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APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200100010 -4 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200100010 -4 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200100010 -4 WARNING The NIS is National Intelligence and may not be re- leased or shown to representatives of any foreign govern- ment or international body except by specific authorization of the Director of Central Intelligence in accordance with the provisions of National Security Council intelligence Di- rective No. 1, For NIS containing unclassified material, however, the portions so marked may bFk mode available for official pur. e poses to foreign :rotionalis and nongovernment personnel provided no attribution is made to National Intelligence or The National Intelligence Survey. Subsections and graphics are indoviduolly classified according to content. Classification /control designa. tions are- (U/GU) Unclassified /For Official Use Orily (C:) Confidential (S) Sacret APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200100010 -4 =111;191;A =1 Mwo]E 1 1:1 1Z 111111Z[1E! GENERAL SURVEY CHAPTERS COUNTRY PROFILE Integrated perspective of the subject country 0 Chronology Area brief Summary Map THE SOCIETY Social structure Population 4 Labor Health Laving conditions Religion a Education Artistic expression 0 Public Information GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS Summary and background o Structure and function *political dynamics Nutioaal policies Thre; -ts to stability 0 The police 0 Intelligence and security a Counter subversion and counterir�,surgency capabilities THE ECONOMY Appraisal of the economy 0 Its structure agriculture, fisheries, forestry, fuels and power, metals and minerals, manufacturing and con- struction 0 DornWic trade Economic policy and development International ecvm.rrnic relations TRANSPORTATION AND TELECOMMUNICATIONS Appraisal of systems Strategic mobility Railroads 0 Highways Inland waterways a Ports Civil air Ai *fields 0 The telecom system MILITARY GEOGRAPHY Topography and climate 0 Military geographic regions Strategic areas Internal routes Approaches: land, sea, air ARMED FORCES The defense establishment 9 Joint activities 0 Ground forces s Naval forces Airforces Paramilitary 0 Cuerrilla forces 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200100010 -4 I I /!1Jil1 yi K Z". 'Y t qv i j kpp ti' r y'7s, ids J y 5 p 54 r 3 s e,.c q` r4 v x'� e S w' der jj. N w t,,a f`&3 A 4 3`"p tx r A s;� .,p y d`h�^"n e v w rY n k"` r S.,r', vii s k' �x' q M ib ..gib'' f'yit {yam. >e ^G6'' 4,�k ''a` q A u q,4 o d '(�11 "I h`Sgp F" i 4' N Y" gf i-� i yy K+t iM� fpR sE zit y t a r�'� ,g Y y nfit i ak n `'V ..r Se w b'L J 7 i f rW *R '�R"+'r,',,eJ' p� :r i "nlc' q t y'�txe, iit.A Yl,S sw"�drn't why. .ALL Ib -'i"S AP r y. ay: Y 1 V` fK 1K- y,T�`,'yr_ a,ek}�^q.4fk"Pt"r Y y T w _y ":1 g F, s, y..+}. r M �le^ `Y' e e 77 d 5 x w y C`wi' f '6 'e s- �t'^S�' ;u- 't..,,,F- i4,',.. mss�-. ap( 'i �1i'.F g 9Py '+7s� r tea' .�..�a" I j9 .f a R: s e� T Y 1 4i..� 1 cCfi py 1 _,ZiK 3r t" `�ice� iri Rye '�rMu ,iw-'L1. Asa -'i: r e4 j� y y k 6"veo j j$ L 1 ,v g _or or VP .y'.,r A.s:C ..C". Jr... S, APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200100010 -4 Mozambique is a focal point of the struggle to es- tablish majority rule throughout Africa. To the Por- tuguese. Mozambique is an overseas state, an integral part of their nation. To black Africa, however, the Por- tuguese presence in Mozambique is a rank evil, one of the last vestiges of European colonialism, and since 1964 several thousand insurgents have been conduct- ing guerrilla warfare against the well- entrenched Por- tuguese in the name of African independence. (U /OU) By almost any standard, Mozambique seems a poor prize for either side. it is a backward land, handi- capped by African primitivism and Portuguese penury. Located on the southeast coast of Africa, it is� despite recent progress anything but a tropical paradise, with its slender agricultural economy, a sparse, largely illiterate, and unskilled population, and primitive standards of health and social welfare. About 975, African, it is ruled paternalistically by an almost wholly white elite controlled by Lisbon. For the Por- tuguese it is an economic drain and yet they prize it as an outpost of Portuguese civilization and consider it a symbol of Portugal's continuing world importance. (U /OU) The Portuguese have a strong emotional attachment to their overseas territories. Mozambique included. Beginning with their explorations of the late 13th and early 16th centuries, the Portuguese have had an un- interrupted presence in Africa for nearly 500 years. En- durance alone, they argue, is sufficient reason for their being there. Yet, they also see themselves �in a Kiplingesque vision �as the anointed bearers of Euro- pean civilization, chosen to uplift a primitive society through the application of the modes of a rich culture and the infusion of Christianity, particularly Catholicism, the Portuguese state religion. According to their mystique, they are specially qualified for these tasks by reason of a singular capacity to mix racially and thus produce a peaceful society at a time when conflict based on color is rife. In support of their case, they cite the general mood of calm in Mozambique and contrast it with the periodic political upheavals elsewhere in Africa. Moreover, they claim that Mozambique, unlike most of its black -ruled neighbors, is making economic and social progress, encouraged by a series of Portuguese sponsored reforms. (U /OU) Critics of Portugal in general and Mozambique in particular maintain that Lisbon's ideals are not put into practice. In Mozambique they see an overwhelm- ing black majority that is ill fed, ill housed, ill educated, and ill treated. They see a white elite mouthing platitudes while profiting immensely from entrenched privilege, and they see the Portuguese Government making changes largely cosmetic �only when forced to. "Africa for the Africans" and "self- determination" are the slogans they invoke to convey their desire to put an end to Portuguese rule. (U /OU) The point remains that the Portuguese in Mozam- bique are a determined lot, convinced of their own cause and unswayed by what they regard as the pass- ing fancies of the present day. In recent years, the United Nations has repeatedly condemned Portugal's colonialist" policy. The Third World countries have chimed in, as have the Soviet Union and the Chinese People's Republic. Even most of Portugal's NATO allies have sided with the Africans against Portugal. or at least abstained from supporting Lisbon. Only white -ruled South Africa and Rhodesia somewhat suspect because of their" racist� policies- --have rallied consistently behind Portuguese rule in Mozam- bique. (U /OU) In response the Portuguese have raised up the twin menaces of Communist and Western imperialism. They have warned of a Communist conspiracy to create turmoil and thereby subvert Mozambique, and they have wondered aloud why the West does not con- sider Mozambique part of the Free World. Conversely, they have accused the United States of seeking to assert economic dominance over their potentially rich African territories, which they say are now about to pay off. Above all, Portuguese spokesmen aver that the "greatness of their nation" depends on the retention of Mozambique, Angola, and Portuguese Guinea, and that therefore Portugal intends to fight to eternity for its cause. (U /OU) APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200100010 -4 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06116: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200100010 -4 r Half A Millennium in the j'ro ics (10 When the Portuguese first landed nit the southeast coast of Africa around A.Q. I5110, the found themselves in an area Imig dominated by Arabian traders and merchuots, who had built fortified settlements and taught ehc religion mud culture of Islam to those Africans with whom then haul untie ill contact. The region had two main attractions: that it could serve as a tease for it commercial empire em- brae ing the Indian Ocean and that it was thought to be rich in gold deposits. During the 17th century gold fever seized the Portuguese, but their efforts were largely defeated by art impenetrahie land, raging dis- ease, and im- rsonal rivairies �not to mention mines hardly worth erplolling. Of greater significance- was the fact that Portuguese control was constantly threatened by its failure to establish more than a fechle population base. On into the 18th century, the Por- tuguese population of the territory seldom aunibertil over 1,M), these were chiefly the semidespertdo es- tatcholders (luncros) to whom the goverunrent had given crown grants in the Zambezi valley or the ctioi- rnercially minded inhabitants of tilt- cx;asta# fortress towns, such as ,Mo a mhique,` the first capitol, from which the entire- area ultimately took its name. For thm-filicN nu p1md. amity Wh tilt Im oil mart� +4111 tilt- =iprun al the sumillm% xhil 111111 tilt 11111p irwif Mozambique was initially important to the Portuguese as a hose from which to control the rich trade routes hehveen Europe and the spiceiartds of in- dia and the East lndie After the Dutch gairu�cl oxo- lrol of the spice trade iu the� 17th certtur y. t_ishun authoritivs accorded MmAmhicimat- leers intpwrtanct aad concentrated their erurgics on the more acm.,814e Angola as it link to the prized possession of Brazil. The Portuguese were able to maitiluut a lcuuous grip (in tht Iamtul Daly by a divide- and- crompier strategy against time natives. who, watlered and demoralized. brc�arne vic- tims of the thriving slave trade of the fiat half of the 19th centeiry. Moreover, Christian missionaries prac- ticed their professinu over tale %ears in sornee%hat desultory fashion, gaining relatively few converts. The major European powers, stalemated in their ef- forts to dominale Africa, met at Bedin in ISScs to carve It;) the continent. Portugal's claim to Mozambique and Angola Was eYOfirtuetl. but as it turned out its dream of a trans African empire comrccting time two Imritories was shattered by the inter�enton of the far str iger and more aggressive liritisb. Coewerned over the covetous Rritish :rnd Cvrmuos, the Pnrtuguese in the late 19th CPIIInry decided Drier and for all to es- APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200100010 -4 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200100010 -4 m a ,rx "er .e_.,._,_., _.e,,:.. -re iLr'.. s�, -iw ;.:r..::..',- S1 K, a; i^...x3 .C-,. ....x,,.Y s,,.... n i w- r w J% G tablish their control over Mozambique, accomplishing this partly by force of arms and partly by the establish rient of large concessionary companies charged with exploiting the agricultural lands and mineral resources of the interior. It was not until around 1920, however, that Por- tuguese administrators at last acquired almost com- plete maste7y over Mozambique, only to find that political- economic chaos in Portugal itself was under mining their position. With the arrival of strong man Antonio Salazar on the scene in 1928, the long -lost dream of a great multiracial Portuguese nation spread across three continents was revived. The dream turned nightmare, however, when indigenous rebellions broke out in Angola and Portuguese Cuinea in 1961 and in Mozambique in 1964. Salazar respond.d with strong military action, coupled with token acknowledgment of the pressures for self determination. The franchise was offered to the indigenous peoples, and representa- tion in Portugal's legislative councils was increased. Marcello Cactano, who succeeded the dying Salazar in 1968, seemed momentarily to consider the possibility of eventual independence for the African provinces. However, under strong pressure from rightists in his en- tourage, he compromised with a promise of semiautonomy for what were now to be designated overseas states of the Portuguese nation. The centuries -long struggle of the Portuguese for Mozambique probably accounts more for their attach- ment to the land than the nature of Mozambique Itself. Mozambique consists mainly of flat to rolling Plains which rise gradually inland from the coast and culminate in rugged ranges of hills and scattered mountains in the north and west, the highest of which Monte Binga (7,992 ft.). Much of the country is forested, although there are large savanna areas, main- ly in the south and northeast. Several large streams flow cross country to the coast �most notably the Zambezi, the historic avenue of entry to the African in- terior, taken by David Livingstone, among others. Largely tropical, Mozambique has two principal seasons: a warm, dry winter from June through September and a hot, wet summer from December through March, when temperatures over 120 degrees can turn a river valley into a steaming green hell. A Y- shaped land of some 3W,000 square miles, Mozambique is bordered on the north by Tanzania, on the north an'd west by Malawi and Zambia, on the west by Rhodesia, and on the west and south by South Africa and Swaziland. Adjacent to the busy shipping lanes of the Mozambique Channel, it has strategic im- portance as a surveillance station for the western In- dian Ocean. Eight and one -half times the size of Por- tugal itself, Mozambique �if superimposed on the eastern United States -would stretch from the Cana- dian border to northern Florida and from western In- diana to the Atlantic Ocean. Mozambique's popula- tion as of June 1973 was estimated at 8,698,000 (about the same as Portugal's), or a sparse 28 persons per square mile. Population figures are suspect, however, given the migratory habits of the African tribes, the vagaries of the census takers, and the secretiveness of Portuguese officials. Both primitive and modern, Mozambique is a study in contrasts. Along the coast there are great port cities, principally Lourenco Marques and Beira. The for- mer �the capital, major metropolis, and principal industrial- transport center �has a sophisticated, almost continental atmosphere, with sleek office buildings, shady avenues, sidewalk cafes, first -class hotels, and Riviera -like beaches attractive to vacation- ing Rhodesians and South Africans. The cities, largely bastiUns of the white population, are now being ringed by slums inhabited by a flood of Africans in search of jobs. In quest of a better life, they have abandoned the misery and boredom of the small towns, native villages, plantations, and mining communities that make up the back country. They have also left behind the tsetse fly, wild animals, poisonous plants, and other hazards of the bush. Until recently Mozarbique s development as a uni- fied nation was hampered by a transportation network that, because of geograpic and economic necessity, ran mainly cast -west. In part to foster the economy and also as an aid in combating the native insurgency, the government has sought to upgrade and expand the rail, road, and air systems. Travel is still a hazardous proposition over single -track rail lin^s and one -lane dirt roads that not only are subject to washouts but may also contain landmines planted by guerrillas. Destinations frequently are more safely and expeditiously reached via small commercial aircraft, which fly from one remote grassy strip to anotlior. 0 3 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200100010 -4 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200100010 -4 Blacks, Whites, and Others (u /0u) Friends and foes of N- lozambiciue tend to agree that its greatest virtue is an absence of strong conscious racial antagonisms. The Portugat,se art colorblind by comparison with most other Europeans. Ili fact, by law racial tiscriminatioo is botb illegal and immoral. aucl as a practical lnatter Wgregatirnl dcxs 1101 exist ill Mozambique. however, after 300 years, ill tilt iracism, the cornerstone of Portuguese social policy. still remains more myth tlum reality. The absence of avert discrimination in no way indicates that the African is considered the equal Elf the European. While the Por- 1119"ese seem to have a genuine fo idness for blacks, they uiso tesid ttt treat them paternalistically as primitive 1H ople. As the representatives of all old and rigidly stratified society, the Portuguese in Aiozcetn- bique base social status oil family backgramid. wealth, and education criteria that in the eruct generally separate blacks from whites 'thus, tilt- two may mix unaffectedly in public life --in schools, government, business, athletics, and the military �bat in private go their separate ways. Perhaps as justification for tilt emionued rule of Xlozarnbique from Lisbon, the Portuguese like t., tell themselves and a somewhat skeptical world that they arcs building a racially mixed society along the fines of that found ill Brazil. Ire fact, while miscegenatio11 is of- ficially approved, it is little practiced in "viozartthkpic. ,uud most mixing of the races has taken place es- trarrtaritally. Must of the approximately 40,0(X) "Itilat- tcxw ill Mor illbique toclay are desc idecl frmin white men and black wotne11. By and large. the mulatto bears no stigma, bot only rarely does lie attain high slandiag ill lice cYrnnuuiity. 13y comparison with the mulattoes and especially the whites, the blacks are just beginning to gain status in Nlozatnbiquc s modern society. All Africans in- digenous to Nioi unbique are considered to be Rama, a major linguistic grouping also characterize([ to some degree by physical similarities. Tribal distinctions are difficuit to make, however, because of a continuing pax -ess of amalgamation and separation among the various grout's and the fact that their geogrlphic luea- Con hequerltly transcends rtloderit -clay national houn- darim. As a gVeleral rule, the people of the north tend to be agriculturalists. Muslims, and practitioners of the nilcs of matrilineal descent. whereas those of the south are more often involved in cattle raising as well as agriculture, are animists. tilt(] trace tfieir descent from males. There are in Mozambique no truly dominant tribes to ulosel the social balance. At dic same tithe. However, ancient rivalries do persist �such as that between the fiercely indelkrodent and generally :rriti- Portuguese Makontle and the more passive N- iaetta. who tend to be pro Portuguese. On the whole, it is clif- APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200100010 -4 w APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200100010 -4 i ficult to assess the attitutes of the blacks, but few appear to have any special sense of being "black African," and even fewer identify themselves as "black Portuguese." Africans were kept in inferior status for years by their own backward ways and by Portuguese administrative statutes. Under terms of the Native Law (Estatuto In- digena) an African could enjoy the full privileges of modern society �that is, could become an assimilado with full rights of Portuguese citizenship �only by proving that he spoke Portuguese, did not live in native style, and was economically self sustaining. With some logic the Portuguese stated that the law was meant to encourage the African to, aspire to greater heights, but the fact that only a few thousand ever at- tained the status of assimilado seemed to negate this argument. The law was repealed in 1961, but many of the barriers of black advancement remain. Lack of education, for example, still keeps blacks from most of the better paying jobs. Even when the black can com- pete successfully, he may be paid half or less of what the white earns. The Portuguese can cite the histories of an increasing number of Africans who have applied themselves, striven upward, and been accepted into the establishment although usually at its lower and middle echelons. At present, Mozambique remains predominantly the domain of the white Portuguese. Many, -like their explorer forefathers, have gone to Africa on a short -term basis to promote ;their fortunes. Others were born there, claim descent from the crew of Vasco da Cama, bonsider themselves more Mozambican than Portuguese, and at times resent "interference" from Lisbon. The "better" white's live in fine homes, are walted,on by an array of servants, and have their own clubs. Another side of Portuguese life in Mozambique is represented by the laborers and peasants, who are constantly being enticed by Lisbon to try their luck overseas (arid- thus reinforce Portugal's presence in Africa). What at least a few discover, however, is that Mozambique by nature and climate is inhospitable to the working -level white European immigrant. These people frequently are failures,at home, and therefore do not constitute good pioneer stock. Here they com- pete with the educated Africans, in the process produc- ing incipient racial ill will. Typically, they comp ?ain of food shortages, bad roads, high prices, and insensitive officials. Ultimately some develop feelings of aliena- tion from the homeland �a circumstance that could bode ill for long -range stability in the overseas state. Also resident in Mozambique are pockets of "old school" German and English colonialists, remnants of the days when their nations were powers in the region, plus small numbers of Asians, principally Chinese and Indians, whose commercial prowes, frequently irritates white shopkeepers and whose -wealth and influence tend to antagonize aspiring blacks. DO- 11 A certain number of black Mozambicans, outraged by "EufflPmn colonialism" and despairing of its end by peaceful means, have been conducting guerrilla warfare against the regime since September 1964, As of 1973, the native Insurgency movement had become more active and widespread but was still restricted to the largely underdeveloped northern sector of Mozam- bique. There, neither side can be said to have control. Rather, areas of 'influence exist, with the situation otherwise deadlocked. The insurgency has been led principally by the Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO), operating out of sanctuary in Tanzania (and sometimes Zambia), and to a small extent by the rival and much smaller Mozambique Revolutionary "Com- mittee (COREMO), based in Zambia. FRELIMO is estimated to have 7,000 to 8, trained guerrilla fighters, plus the verbal and sometime materiel sup- port of the Organi�ation of African Unity, the U.S.$ the Chinese People's Republic, the Fast V APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200100010 -4 Rebellion and Reform I_1 �:16IT M M161:a:01 if: wo]F ileN11111QrI4Lrl//:1tItI11P4111 G111111111M European nations, militant Arab states, and private Western sources. In recent �cars it also has received "humanitarian" support from specialized agencies of the United Nations and several Scandinavian states, including three of Portugal's NATO allies. Glorified by admirers as an army of hard bitten young patriots who would single mindedly undergo almost any hardship to liberate their homeland, MELD-10 has been plagued by the rivalries of a member of would-be leaders, including sonic with Communist tics. Originally directed by the American educated Dr. Eduardo Mondlarne, who was assassinated in 1969, FRELM-10 P� now led by Moises Sanuora `lachel, a skilled military tactician whose holder, more aggressive moves hav- kept the Portuguese somewhat off balance. In brief, the fighting in 4o7ambique arouses memories of Vietnam, fca:trrirng as it does rough jungle terrain, hit- and -run thrusts, no true battlefront, heavy use of propaganda, a grubby existence for all par- ticipants, and no promise of an early end. By most ac- counts, the 50,000 to 60.000 P Witguese troops in Mozambique�a surprisingly large number of them black --have acquitted themselves well under the cir- cumstances. Tough and well conditioned. they have become increasingly skilled in counterinsurgency methods. They have established several hundred for- tified villages (afdearrmentos) in the north and ex- ploited the hatred of other local tribes toward the Makonde, the principal insurgent element. Mozam- bique has received considerable encouragement, but minimal direct support, from South Africa and Rhodesia. It is unlikely to ask soon for much greater assistance, for in this as in other regional events Mozambique prefers to "go it alone,' out of fear of eventual economic domination by its white neighbors, distaste for their racial policies, and resentment of their 6 inclination to look down on tlue dark skinned "lazy Latins" of Mozambique. Within Mozambique, the vast majority of the African population has not been involved in the In- surgency and seems largely indifferent to it. In fact, an increasing number of blacks appear to be participating more fully in Portuguese- directed affairs, if only to profit from the social reforms that the Insurgency and adverse world comment evidently have forc -d the Por- tuguese to undertake. In a larger sense, their participa- tion probably derives more from an acquiescence in Portuguese domination than all �pting for Portuguese run, but in any case the reforms, incomplete as they are, arc at last beginning to give the Africans a semblance of the civilized status long promised them. For centuries, one of the chief anomalies of the Por- tuguese "mission" in Mozambique was the promise of enlightenment and the reality of illiteracy. still- es- timated to be between Sff and 905. Until the 1960's basic education consisted of "adaptation" schools �run principally by Catholic mis- sionaries �which offered African children little uwre than an indoctrination in Christian principles and a brief introduction to the Portuguese. language. In 196-1, the "adaptation" schools were abolished by law. and regular primary education became available ----at least in theory �to all childre =i without racial distinct ;nn An increasing number of Africans are going on to secondary level training, .which offers some hope of economic and social attainment in skill -short Mozam- bique. Still, much of the indigenous population is handicapped by the simple fact that tribal existence is poor preparation for a Port a gu ese -style education. And since Lisbon is interested in turning out black Por- tuguese-- not black Africans�progress necessarily %will b slow. Lacking education, Africans over the years have been relegated to the most menial jobs such as planta- tion hands, roadbuilders, and miners. The slave trade was officially abolished in the Portuguese overseas territories in 1875, but a system warier which "all natives of Portuguese overseas provinces" who were unemployed �i.c., virtually all black men who lived on the tribal economy �eould legally be forced to work continued until 1962, wken the Rural Labor Code was enacted. The Rural Labor G=ale banned this new form of slavery but did not entirely deter some Portuguese from coercing the African to work. The justi fie' rti011, as the Portuguese state it, is that work is personally ennobling and helps the African build the advanced civilization he needs to insure his greater happiness. Overall, progress has been made in teens of greater job opportunities, higher ages, and improved work statudards, but reform has not gone in far as to APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200100010 -4 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200100010 -4 y 6? C5 allow free trade unions, collective bargaining, or strikes. Risk, however, may not be a compelling factor for an African, who more often than not exists from day to day and who has an average life expectancy of only about 40. Until recently, health, welfare, and even basic sanitation facilities were far scarcer in Mozam- bique than schools, and the Afrir.,ao by and large relied on ancient tribal remedies in the event of dis. ease including such major afflictions as malaria, schistosomiasis, inf ^thous hepatitis, enteric infee- tions �and other health problems. Since the mid- 1960's sundry clinics have been opened in the towns and villages, while "psychoso&J service teams' have been dispatched, Peace Corps fashion, to remote areas where they attempt to combat illness and up- grade African work habits and skill in Portuguese. Asa result, the quality of life in Mozambique has im- proved, though only commensurate with the slim C Mozambique leads a humble political existence as a child of mother Portugal. Most important decisions are made in Lisbon by the government of Marcello Caetano, and those made in Lourenco Marques are subject to Lisbon's approval. This arrangement; accord- ing w the Portuguese, is justified because Mozam- bique, as an oversew state of the sovereign Portuguese nation, is part of a single national community which is Juridically one despite geographic separation. Portugal and its overseas states are administered in accordance with the authoritarian philosophy of the New State (Estado Novo), originally propounded by Antonio Salazar. The thrust of this concept is to place the state in the hands of a small number of corporate bodies pledged to the primacy of its interests, The in- dividual Is represented in government primarily through his affiliation with a corporate body, possibly a labor syndicate, industrial organization, or church group. In practice, a strong executive is required 'to lead the "corporate state," which he proceeds to do with the broad advice and consent of an upperstratum resources of metropolitan Portugal, itself mired in poverty and drained by persistent colonial wars. Such funds as the Portuguese have available for development in Mozambique are frequently channel- ed into public works projects and new agricultural settlements, State officials have enthusiastically por- traycd these settlements as thriving biracial com. munities that allow Africans to learn advuneed farm- ing techniques and absorh Portuguese values from their white cosettlers. However, the settlement schemes --such as that begun in the Limpopo valley in 1953 --have yet to fulfill their promise for several reasons: a paucity of Africans capable of undertaking such a venture, an unwillingness on the part of most Portuguese farmers to emigrate to Mozambique, and a propensity on the part of some responsible offia +als to implement their somewhat visionary plans either lethargically or hardly at ail. 7 4 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200100010 -4 The Rulers and Their Institutions (c) APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200100010 -4 of business, church, and military men. Political activi- ty that falls to refleef the consensus of the establish- ment is generally regarded as tantamount to treason. Political nertirs are throttled, are censored, and the electorate is held down to a small minority. Elections are held chiefly to confirm government policy. Supreme authority within Mozambique is wielded by the Governor General, who is appointed by and answerable to the Lisbon cabinet. He serves as the chief local administrator, appoints,most lesser state ad- ministrators, prepares `the state budget, supervises ex- penditures looks after the indigenous population, and interprets Portuguese directives to the general pop- ulace. He is assisted by a cabinet of state secretaries and backed up by a partially elected but mostly powerle