggest a dual purpose: to exploit Latin American
opposition to increased U.S. involvement in the Salvadoran con-
flict, while isolating the United States from its NATO allies.
The use of Soviet international broadcasts to serve both objec-
tives was demonstrated in mid-February, when U.S. envoys were �
visiting Europe and Latin America to seek support for U.S. policy
and to document Soviet and Cuban involvement in the'Salvadoran
conflict. During the week of the visits, 16-22 February, 99
percent of sampled Soviet broadcast comment on El Salvador was
beamed to audiences in Latin America and West Europe.
While the volume of Soviet braodcast attention to El Salvador
has been greater in recent weeks than the negligible attention
Moscow usually gives to that country, it has not approached the
magnitude of other propaganda campaigns. A week's sample of Soviet
broadcasts in mid-January, at the height of Moscow radio attention
to El Salvador, revealed that only 5.5 percent of Soviet commentary
was devoted to the topic. 4x contrast, a comparable sampling of
Soviet bxoadcasts during the anti-neutron7bWin1j issue. In normal ,
times Moscow radio seldbm mentions El Salvador. Even at the time
of the coup in El Salvador in October 1979, less than one percent
of Moscow radio comment dealt with events in the country.
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The principal themes of current Soviet media commentary on
U.S. policy toward El Salvador are identified below in descending
order of frequency:
1. The United States is fomenting trouble in El Salvador by
arming an unpopular regime and sending in agents disguised as
technicians. Moscow has attempted to refute recent statements by
'Secretary of State Haig that the United States is not going to
expand the scope of its current military assistance to the Salva-
doran regime. Soviet commentators �:have argued that Haig's assur-
ances .regarding the limited scale of U.S. involvement in El Sal-
vador are unconvincing. Typical charges appeared in a Moscow
radio broadcast in Spanish to Latin America on 2 March:
� As reported by the American press itself, Washington is
planning to allocate to the anti-people regime more than
200 million dollars--a fabulous sum for such a small
� country. . .We do not even mention the fact that the
number of Pentagon and CIA "advisers" in El Salvador is
� continually growing; they are not only acting as instruc-
tors to the punitive detachments of the junta but are
taking a direct part in the operations aimed at smashing
the patriots.
2. U.S. charges of Soviet and Cuban involvement in the supply of
arms to the Salvadoran guerrillas are contrived to justify U.S.
military intervention in the .conflict. Soviet propagandists con-
tend that U.S. statements about arms shipments from Moscow and
Havana to the Salvadoran insurgents are a smokescreen that has
failed to mask increased U.S. intervention. Thus Moscow radio
told Spanish-speaking audiences in Latin America on 4 March:
The main claim of U.S. propaganda is that international
conspirators and not the Salvadoran people are fighting
the Salvadoran regime. However, despite all their
efforts the North Americans have not managed to make
anyone believe their lies.
3. The United States is attempting to revive gunboat diplomacy in
Central America and is contributing to the repression of the
Salvadoran masses in order to protect U.S. interests in the region.
Moscow routinely plays on the theme that U.S. actions in El
Salvador run counter to the legitimate interests of the Salvadoran
people. The fallowing example is drawn from a commentary by Latin
American affairs commentator Leonid Levchenko, broadcast by Moscow
radio on 4 March to a variety of audiences:
The U.S. Administration tries to shore up the reactionary
regime in El Salvador and.protect the order against which
� the people of that country have risen in rebellion. .
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The people of El Salvador have risen against a system of
oppression and repression. In �these conditions the
United States has made a choice in favor of a tyrannical
regime responsible for the deaths of many thousands of
people. �
14. Washington has failed in its efforts to gain the support of its
European allies for U.S. initiatives in El Salvador. Seeking to
undercut the U.S. position that external communist military involve-
ment has become a crucial factor in the Salvadoran conflict, Moscow
portrays West European governments as unconvinced by Washington's
arguments and as persuaded, on the contrary, that U.S. interference
is the troublemaking factor. The Levchenko commentary cited above
also touched on this theme:
The public of Western Europe and Latin America are
showing concern over America's increasing military
interference in El Salvador. The majority of
America's allies have made it quite plain that they
do not only refuse to give support to the American
interventionS in El Salvador, but treat very negatively
Washington's attempt to keep the junta in power.
5. U.S. interference in El Salvador is only part of a larger U.S.
plan to put an end to revolutionary upheaval in Central America.
This theme underscores Moscow's charge that Washington's support
for the Salvadoran junta may presage more forceful U.S. action
against other leftist movements in the region, particularly against
the Sandinist-led government in Nicaragua. A commentary by Leonid
Levchenko broadcast by Radio Moscow's World Service on 17 January'
said:
According to the U.S. magazine NATION, a war in Central
America would be a fine excuse for sending U.S. Marines
and crushing revolutionary upheavals in that region
once and for all. As it is preparing for a direct armed
intervention in El Salvador, the United States would
like at the same time to bring down the democratic
system in Nicaragua and to help the dictatorial regimes
in Guatemala and Honduras to make short work of the
mounting opposition movements in those countries.
6. U.S. charges against the Soviet Union to the contrary, it is
the United States, not the Soviet Union, which uses terrorism as
an instrument of foreign policy. Moscow commentators typically
avoid coming to grips with :the substance of the U.S. charges, dis-
missing them as attacks against the Soviet Union's policy of sup-
porting "national liberation struggles." The following passage
appeared in a Moscow radio commentary broadcast to Soviet domestic
as well as worldwide foreign audiences on 3 February:
���� �
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The efforts of those Washington figures who are blithely
hurling accusations at the wrong target and are at the
same time giving moral, political, material, and mili-
tary support to repressive and terrorist regimes look
like hypocrisy and sanctimoniousness.
7, The United States has prepared a number of military options,
including direct U.S. armed intervention in El Salvador, to prevent
a takeover of power Dy Salvadoran leftists. Seeking to bolster the
view that Washington is resolved to save the Salvadoran junta at
.11)r cost, Moscow has long contended that the United States is pre-
paring to intervene in El Salvador, either directly or through the
use of Latin American expeditionary forces. Moscow first warned of
:possible U.S. military involvement in El Salvador in mid-February
1980 following Washington's decision to provide military aid to the
Junta. These warnings peaked in December 1980 and January 1981 as
the scale of the war between the junta and the leftists intensified.
Recent Soviet media commentary on the Salvadoran conflict has
included mention of a possible U.S. military role, but with less
frequency than during the December-January period. Touching on this
issue last December, �a commentary by Leonid Levchenko broadcast over
.Radio Moscow's World-Service on the 24th said:
The special presidential expert commission on El Salvador
is known to have recommended direct military intervention
in that country. This intervention is to be launched in
different forms. The commission suggests, for example,
sending into El Salvador troops of the member countries
of the Organization of American States.03ut if this
tactic -cannot be applied this time because of the oppo-
sition by most members of the organization, then it is
proposed to support the junta by sending in troops of
the United States, Guatemala, and Honduras.
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�
APPENDIX'
Demonstrations and Protests Against U.S. Policy in El Salvador
DAtE PLACE NO. SPONSOR
13 Jan. Montreal 40 Comite Unitaire Dd Soliddrite Pour
Salmadord
16 Jan. Bern 800 "Usual run of left-wing youth and
third world interest groups, mostly
Swiss but with a smattering of Latin
� American participants
16 Jan. Panama City Federation of Panamanian students,
Revolution Student Front. There was
also an attempt to firebomb the Embassy.
16 Jan. Sydney 40" "Australian Socialist Workert Party"
(Trotykyite) (NOTE: Some Chileans were
' to participate, according to permit,
but were.not seen at site.
16 Jan. Managua 300 All U.S. Citizens, Wainly Mdryknollets,
and others describing themselves as
tourists.
17 Jan. Georgetown 40 People� Progressive Par-7ty (Pro-Soviet
17 Jan. Brussels 250 "A small local Trotskyite_party"and
other Leftist groups.
19 Jan. Bilbao 40 Members of the Faculty of Theology
of the University of Deusto
20 Jan. Barcelona 50 Liga Comunista Revolucionaria,
Movimiento Comunista de Catalunia
20,Jan. Vancouver 75 El Salvador/Nicaragua Support
Committee.
20 Jan. Wellington 8
20 Jan. Quito unk
Nicaragua Solidarity Committee
Leftist students from Catholic
University
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20 Jan.
Rome
Unk
Cdthmittee of :.:olidarity with the
Salvadoran People. Speakers included
Brazilian labor leader and Communist
"Lula" Uruguayan Ernesto Gogi, and others
22 Jan.
1
USUN
200
Committee in Solidarity with the People
of El Salvador
22 Jan.
Bilbao
3
Communist Party of Euskadi, Basque
Regional Branch of Spanish Communist Party.
22 Jan.
Bogota
35
Colombian Communist Party (pro-Soviet)
22 Jan.
Managua
15
Group describing itself as American
Professional people from New York and
California
22 Jan.
San Jose
unk
Unidentified group, mainly foreigners.
The Government of Costa Rica subsequently
expelled 16 foreigners including 3 U.S.
citizens for demonstrating illegally.
24 Jan.
�
Stuttgart
80
Amnesty International, Association of
German Catholic Youth, Action Committee
Stuttgart, Communist Party of Chile,
Latin American Comm., Stuttgart, Movement
of the Revolutionary Left, Socialist
Party of Chile, Socialist Party CNR,
Chile.
24 Jan.
tAlgary
200.
Committee of Friends of El Salvador
New Democratic Party, the U.S. Association,
the Inter-Church Committee on Human Rights
in Latin America
29 Jan.
Vienna
1,500
Anti-U.S. campaign spearheaded by
Austrian Communist Party.
29. Jan.
Dusseldorf
100
Working Group for El Salvador, Neuss;
Central America Committee, Wuppertal;
Nicaragua Information Office, Wuppertal;
Initiative Group for the Third World,
Neuss;
Working Group of BDKJ For The Politics
of Development;
ASTA (Combined German Student Committee);
Professional Group of the PH; Neuss;
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29 Jan. Dusseldorf 100 (Cont!d.)
Evangelical Student Committee, Dusseldorf;
Working Group for Alternatives in Social Work;
The Foreigners Group, Bilk;
Action Movement for Housing, Dusseldorf;
Independent Medical Group;
1 Blker-Base Central Book Assn.;
Saegewerke, E. V.;
Children's Book Store in Wuppertal, Third
World Section;
Provincial Association for the North
Rhine-Westphalia "The Green Ones"
(An Environmentalist Political Party);
Free International University.
31 Jan.
Mexico
10,000
(Not attributed by Embassy report)
31 Jan.
Frankfurt
15,000
Informationsstelle El Salvador. Marchers
included several hundred masked leather-
jacketed rowdies" and "a number of orderly
Turks and Chileans." The keynote speaker
was. Karsten Voigt. There were acts of violence.
31 Jan,
3 Feb.
Stockholm
Milan
400
Guatemala-El Salvador Committee. Vast
majority of demonstrators were Latin
Americans, from Latin American exile groups.
Telephone threat against U.S. Consulate in
Milan By group calling itself MOVEMENT OF
28 FEBRUARY. Caller said in SpanM that,'
U.S. must cease giving arms to Salvadoran
Ounta or his organization "will take
measures against you."
6 Feb.
Melbourne
unk
Nicaragua Reconstruction Committee,
Socialist Workers Party, Spartacist
League of Australja, rnternational
Socialists, Communist Party of Austi'alia.
10 Feb.
San Jose
8
Partido Revolucionario de Los Trabajadores.
Demonstration followed series of radio
announcements claiming Feb. 10 would be
day of world-wide demonstrations against
El Salvador By the Fourth International
"Partido Mundial De Los Trabajadores."
10 feb.
Mexico
150
Partido Obrero Socialista, Liga Obrero
Marxista, Partido Marxista De Mexico,
Juventud Democratica Mexicana
10 Feb.
Lima
15
"Leftist and Communist Demonstrators,
-organized and led by Senator Cesar Napuri
(POMR) and Diputado Enrique Fernandez (PST)
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;
10 Feb.
Paris
500
Organisation Communiste Internationaliste.
10 Feb.
1
Hamburg
10
Unattributed
10 Feb.
Frankfurt
5
Protest letter delivered by reps of
Internationaler Arbeitskreis Frankfurt.
' 10 Feb.
Lima
15
Persons representing various political
parties, including the trotskyites.
11 Feb.
Quebec
8
Communist Party - These demonstrators
showdd up during a driving rain storm for
demonstration.
13 Feb.
Perth
6
Unattributed (Perth 0030)
14 Feb.
Amsterdam
2,500
El Salvador Committee, together with the
the support of other local anti-American
protest groups and United Uruguayan Group
In Solidarity With El Salvador.
International :: Communist League,
Convencion Nacional de Trabajadores del
Uruguay, IKB - Grupo Combate.
17 Feb.
Dublin
35
El Salvador Support Committee. (Note:
the Embassy in Dublin reported this was
the Fifth demonstration by this group.)
20 Feb.
Oslo
200
Hnattributed.
25 Feb.
Paris
1,000
Comite Soutien au Peuple du Salvador,
Comite du Nicaragua, Comite du Guatemala.
(all these groups were organized by the
Organise 4E Internationale, a Trotskyist
group'.
26 Feb.
Stuttgart
15
Same groups as Jan 24 demonstration.
6
26 Feb.
Rome
35
Partito Democratic� Unione Proletario
Movimiento Laboratori Per Ii Socialismo.
Among the group were six parliamentary
reps of the PDUP.
27 Feb.
Edinburgh
75
Latin American Solidarity Campaign Of
Edinburgh. Some damage Was done to the
Consulate door 5y battering it.
28 Feb.
Vancouver
500
--El Salvador/Nicaragua Committee.
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28 Feb.
Quebec
500
Quebec/E1 Salvador (NFI)
6 Mar.
Adelaide
30
Socialist Party of Australia, Socialist
Workers Party, Communist Party of
Australia.
3 Mar.
Copenhagen
1,500
"Several Danish political organizations
from Center-left of Communist" Chile-
Nicaragua Allende-Uruguay Committee.
10 Mar.
Toronto
200
El Salvador Support Committee.
� � �
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