NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE SURVEY 58; MOZAMBIQUE; GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS

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• Collection: NIS
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP01-00707R000200100012-2
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Mozambique
August 1973
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE SURVEY
SECRET
NO FOREIGN DISSEM
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WARNING
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leased or sI -�vn to representatives of any foreign govern-
ment or international body except by specific authorixatien
of the Director of Central Intelligence in accordance with
the provisions of National Security Council Intelligence D1-
rective No. 1.
For NIS containing unclassified material, however, the
portions so marked may be made available for official pur-
poses to foreign nationals and nongovernment personnel
provided no attribution is made to National Intelligence cr
the National Intelligence Survey.
Subsections and graphics are individually classified
according to content. Classification /control designa-
tions are:
(U /OU) unclassified /For Official Use Only
(C) Confidential
(S) Secret
C
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7'4(s chapter was prepared for the NIS by the
Central Intelligence Agency. Research was sub-
stantially complated by June 1973.
'iO6
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D. National policies
1. Domestic
2. Foreign
Page
s
10
Page
F. Maintena. ice of internal security 21
1. Police 21
2. Intelligence and security services 21
3. Countersubversive and counterinsur-
gency measures and capabilities 23
E. Threats to government stability 13
I. Disc -)ntent and dissidence 13
2. Subversion 14
3. Insurgency 14
a. Moz, iuc Liberation Front 15
b. Mozambique Revolutionary Com-
mittee 20
G. Suggestions for further reading 24
Chronology 26
Glossary.. 27
WRI I$1
Page
Fig. 1 Structure of government 3
Fig. 2 Election methods (table) 4
Fig. 3 Areas of armed insurgency (nap) 16
Fig. 4 Cabora Bassa construction site photo) 17
Page
Fig. 5 FRELIMO activity (photos) 18
Fig.6 FRELIMO president Samora
Machel (photo) 19
Fig. 7 Resettlement village (photos) 24

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Government
and
Politics
A. Summary and background (C)
Mozambique is it tightly administered overseas state
of the liepublic of Portugal, itself tender the
authuriturinn regime of Prime Minister Marcello
Caetano. The Portuguese consider Mozambique to be
constitutionally, politically, and economically an
integral part of their nation. The underlying political
philosophy of Portugal's administration of Mrnatm-
bique is embodied in the concept of the "corporate
state," according to which there are no colonial
territories subject to the metropolitan community;
there is only a single national community covering it
territory which is juridically one, despite geographical
separation. Moreover, this political philosophy
contends that the regime is the best guarantor of
national independence, unity, and stability and thus
all important authority in Ports-al'!: overseas
possessions must reside in the executive branch of the
government in Lisbon.
Psychological and economic factors also are
important in the political philosophy of the "corporate
state." The almost totalitarian control over
Mozambique and the other overseas possessions
exercised by Lisbon is viewed as essential to continued
Portuguese econoinic and political domination of
these possessions, justified in terms of a mystic vision
of a Portuguese empire scattered over the world but
held together by bonds of language, enitare, racial
integration, and shared beliefs, Spokesmen for the
government often speak of Portugal's civilising
mission --an obligation to propagate in Africa a
Christian, anti Communist, multiracial society.
Further, its overseas possessions are an important
source of foreign exchange and provide Portuguese
entrepreneurs with important areas for economic
exploitation.
Mozarnhique's political status was first defined in
the Coles :vial Act of 1930, the basic law for all the
overseas territories. The Colonial Act was largely the
product of former Prime Minister Salazar, then
Finance Minister with extraordinary powers, and, was
designed to reverse a trend toward financial and
political autonomy which had arisen in the 1920'x. It
provided for a unifier) administration centered in
Lisbon and the integration of the colonial economies
with the economy of the inctropole. Moreover, it
stressed the duty of colonial administrators to uphold
[lie sovereignty of Portugal. The Colonial Act was
referred to in the Cmstitution of 1933 and at modified
version, in the form of the Colonial Act of 1935, was
incorporated in t he revised Constitution of 1951 with
the term "overseas provinces" substituted for
"colonies." In addition, the 1954 Native Statute
defined the political and legal status of the Africans
and the conditions under which they could be granted
full citizenship. 'rhe Angolan rebellion in 1961.
however, prompted the Portuguese Government to
reconsider many of its overseas policies, and, with the
1963 Organic Law, the government repealed the
Native Statute and made all Moxambicans Portuguese
citizens.
Constitutional revisions in 1971 held out the
possibility of greater autonomy for Lisbon's overseas
territories. Ho wever, the revised Overseas Organic
Law enacted in 1972, designating Mozambique a
state instead of a Province and changing the names
and some of the functions of its legislativr and
administrative bodies, amounted to little more than
cosnictic changes to mask Portugal's continued control
of its African territories. Lisbon exercises effective
control throtigh its rights of approval and veto, rather
than through daily supervision of Mozambique's
affairs; it sets forth general policy, especially on
econonri c matters, leaving implementation largely to
the provincial government.
Most policies and important administrative
decisions regarding Mozambique must be either
initiated or approved by the Portuguese Covernment
in Usbon through the Prime Minister. Ile is assisted
by a Council of Ministers, the minister immediately
responsible being the Minister of Overseas, and by
various legislative and advisory bodies, Although
Mom mbique sends representatives to the National
Assembly in Lisbon and maintains its own partly
elected legislative bodies at the state and local levels,
they have little actual power.
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In Mozambique, as in Portugal, political activity is
carded out through government- approved organi7.a-
tions and social institutions. Portuguese authorities
tend to view most political activity with suspicion, and
the concept of a loyal opposition is alien to Portuguese
political tradition. Elections are held to confirm
government policies rather than to reflect popular
opinion. Despite various electoral reforms �the last
was in IM�the electorate forms a small minority of
the total population. Von few Africans vote or
otherwise take part in the political process.
The general growth of African nationalism in the
early 1960's led to the formation of a numberof black
Mozambican exile groups. In 1962 several of these
groups merged to form the Mozambique Liberation
Front (FRELIMO), which initiated armed insurgency
against the Portuguese in 1964. Although nominally a
countrywide movement, FRELIMO has thus far been
limited to the nrthern areas of Mozambique in its
military operations. It is the only organization
carrying out sustained insurgency within Mozam-
hique, although another, the Mozambique Revolu-
tionary Committee (COREMO), has occasionally
launched small and relatively insignificant raids in
northwestern Mozambique.
To combat the F11EUMO insurgency and prevent
its spread southward, the Portuguese have instituted
social and economic development projects. Those
include the construction of hundreds of resettlement
villages in the north, the construction in Tote District
of the massive Cabora Bassa dam which will open new
areas to settlement and development, the expansion of
agricultural and industrial enterprises, and the
settlement of Portuguese and Africans on newly
irrigated land it, the south. The government has also
tried to expand health and educational facilities and
improve living conditions in the countryside.
Government programs have been limited, however, by
inadequate resources and lack of qualified personnel.
B. Structure and functioning of the
government (C)
Mozambique has the honorary status of an overseas
state �it is still often referred officially to as
"province" �and is governed us an integral part of yhe
Portuguese nation. Most policies and important
administrative decisions must be either initiated or
approved by the Portuguese Government in Lisbon.
which is under tine authoritarian leadership of Prime
Minister Mareello Cactano. Tile revised Overseas
Organic Law enacted by the Portuguese National
Assembly in April 1972 changed the names and some
of the functions of Mozarnh-que's legislative and
administrative bodies but reserved Wo power to
Lisbon; it designated Mozambique a state and
accorded the Governor Geuerai the rank, though not
the title, of minister of state vi-ith the right to attend
cabinet meetings in Lisbon.
The new political administrative statute promuul-
gated in December 1972, implementing the revised
organic law, again reaffirmed the balao(mof authority
between tifozambique and the metropolitan
Portuguese Government. Lisbon's powers to supervise
and control the Governor Q oral and his ad-
ministration through the Ministry of Overseas were
basically unchanged. On the other hand, there
appears to be some modest increase in the power of
local authorities to implement policy within
Mozambique without prior clearance from Lisbon.
Although the statute expanded the membership of the
legislative and advisory bodies, virtually unlimited
legislative authority remains vested in the Governor
General, who is nominated by Lisbon.
Portugal's administration of Mozambique reflects
the theory of the "corporate state," contained in the
Estado Novo (New State) of former Prime Minister
Salazar, as embodied in the Portuguese Constitution
of 1933 and its subsequent revisions. The system is
characterized by a strong ceatralized control of the
government by the executive branch. This theory
holds that the nation is composed of numerous social
and economic institutions, ranging from the family
through large industries, and that government policies
reflect the interests of the individual citizen through
his membership in these institutions and the national
riles which these institutions play. Thus, at least half
of the membership of the Iegislative bodies in both
Portugal and Mozambique is composed of repre-
sentatives of labor, financial, agricultural, commer-
cial, religious, and cultural interests. All of these
groups are expected to espouse the interests of the
Portuguese nation first and only secondarily to further
their own interests. In practice, however, tine
"corporate state" has meant rule by an influential
elite made up of members of business, tine nilitary,
and, to a lesser extent, the Roman Catholic Church.
4
1. Central government
Overall responsibility for Mozambique rests with
the central government in Lisbon; the administrative
apparatus in Mozambique is limited to the
implementation of generul policies laid down by
Lisbon and to those matters which are the exclusive
concern of the overseas slate. The structure of file
Mozambique Gov,-nment and its relation to Portugal
are shown in Fig!:re 1. In Lisbon, Mozambican affairs

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NATIONAL
(PORTUGAL)
Carparatirc
Chamber
National FA MMUMM
Assembly
Overseas
STATE
(MOZAMBIQUE) HIGH
COURT
OF
t y APPEAL
l
COURTS
OF
SECOND
INSTANCE
are directed by the Prime Minister, assisted by a
Council of Ministers (cabinet), and by a bicameral
legislature consisting of the Corporative Chamberand
the National Assembly. The legislative jurisdiction of
these bodies covers mrasarres ;applicable to the
Portuguese nation as :a whole or to any part of it.
The Portuguese official most directly concerned
with ,iozambitlue is the Minister of Overseas. lie has
board supervisory authority overall relations between
the metropole anti its overseas stales. lie nominates
Mozatnabiquc's Covernor GconTal, who is formally
.appointed by nco Council of Ministers in Lisbon. The
Minister of Overseas has responsibility for the
organization and administration of Mozambique's
civil service, controls the budget, and supervises must
public works planning and, construction. lie also has
the authority to override decisions of the G overnor
General.
The Corporative Chamber is the highest advisory
body in the Portuguese Government. Mozambique is
represented by one mcanber front its Consultative
Council (formerly Economic and Social Council) and
one member selected from its civil service. The
chamber advises both [lie National Assembly and tht
Council of Ministers, which consults it oat all bills
being presented to the National Assembly us well as on
many decrees. The chamber has the power to propose
changes, recommend a new bill entirely, or advise
against enactment of a bill under consideration.
According to the Organic Iav, the National
Assembly is the major source of overseas policy; in
practice, however, the function of the assembly on
matters affecting (he overseas areas is limited to
ratification of legislation submitted by the Council of
,Ministers and usually drafted by the Minister of
Overseas. Mozambique is currently represented in the
assembly by seven deputies; however, all as yet
unknown number of additional seats will be
apportioned in the assembly elections scheduled for
October 1973. The National Assembly may also
consult the Overseas Council, all advisory body of
distinguished Portuguese Government officials
established in 1953 as a permanent consultative body
of the Ministerof Overseas. Mozambique's Legislative
Assembly (called the Legislative Council until 1972)
elects two members and one alternate to this advisory
body.
2. State govemment
Bodies having duel
Control in represm(o(ion from The Covernor General is the supreme overseas
App, n(a[fmr ti rec uc and authority in Mozambique. Appointed for a A -ycar
term w}tich may he extended for 2 years nt a time, he
FIGURE 1. Structure of govemment (UJOU) has extensive powers and responsibilities for
3
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Communications
Health and
Commerce and
Weltarc
Industry
Agriculture
Education
Planning and
Labor
Finance
Public Works
l
COURTS
OF
SECOND
INSTANCE
are directed by the Prime Minister, assisted by a
Council of Ministers (cabinet), and by a bicameral
legislature consisting of the Corporative Chamberand
the National Assembly. The legislative jurisdiction of
these bodies covers mrasarres ;applicable to the
Portuguese nation as :a whole or to any part of it.
The Portuguese official most directly concerned
with ,iozambitlue is the Minister of Overseas. lie has
board supervisory authority overall relations between
the metropole anti its overseas stales. lie nominates
Mozatnabiquc's Covernor GconTal, who is formally
.appointed by nco Council of Ministers in Lisbon. The
Minister of Overseas has responsibility for the
organization and administration of Mozambique's
civil service, controls the budget, and supervises must
public works planning and, construction. lie also has
the authority to override decisions of the G overnor
General.
The Corporative Chamber is the highest advisory
body in the Portuguese Government. Mozambique is
represented by one mcanber front its Consultative
Council (formerly Economic and Social Council) and
one member selected from its civil service. The
chamber advises both [lie National Assembly and tht
Council of Ministers, which consults it oat all bills
being presented to the National Assembly us well as on
many decrees. The chamber has the power to propose
changes, recommend a new bill entirely, or advise
against enactment of a bill under consideration.
According to the Organic Iav, the National
Assembly is the major source of overseas policy; in
practice, however, the function of the assembly on
matters affecting (he overseas areas is limited to
ratification of legislation submitted by the Council of
,Ministers and usually drafted by the Minister of
Overseas. Mozambique is currently represented in the
assembly by seven deputies; however, all as yet
unknown number of additional seats will be
apportioned in the assembly elections scheduled for
October 1973. The National Assembly may also
consult the Overseas Council, all advisory body of
distinguished Portuguese Government officials
established in 1953 as a permanent consultative body
of the Ministerof Overseas. Mozambique's Legislative
Assembly (called the Legislative Council until 1972)
elects two members and one alternate to this advisory
body.
2. State govemment
Bodies having duel
Control in represm(o(ion from The Covernor General is the supreme overseas
App, n(a[fmr ti rec uc and authority in Mozambique. Appointed for a A -ycar
term w}tich may he extended for 2 years nt a time, he
FIGURE 1. Structure of govemment (UJOU) has extensive powers and responsibilities for
3
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administering the state udder the terms of the Organic
Law. I tc also is responsible for the appointment and
performance of members of much of lite state
bureaucracy; he is the financial authority, controlling
expenditures and preparing the state budget for the
approval of the National Assembly in Lisbon; and in
general he is responsible for [lie care, protection, and
guidance of the indigenous population.
A Secretary Gettcral, who is nominated by the
Governor General and appointed by the Minister of
Overseas, assists the Covernar General in his executive
functions, The Secretary General has jurisdiction over
a wide variety of activities, including public
administration. and acts for the Govcnlor General in
the latteis absence, in addition, there are eight state
secretaries, nominated by the Governor General
subject to the approval of the Minister of Overseas,
who are responsible for the following portfolios:
Communications; Commerce and Industry; Educa-
tion; Health and Welfare; Lahor; Agriculture;
Planning and Finance; and Public Works. Together,
the Governor General and the eight secretaries form
the Council of Government. Under the eight
secretaries are numerous services and institutes Aiieh
include regular government agencies and the
autonomous services �such as the ports, railroads, and
transportation services. The autonomous services are
agencies which either charge it their services or are
supported by special funds or taxes.
The Governor General is also assisted by a
Consultative Council, which operates as a standing
advisory committee. Tile council consists of 21
members, 13 of whom are elected by various
corporative groups, 4 are ex officio, and up to �1 are
designated by the Governor General. The councillors
include persons with erperience in administrative
problems of the state, representative of local
authorities, and representatives of various economic
and social interests.
The Governor General is assisted ftirtl +ar by a partly
elected consultative Legislative Assembly through
which lie exercises his legislative powers. The
Legislative Assembly is composed of 50 members,
sonic elected for 4 -year terms and sonic ex officio
members. Tile Governor General acts :ts the presiding
officer. Figure 2 sumpiarizes the method of election of
the Legislative Assembly and of other governmental
units.
The Legislative Assembly shares llte right to initiate
legislation with the Governor General, the Overseas
Ministry, and the National Assembly. In order for a
bill to become 1.. .v, it must be passed by a majority
vote and signed by the Covernor General. Although in
theory Lite state of yiozumbique is granted
administrative and financial autonomy, the role of the
legislators in fiscai matters is primarily to appxove
budgets submitted to them by the Gavervor General.
State legislators have .sonic capacity to override the
will of the Governor General, but all cases of
disagreement are subject to the final authority of
Lisbon.
The majority (30) of the elected inembers of the
Legislative Assembly are chosen indirectly by groups
or government authorities which are intended to
reflect the interests of labor, business, consumers, and
welfare and cultural groups, Less than half (20) of the
elected members of the council (2 from each district)
are elected by direct suffrage of qualified voters.
3. District and local government
Mocambique is divided into I0 districts, each
headed by a district governor resp oilsible to the
Governor General. (As of January 1974, the District of
Mocambique is �t) be livid d into 2 now districts,
bringing the totai to 11.) Each district governor is
assisted by a district board composed of nine members
and nine alternates. Two members and two alternates
FIGURE 2. Methods of election of legislative and consultative bodies in Mozambique�
Some members are chosen by direct suffrace, while others are chosen on a cooperative,
or "organic," bisis, that is, by and from specific social economic, administrative, cultural,
and religious institutions or activities (UfOU)
BY n1ACcr nY c0RPaRA APP01Wty On
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Sit m- Alter- item- Alter- %iom- Alter- Stem- Alter
bera nates berg Date$ lien Dates bens notes
Legislative Assembly....
50
0
20
0
30
0
Consultative Council....
21
13
0
0
13
13
District Board.......
0
0
2
2
7
7
Ntunicipal Council
d
a
2
2
2
2
Parish Board
2
2
2
2
0
0
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are chosen by direct suffrage of registered voters in the
district; three each by the governments of the
municipalities the district; two each by
economic and professional corporate bodies; one each
by religious and cultural groups; and one each by h.
recognizes) tribal authorities. District elections are held
every 4 years.
Districts are divided into two types of administra-
tive subdivisions: the circumscription (circuriscricao)
and the township (concelho). Areas with greater
economic development (and, generally higher
European population) are townships, and it is a matter
of sonic local pride when a circumscription is elevated
to t[-,e rank of township. Townships are subdivided
into parishes (fregrresfas) or, when not sufficiently
developed to warrant this (as is generally the case
outside areas of licavy European settlement), into
administrative posts (postos). Circumscriptions arc
also subdivided into poslos, though isolated parishes
can in theory be created as well. Administrative posts,
whether in circumscriptions or townships, are divided
into tribal arras, or regedorias, which nmy be
subdivided into groi!ps of settlements (pocoacocs).
Circumscriptions, townships, and administrative posts
are presided over by an appointed and remunerated
chief (regedor), who is normally the traditional chief
of the area. Smaller villages within these areas are
governed through lower level traditional chiefs called
regulos. The regedor carri es out functions delegated to
him by his superior, the administrator of [lie
circumscription; the regulo is completely subscrvicnt
to the regcdor and is exloectcd to muintain i,lcal order,
keep -tote Portuguese infornicd about village
happenings, and assist in the collection of tare.;.
Through this administrative structure, the
Portuguese have been able to extend tlse authority of
the government to the individual African by means of
the traditional African leaders, while permitting those
areas,with appreciable white populations to maintain
their own local political integrity without clanger of
being subordinated to African officials,
The scats of townships may be givcu municipal
status as cities (cidades) or towns (uilas). if large
enough they may he subdivided into neighborhoods
(bairras). Cities are presided over by an appointed
mayor (presidenfe) and a city council (cWrruira
munidpal) of from 4 to 10 members elected partly by
direct vote and partly by corporate interests. in towns
the township administrator (admireiafMdor) is ex
officio mayor, aided b all elected municipal council
(aonselho municipal) or municipal commission
(comissao rnunicippl) of 4 members elected partly by
direct vote and partly by major taxpayers.
4. judicial system
Mozanibi(Jue's judicial system is controlled directly
by the government in Usbon. The Minister of
Overseas appoints, promotes, transfers, and retires all
magistrates, judges, and attorneys.
There are three types of courts: 1) regular or
ordinary courts with competence in civet rind criminal
;arcs; 2) administrative courts, with jurisdiction in all
administrative or fiscal matters iitvolving an agency of
the government; and 3) special courk, such a:
jn:tenile, tax, military, and courts for execution of
sentences. Except for some of the special courts, each
type has three levels� suprense tribunal. Courts of
appeal, and local courts.
The ordinary court system is headed by the Supremc
Tribunal of justice (16 judges) in Portugal, which
decides oil points of law only in cases which have
already be4ni heard by appellate courts. Within
Mozambique Lite ordinary courts, in ascending order,
consist of courts of first instance, courts of second
instt lice, and a High Court of Appeal. Appeals may
he carried from the High Court to the Suprenic
Tribunal. The Attorney General of Mozambique has a
permanent scat oat the High Court of Appeal.
The Portuguese Constitution avid the Overseas
Organic I uw empower the Governor Genctral of an
overseas state to create special courts 'with exclusive
competence for judging rpceific categories of crime,
particularly those pertaining to fiscal, stwial, or
security inattets. Most of (lie special courts created in
Mozumbique have been military tribunals for trying
cases of subversion, sabotage, or other crimes against
the security of the state. Other special courts include
courts for execution of sentence; these courts have the
power to commute or change sentences impowd by
the ordinan courts and to take preventive measures to
"protect the general weifarc."
The administrative courts are ltcaaed by the
Su;.:errre Administrative Tribunal in Lisbon, which
consjsts of a president who is rr;ponsible to the Prinic
Minister, a vice president, and 12 judges who are
appointed by tire Council of Ministers. Administrative
courts haVe jalTi5diCtiCnl in matters involving agencies
Of the government. Within Mozambique the highest
administrative court is the Administrative Tribunal,
whale jurisdiction includes such mutters as appeals
related to actions by the administrative authorities of
the state ..,id inspection of contracts made by
administrative authorities.
Prior to I961 the ordinary judicial system in
Mozambique was divided Into two parts: one
administered Portuguese �law, and t �le other
x
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administered on tite basis of African customary lane.
The first of these dealt with whiles, niolattoes, and
assimilated Africans. Those unassimilated- A�ricans not
living in traditional African society also were subject
to the emirts r- ;!ich administered Portuguese law: Civil
case~ involving unassimilated AfriLaans living in tribal'
society were decided on lite basis of custom by tlae
administrator or chief of the administrative post,
assisted by one or two Africans who acted as
interpreters and gave advice on local traditions. Civil
cases involving disputes between unassimilated and
assimilated Africans were generally decided by
Portuguese law. In all criminal cases Portuguese law
applied, although judges usually took lite customs and
usage of tribal Africans into account in sentencing.
The abolition ill 1 of the legal distinction
between assimilated and unassimilated Africans
required unification of the judicial system. Movicip al
courts were declared to be courts of first instants: for all
Mozarnuicans in both civil and criminal cases. Ire
these municipal courts, however. Africans may still
choose in be subject to Portuguese law or to their owrt
tribal custom and usage. The choice of Portuguese law
roust be made belorc a civil registrar and is irrevocable
for the African and for his children as well. The
various systems of native law have yet to ]x: codified,
however, and in practice Africans are almost
invariably tried under Portuguese law.
S. Civil service
The Moia rnbican civil service is complex, highly
centralimd, and strictly controlled through the
Minister of Overseas and the Covernor General. It is
composed of a civil administrative corps (line), ;rod a
secretarial corps (staff). Combined with the
complexity of the civil administrative slructurc,
centralization has resulted in frequent delays and
mismanagement in the execution of administrative
measures. Such deficiencies rankle those overseas
Portuguese who merit dead with metropolitan Portugul
and ipur demands for greater local MrtonOmy. The
pay of civil sen!ants is low rod has been a factor iri the
poor performance at lower levels of public
administration. Ira the higher grudes, however, more
liberal salaries and allowances, together with the
opportunity to make money from outside sources,
attract the better qualified people and widen lire gap
in quality between lire upper and lover levels.
Candidates for public administration are generally
chosen by competitive examinations. Recruits are
appointed by the Minister of Overseas, but their
responsibilities and locations in M07%i nbique may be
determined lay the Govenchr ;;eneral on t he basis of
local needs. All appointees must meet educational
requiremen(s marry of which have recently been
lowered -based on the position to be filled. Africans.
as tile) meet the present requirenicnls, are entering the
civil administration in increasing numbers, but the
majority of administrative appointments at the middle
and higher levels are still held by whites.
C. Political dynamics (C)
Political activity in Mozambique, as in l'orttagal, is
rigidly controlled. Participat is reserved Ior
organiz atious which are either under government
supervision or Which lend support to the govcramcrtt
and its policies. Portuguese authorities tend to regard
"list other political activity as disruptive, and
opposition of ony kind is ;xinsidered subversive. As a
coo sequelice, political activity by Opp osition elements
in 1t-1 asmbictue is clandestine and, wilh the possible
exception of FRELIMO cadres, informal and
unstructured.
Most political activity by black Africans is regarded
with sarspicioit and disfavor by the Portuguese
authorities, and black participation in government is
severely restricted, largely because of electoral
qualifications. The low educational level of most
black Africans makes it extremely difficult for them to
meet the legal requirements for election or
appointment to office. Virtually the only legitimate
political activity available to at Mo7ambigue Afr ican
is voting but even this is oil a very limited hasis. Stri'cl
p surveillance of the Afri population and lack-
Of means by which Africans may work peacefully and
legally to advance their interests have forced most. of
the more politically active individuals to flee
Mozanthiquc and join African nationalist groui'n
based in neighboring Afri_an countries.
1. Political organizations and activity
;s
f
The Only legal political party in Portugal and thus
in 'torartib �que is the National Popular Action
(ANY), formerly [lie National Union. The AN is not
classified as a party, however, but as a patriotic
organization which all Portuguese citizens, regardicss
of their political beliefs, may join. It is ementi"lly an
instrument of government policy, designed to further
tiro objectives of the state, insure popular electoral
support for the regime, and maintain in elective offices
persons who will stapport the political and social
programs and institutions of lite state.
Prime Minister Caetann is head of the ANP and
exercises almost complete control over the organiza-
tion. 'Natal incinbership in Mozarnbique is not known,

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I'M
ii
4 bill it is quite small and consists primarily of whites,
l f .,]though it few Africans also belong.
0
Important political influence in Nio-.atnbiclue is
exerted by a small by wealthy group of businessmen
and property owners in Portugal who maintain close
oconomic and social tics with Portuguese Government
leaders. Accoidingly, the government takes their
interests into accnomt when formulating policy.
Because of their connections with Portugal's
conservative political and military oligarchy, these
interests strongly favor the stales quo, front which
their privileged position derives. Another important
group of businescrnen, based in Mozambique, is
against Lisbo:a tight- fisted cont over local matters
and, at least on economic matters, constitutes a vocal
opposition.
The armed forces have long been a key factor in the
stability of the government, bot in Lisbon and
eiverscas. The military exercises substantial power in
metropolitan Portugal, where it was a major factor in
Salazaar's rise to power and in the :approval of
Cactanci s succession as Prime Minister. In Mozam-
bique, lite military's traditionally influential role has
been considerably expanded since the outbreak of the
insurgency.
'l'he government has also drawn extensively oil the
military for tiie admioistralion of government affairs.
For a number of years the Governor General was a
high ranking military mart chosen for Itis ability and
loyalty In early 1973, over half of the district
governors were military officers. Since: the insurgency
began, the army has become actively engaged in
goverime ;,t- sponsored civic action progranis to
counter its spread. Regular officers of the armed
services have also been used as administrators of civil
districts and municipalities, chiefs of key facilities, and
as senior officers in the civilian security organizations.
In general, the officers detailed to these duties have
been fairly well educated and have proved to be good
administrators.
No information is available on relations between
military and civilian authorities, but some resentment
or friction probably exists because of overlapping
responsibilities and because of the number of military
officers occupying positions that would normally be
reserved for civilians.
'rhe Roman Catholic Church works closelywith the
Portuguese Government, especially in education, and
in the past has given it considerable support, even
though the church ostensibly remains politieally
neutral. Promotion of Catholicism, the traditional
religion of Portugal, has been an integral part of
Lisbon's "historic mission" to est.ablisk in Mozam-
bique the benefits of ?ortoguese civilization, one of
which is Catholicism, The Catholic Church is
indebted to the government for restoring many of its
rights and privileges taken away shortly after Portugal
became it republic lint 1910. Although the church has
lost sorne of its influence in Mozambique as a result of
the government's own increased role in education, the
church has retained its authority over the small
Christianized rural pop;' -tion.
The Mozambique Catholic Church is headed by an
arclibishop in Lourenco Marques.' It is part of the
Portuguese Catholic Church hierarchy and is
organized into parishes and missions. The activities of
the enurch are subsidized by the government, and the
church is recognized its one of the basic corporative
itistitulions of the Portuguese state. The church has
representatives in the Legislative Assembly and the
Consultative Council.
Most of the bishops and parish priests, predoini-
nantly Portuguese, have defended Portugal's role in
Africa, though they have quietly tried to make the
government ideal of racial equality more of a reality.
One notable exception was the former Bishop of Beira
who, until his death in 1967, openly criticized
Portuguese treatment of Africans, especially
discriminatory pay scales and the lack of housing,
schools, and health facilities. The Bishop of Nanpmla
has also been outspoken in his criticism.
Most of the missionary priests belong to
international religious orders, ale non Portuguese, and
lend to be more critical of Portugne�se policy toward
tlae overseas territones. The government is well amar -e
of the possible adverse effects of foreign missionaries in
Portuguese Africa but has accepted this as a necessary
risk because of Elie insufficient number of Portuguese
priests available for service. In May 1971 the
international Catholic Order of White Fathers
announced the withdrawal of its priests asn gesture of
protest against continuing social and political injustice
in Mozambique. Portuguese officials imnnediately
retaliated by claiming Cite ini-sionary order had not
v olu n ta ri ly withdrawn but was expelled for engaging
in anti- Portuguese activity,
Tile Mozambican press plays virtually no political
role other titan to support the government. Mast
newspapers are zit fact owned or controlled by interests
that are close to the government. Official censorship
precludes direct criticism of government policies,
though occasionally criticism of the %vay these po licies
are carried out is allowed.
'For diacritics on place names sew the� fist of names oil the apron
of the Suminary \zap in the Cneantry PAite chapter. the mail iaself.
and inapsJn ttae text.
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Labor unions are also weak. They must be officially
approved, and have no right to strike. Moreover,
government appointees are it part of the leadership of
the unions. The reevat appointment of a vigorous new
provincial Secretary of Labor, together with the
expansion of the labor Institute, affords sonic promise
of positive development in this area, however.
2. Electoral system
f The d ecto ral system in Mozambique, as in Portugal
r itself, assumes tl-, the individual is primarily
represented through the social or economic group to
which lie belongs rather than through direct
parties nation in the political process.
Llec� tins are teased on two types of representation,
one popular and direct, the other corporative and
generally indirect. Under the Portuguese system,
provision is made for the direct election of all
representatives to the National Assembly ill Lisbon
and less than half of the Mozambique Legislative
Assembly, along with sonic members of district boards
and municipal and parish councils. The constitution
provides forthe indirect electio of the President of the
Republic, the Corporative Chamber, the Overseas
Council, and a majority of delegates to the
Mozambique Legislative Assembly and Consultalive
Council through membership in one of Portugal's
numerous corporate groups. Under this system. tlae
local autonomous bodies, municipal tics, and the
central government, together with the various social,
economic, cultural, and religious groups and
institutions, are each allotted a specific number of
seats in the Corporative Chamber. About tw o-thirds of
the chamber's members are chosen by the groups they
represent, while the rest are appointed by the
Corporative Council, a six -man committee consisting
of government officials.
Regardless of the type of selection ---by direct ear
indirect election --the government maintains firm
cx)ntml over the procedure; even in elections by direct
popular suffrage, the electoral machinery is tightly
controlled from the time tine voter is registered until
the final counting of lire ballots. Candidates, who are
either selected or approved by tie ANP, are assured of
election. Although voting requirements have been
liberalized, tine franchise is not universal. Very few
Africans appear interested in or aware of the limited
pmlitical participation available to them, and few are
rights law in late 1968 to liberalise voting
requirements, voter participation probably has not
significantly inL'reaied. T he law abolished pronerty-
tax and inco ne -tax restrictions and special restrictions
on women. Moreover, all literate Portuguese citim-ns
are noweligible to vote upon reaching majority, which
consists of being at least 21 yeIS of age or free from
parental e...atrol. Despite the government's claims that
these liberalized voting requirements have opened the
fratchise to more Arric.ans, in early 1973 theac .vas
little evidence of any significant ine.ease in the
member of registered African voters. Only a few local
officials have made any effort to increase participation
of clacks. Most black Mozambicans are not politically
conscious and even the whites, although more
sophisticated, are limited in their means of political
expression.
In thl, 1973 election for the IArbislative Assembly, a
large majority of the registered electorate turned out to
vote for the 20 councilmen chosen by direct suffrage.
These councilmen, two per district, were elected
unopposed in single -slate elections. Iii addition, 30
members were chosen by various corporative groups.
Of the total, 32% (26 members) were nonwhite as
compared with 10% in the 1968 elections. No statistics
on racial breakdown of the electorate were made
available, although voter requirements insured a
disproportionately high percentage of whites.
Mozambique elected seven deputies to the
Portuguese National Assembly in October 1969 from
an unopposed slate of candidates of the National
Union. Approximately 96% of the registered voters
cast ballots, but so few wen registered that less than
I of the total population of the state voted. The high
turnout of eligible voters, however, does not
necessarily indicate strong support of the govemmeaat
because 1) government employces --who constitute a
high percentage of voters --arc effectively pressured to
vote and 2) registration officials have for years illegally
refused to register many persons considered
undesirable or known not to be government
supporters. Moreover, tine numberof ballots spoiled or
otherwise alter:d by voters o pposing, rte regi in t he
1969 clection was not given. The municipal council
and district board elections held ire November 1972
resulted in close to 50% nonwhite membership ill those
li odics, as compared with all estimated 20% elected in
the contest 4 years earlier.
registered voters.
In early 1973. Mo registered voters were D: N'*tional policies (C)
1 reported to number only t 11,000 out of a population
of approximately 8.6 million. Only a small minority of The policies of the Moiarnbiquc government are
the registered voters were black. Although the determined mainly by tike Government of Portugal
a
National Assembly in Lisbon luissed a new voting and are primarily aimed at promoting political.
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economic, and social stability as necessary precondi-
tions for maintaining Moiairibique's status as an
overseas state of Portugal and .in integral part of the
Portuguese nation. The Portuguese Government
considers all matters of policy in Mozambique in
terms of the value of the state to the welfare of
Portugal. It is convinced that Mozambique is of great
Potential economic valor to Portugal, which itself is
small and relatively poor. Equally important are
philosophical and psychological factors. Portuguese
rule of klozambique is justified by professed concern
foe the welfare of time Africans. The Portugucse
contend that the African must he civilized and that
the Portuguese people are uniquely suited to this task,
The Portuguese regard their civilizing mission with
pride and look upon their African overseas territories
as a national heritage. The Portuguese Government
believes that the loss of its empire would not only be a
stational disgrace but also a national disaster which
would reduce Portugal to insignificance in world
polities.
1. Domestic
Since early 1963 the Portuguese Government has
dec;ntrtlixed sonic of its authority and permitted
more 6-al, participation in government, in part to
counter local white criticism of Usbon's domination of
Mozambique. The number of Mozambique delegates
to the Portuguese National Asscmnbly, for example,
was increased front three to seven by the 1963
Overseas Organic Law, which also in'ereased the
number of elected officials in provincial, district, and
local consultative bodies. Additional scats will be
apportioned in the assembly elections scheduled for
October 1973. The legislative initiative of these bodies
was somewhat expanded in theory, but in fact
Portugal retains ultimate control of legislation for
Mozamnbique. Lisbon s vaunted program of overseas
autonomy notwithstanding, the 1972 Overseas
Organic Law has not significantly altered Portugal's
continued political control of its African territories. In
a further attempt to cement the relationship between
Portugal and Mozambique, to assure popular support
for the gov:mment's position in Africa, and to
convince Portuguese citizens in Mozambique that the
mother country has no} forgotten them, Lisbon
employs propaganda and provides financial assistance
to encourage Portuguese to settle in :Mozambique.
One of the main goals of the Portuguese
Government is to promote stability in Mozambique
and, to this end, to institute reforms that will reduce
African discontent with its rule. The government has
accelerated action on these reforms at least partly
because it fears that the rebellion in Mozambique may
increase anti Portuguese sentiment among the
Africans in this overseas state. It is also sensitive to
increased foreign ,criticism of Portuguese policies and
to the failure of the E staluto Indi'vena, a system of rule
which rested upon the doctrine that (lie mass of
Africans were culturally, linguistically, morally, and
intellectually unprepured to exercise Portuguese
citizenship. In September 1961 the government ended
the legal distinction between assimilated and
unassimilated Africans, giving all Portuguese Africans
at icast potentially the sitme legal and political rights
as European citizens. The system of enforced contract
labor, one of the deepest African grievunces, was
abolished in April 1962. Educational reforms acre also
initiated, aimed at broadening the educational base
throughout the state and making educational
facilities, M least at the primary school level, more
accessible to the African population. A program of
university studies was also established when the
IAaurenco Marques University opened in 1963, and a
small number of Africans are now enrolled there.
In areas of insurgent activity the government has
instituted special civic action programs. These
programs usually entail rural resettlement projects
directly stjp;.orted by the army, centering on villages
designed to provide the rural population with certain
modern necessities for health and education and with
ri livelihood in agriculture. Another major objective of
the rural resettlement scheme is to establish security in
the northern areas of Mozambique which are directly
affected by the insurgency and to deny the rebels
access to the population in those arras.
Policies affecting Mozambique's economic develop-
ment ure generally formulated to benefit Portugal and
to integrate Mozambique's economy witli the
metropole and the other Portuguese possessions,
objectives which have been widely attacked as
colonialist by critics of P rtugal's Afr,'can policy. The
exectmlioii of ccanomic policy is highly centralized.
Most of the major Cconomic enterprises in
Mozambique are controlled by organixatiaris in
metropolitan Portugal, and Lisbon businessmen have
at great deal of influence on the formation of Portugal's
policies.
Official development plans formulated in Lisbon
have generally emphasized agriculture, hydroc-lectric
power, and road, rail, and harbor facilities. The
government has also made sizable invts in
communications, cduc.itiou, welfare, Immigration,
and resettlement projects. Under a new program
announced in 1972, the Governor General set target
goals that include enrollment of 50% of the children in
9
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primary schools, rapid expansion of the transportation
and communications network, and a minimum
annual growth rate of 10% in the gross domestic
product. Given Lisbon s limited resources, these
official development goals will be difficult to meet, lei
addition, development of Mozambique is slowed by
the excessive centralization of economic controls in
Lisbon, the failure of absentee industrialists and
businessmen to rcinveSt profits in MOVanihiquc, the
diversion of funds intended for development projects
to the military effort against the insurgents, and a
serious ]vio7ambican trade and payments deficit.
In November 1971, Lisbon imposed new economic
restrictions oil its overseas possessions in an attempt to
improve their unfavorable balance of trade and
payments. These restrictions are likely to remain in
effect for some time and will he increasingly
unpopulitr with the business community. The
restrictions and a subsequent import priority systenr
enable Lisbon to tighten controls-on foreign exchange
and limit imports. While reducing .imports and other
transaction:, in accordance with priorities favoring
investment and development and encouraging the
establishment of some new local import substitution_,
industries, the restrictions have caused asiowdown;,ii
trade, shortages of some goods, and substantial prfb,<
rises. Although public criticism was routed as of mill`.-
1973, there was considerable dissatisfaction in
commercial circles with the restrictions, tlic.allacation
OF quotas, and the bureaucratic procedures involved.
Portugal has modified its distrust of foreign
investment and is beginning to encourage capital
invcstrrient from international and Western sources,
although legal, financial, and trade restrietimis
severely impede this new policy.11c.w is minimal U.S.
investment in Mozambique.
The development of an integrated society is a
professix] goal of Portuguese policy'in
and Portugal proudly claims that raciai discrimination
does not exist ir. the state. Social mobility is
theoretically determined by social achievement rather
than race. in practice, however, the opportunities for
Africans to achieve significant social status are
extremely limited; and there are in Mozambique only
it :sew educated and cuftur'ed Africans, sonic of whom
are in fact mulattoes. While nonwhites and whites
theoretically enjoy equal access to educational and
employment opportunities, practical considerations,
such us lick of funds or distance from schools and
businesses, in -fact limit the ah :iity. of many Africans to
take advantage of them. While some color
consciousness remains, most Africans agree that nice
relations in everyday life Have improved in recent
years. 'file Portuguese Government still welcomes
imrlligrantS fmill Portugal, but it now rCC0gai' /.CS thzt
the present ethnic balance iu Mozambique is not
likely to change significantly. Nc: Portuguese
immigration to Mozambique averages only about
3,000 -6,000 a year. The program has been expensive,
and upon reaching Mozambique. many immigrants
h,rvc proved to be less than self reliant.
2. Foreign
Bccaase Mozaunhique is all overseas state of
Portugal, foreign policy is formulated and impie-
merited by the Government of Portugal. Prime
Minister Cuetano is tine principal architect of
Portuguese foreign policy, and the hihiistry of Foreign
Affairs cooperates closely with the Ministry of
Overseas in its implementation. The primary goal of
Portuguese foreign policy as it relates to Mozambique
is to maintain the status quo and to create supjiart for,
or at least mitigate opposition to, Portugal's continued
control of the area.
Portugal's determination to maintain control in
Mozaembique, Angola, and Port Guinea has
trCj+ted difficulties far Lishon in its relations with
nations. Most African states regard
htiKimbique as all exploited colony and feel that it
aiiiinid have the right of self determination, which
they define as independence under majority rule.
Portugal counters that Mozambique is an integral part
of Portugal and that itscitizens alreadyenjoy the right
OF self detennination, which is defined as political
participation. Despite pressure from many inter-
national sources, particularly African, Portugal has
consistently refased to concede, except in theory, the
possibility of cventua) independence for Mozam-
bique. The regime contrasts the relative stability= in
Mozambique with the early chaos in %:tire and the
radicalism of other African nations, which it cites as
examples of what would happen in Mocambique
should' Portugal leave.
Portuguese relations with the more militant African
states are particularly bad. Most of these slates have
given overt assistance to exile Mozambican nationalist
groups, and all are vociferous in their criticism of
Portuguese policy. Sonic of the more conservative
African states, such as Nory Coast, Liberia, and
Cabon, have been less outspoken in their attacks on
the Portuguese, although they apee on the general
principle of self-determination for Mozambique. A
few independent southern African countries such as
Malawi and Swaziland, with which Portugal
maintains diplomatic relations, have taken a more
restrained position. Portugal's relations with South
41
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