THE UNITED STATES, CUBA, AND LATIN AMERICA

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP64B00346R000200160026-9
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 4
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: September 29, 2004
• Sequence Number: 26
• Publication Date: January 1, 1961
• Content Type: OPEN

7626
Approvet6K& RAf/1Ri' i_Rgp 2346R000200160026-9MayU 7
to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness
over and above any and all consideration of
property and the priority of these right over
any and all other rights, need to be reiter-
ated and reaffirmed as valid for the entire
hemisphere, and all limitations of these
rights, even those represented by the vested
interests of the United States, to be firmly
condemned and repudiated.
This means that the United States must
declare its acceptance of the right of all
governments in the hemisphere to amend
their laws in the pursuit of these aims, to do
over their systems of land tenure, to over-
come injustice, and give a fair chance to the
destitute. It also means that the United
States must realize that in the modern world,
the role of the state in the task of equaliza-
tion is fundamental and more important
than any other single factor.
Second, a declaration along the lines laid
down by Kenneth Galbraith in his recent ar-
ticle in Foreign Affairs, "A Positive Approach
to Economic Assistance," in which he de-
velops the idea (the same idea that Munoz
Marron and Tugwell and several other able
and devoted people working together put into
practice in Puerto Rico) that capital by it-
self is not enough to do the job; that ma-
chines by themselves are not enough: that
these two elements alone cannot transform a
society and that people are the indispensable
without which peaceful social change is im-
possible, require a reservoir of trained and
effective personnel, and such reservoirs can-
not be created without education, without
resourceful government intervention, with-
out a sense of the obligations of public ad-
ministration: in short, without planning,
without a sense of the difference between ob-
jectives and ways, by which I mean methods
and structures. This dimension of imple-
mentation is a higher form of what is so often
called know-how. It does not -involve merely
the tricks of the trade, but also a sensitivity
to carrying dreams out, to making them work
in practice, to add the missing dimensions
of reality to the hopes of man.
I am persuaded that the great chasm that
is involved in all this, the one that so facil-
itates the growth of demogoguery and Pero-
nism, the chasm between objectives and
achievements, the difference between the
dream world of what ought to be and the
reality of what it takes to make dreams come
true, is one of the greatest obstacles to hem-
Next to this task, capital and machinery is
of minor importance.
Third, and last, the United states must be
willing to state just how much it is willing
to put up with. It must recognize that it
cannot do the job for Latin America. Even
if it wanted to, it could not do it by itself,
for people are not saved, they save them-
selves. The United States must, therefore,
be willing to tolerate many and different
paths toward the goals to which the whole
hemisphere can subscribe, and it must make
plain beforehand that it is willing and even
eager to see such diversity, that its interests
lie in furthering these goals and not in im-
posing a single matrix on all forms of social,
economic and political progress. Latin
American elites must have the intellectual
courage necessary to search out the difficult
ways that lead to service and responsibility;
they must find the will and magnanimity to
tread these paths as the leaders of their own
millions of ill-housed, 111-trained and ill-fed;
ultimately, they will find this to be to the
benefit of all. This may be too much to
expect of either the United States or Latin
America, but certainly not too much to ask,
at least for those of us committed to the
uses of intelligence and of good will.
committee. They had every reason to
ask for a postponement of the mark- *p
hearings. Therefore, I cleared with the
majority leader the plan to start the
mark-up sessions next Tuesday. We
would have started them Monday, but
some members of the subcommittee
could not be present Monday, but told
me, as chairman of the subcommittee,
they would agree, starting Tuesday at
9:30 a.m., to stay with the deliberations
of the committee until work on the bill
is completed.
I want the record to show that the
majority leader has given me assurances
that, as soon as the Labor and Public
Welfare Committee reports the NDEA
bill and it is put on the calendar, Senate
action on that bill will be given priority,
save and except for the housing bill if
it is ready. If it is, we will proceed to
the consideration of that bill, subject, of
course, to any other calendar emergency
which may arise on the floor of the
Senate.
I want Senators to know that, as we
promised, we are going to complete con-
COMMITTEE CONSIDERATION OF sideration of the NDEA bill as soon as
NATIONAL DEFENSE EDUCATION possible by completing marking up the
ACT bill, and get it to the Senate calendar.
k that the ma-
now
t
h
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, turning
to another matter, very quickly, and I
should like to have the attention of the
minority leader on this, so he can advise
his side of the aisle, I want to make an
announcement, with the complete ap-
proval of the majority leader. I cleared
this matter earlier this morning with
the majority leader at the time the Sub-
committee on Education met. My Sub-
committee on Education is going to pro-
ceed next Tuesday morning at 9:30 a.m.
with our subcommittee mark-up of the
national defense education bill, We
will continue day by day in those mark-
up sessions until we report the bill to
the full committee.
It is my hope, and I risk the predic-
tion, that we shall be able to report the
bill to the full committee by Thursday
o
em
I also want t
jority leader has given us assurance that
the bill will receive high priority on the
calendar as soon as it is ready.
I wanted to make this statement be-
cause I do not want to be in a position
where anyone can have any basis even
for a suspicion that we are not keeping
our promise. It is true we told certain
Senators we would do our very best to
get the bill marked up this week. I
wish the RECORD to show that I cannot
deliver on that promise. It does not
mean we are walking out on the promise.
It means it is a consinuing promise and
we will get the bill out of the committee
next week as soon as we can.
Mr. SYMINGTON obtained the floor.
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, will
the Senator yield?
noon of next week. Mr. MORSE. I yield to the Senator.
I wish to make this announcement be- The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
cause I do not want any Senator to feel pore. The time of the Senator from
that I or any member of the committee Oregon has expired.
have in any way let him down or given Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, I ask
him the run-around, because, as the unanimous consent that the Senator
minority leader well knows, it was our may yield for 1 minute.
fin-
hope and expectation that we could Mr. S d for 1 ON. Mr. President, I
ish the mark-up of the NDEA bill this yield to the minority leader.
week. Mr. DIRKSEN. I am sure the Mem-
of bers of the Senate appreciate the state-
and I But we got listened to into the session representatives this morning,
s of
members of the subcommittee on both ment made by the distinguished Sena-
sides of the table, Democrat and Re- tor from Oregon. I know how diligently
publican alike. The physical facts are the Senator has pursued the problem.
just these with regard to time: I am con- What he says gives point to the diffi-
fronted with a situation in which many culties which confront the Senate at
members of the subcommittee are al- the present time.
ready committed to other committee Insofar as I know, there must be 120 or
meetings for the rest of this week. The more subcommittees and committees,
committees considering migratory labor, and there is no coordination about their
unemployment, and some other subjects meetings. I am confronted, as other
have commitments from members of the Senators are confronted, by days when
Education Subcommittee, so that if I did four subcommittees or committees of
ispheric development. In 1940 a group of us,
had the dreams, the goals, the enthusiasms,
the general support, but all these, im-
portant and indispensable as they were,
were not enough. We needed also the cour-
age to make the hard choices, the wisdom to
discard inoperative formulae, the techniques,
the resources, the kind of managerial lead-
ership essential to bring objectives into frui-
tion. This special talent required for oper-
ational action has often been deprepated in
the Latin American world and has unjustly
been equated to the organiaztion men and
the operators without faiths and spiritual
strength to live by, of which the United
..States seem to produce so very many. Such
operators or robots are a. distorted repre-
sentation of the pragmatic or hard-headed
idealist of whom I am speaking. If such
people do not exist in Latin America suf-
ficient quantity, it is of the highest urgency
to facilitate their recruitment and training.
For otherwise, Latin Americans may find
themselves at a loss to effect successfully
their own impending revolutions. It is part
of the task all of us face, Latin Americans,
leaders of education in
d States
it
U
,
n
e
iAJJ
the
the western World, to provide the leader- tomorrow and Friday, I would have dif- rags at one and the same time. It we-
ship and assistance necessary for these cadres flculty getting a quorum. Therefore, I comes a physical impossibility to carry
create into existence, structures so on that which govern- hese in turn knew the time had come to reach an that kind of a workload and to do full
may come
m
ments may rest in stability and justice. agreement with my colleagues on the justice to it.
Approved For Release 2004/10/12 : CIA-RDP64B00346R000200160026-9
 1 961 Approved For Rel I 00346R000200160026-9
A O SENATE 7125
This same urgency even, in some parts, and personnel it Is prepared to lend, and way to human progress and social dignity
col eeys a sense of panic, which is unfor- the things it would expect to get in return,, seems to be finally cleared in the complex
tuhate. The United States is a great power; just as any two partners in a development political formulae of our present Common-
the one thing that great powers cannot per- enterprise would have clear understanding wealth organization. It
nit themselves is a sense of frenzy. Why, before any project was begun. There are, the success achieved has mbeenbe
ust inaddedno smalthatl
for Instance, should the seat-of the OAS be beyond Latin America itself, many projects part clue to the practical qualities, experi-
changed from Washington to Panama? Be- on which the partnership could embark to. ence, and flexibility that the last non-Puerto
cause .lt$ present location points to the fact gether; there are areas in the world where Rican governor, Tugwell, brought to his post.
that the United States is the outstanding the partnership could make a definite con- But the formula of Commonwealth and
Nation of the hemisphere? The United tribution, and some in which the process of social just ice which has succeeded so well in
States does not need to apologize for its learning could be shared.
not In -
strength or weaken it. What it must do is to it has been said by some,
quite Puerto Riot Is Am ri theca. here for the coun
sign e
are turn it to the best advantage of all. If the by Mr. Douglass Cater in the Reporter, that natiogrs a d n mustremain such,; they e must
OAS is to become an important influence in Puerto Rico is an answer to Castro, and have both. independence and social justice
the orientation of U.S. policies it had better indirectly- to Latin Americ 's o
a
w
Finally, there are in parts of the report,
due to these very same factors I have men-
tioned, aspects of that same condescension
that has always deeply disturbed Latin
America, particularly when it becomes a
question of what must be done. This pres-
sure to _get things done-and "done" here
means, fundamentally, done for or to Latin
America-ends up by giving an unfortunate
impression that if only the United States
could wake up and do its job in Latin Amer-
ica right, then the subcontinent might in-
deed turn out as the United States has, rich,
educated, developed, democratic, and self-
fulfilled.
The fact is that the United States' posi-
tion, which for all the valuable suggestions
of the report, its quick sympathy, its honesty,
and Its compressed command and under-
standing) of enormously diverse situations,
should be anything but that of writing a
blueprint for the development of Latin
America, Rather, It should be an invitation
to these countries to write their own blue-
prints, or perhaps not even to go that for,
but to think, in terms of their own aspira-
tions, just what kind of societies it is that
they want and aim to achieve.
It is terribly Important that the impetus
for change come from the Republics them-
selves; changing societies against their will
can only be done through violence, and then
for how long? And is it not posisble-I pose
this as a hypothetical question on which we
might well reflect hard and long-that some
people may prefer to remain what they are?
Is it not possible that it is not in the inter-
ests of the United States to broaden its vision
and seek to be for all what it would be for
itself? The great cultural hegemonies of the
past were not based-and this is an under-
statement-on any deep understanding of
the problems, the cultures, the aspirations
of the countries included in such groupings.
The Roman Empire did not wax strong on an
understanding of Carthage and Asia Minor;
nor did the British import their institu-
tions of parliamentary procedure, of equal-
ity under the law and respect for individual
rights by sympathy toward the Indian bor-
der states or Tanganyika. True enough, these
cultural hegemonies were created under an
imperial system of master-and-slave rela-
tionships; but do we know the answers to
the 20th-century version of these rela-
tionships? I am merely suggesting, with
this very pertinent question, what I think is
!a major problem; that it may be that what
we Should all do is tend our own gardens, and
provide one's services upon request, not
merely when needed. Our neighbors may like
to grow 'unsightly plants and we blooming
roses, but until they express a desire for
,roses, who would take care of the roses once
they were planted?
Within the framework of the autodevel-
ned plain for Latin America, the United
tat es would be perfectly correct in estab-
ishing Its own limits, its own requirements,
nd even in stating, quite candidly, its own
aims. In fact, it is necessary that the United
tates make these limits plain in advance;
he nature of the aid it is prepared to grant
on request, the extent and kind of services
sponsible in part for this development, i am are not elements in the Puerto Rican situ-
deeply appreciative of the compliment in- ation tha 5 would not be extremely bene-
tended. Nevertheless, I think that the ab- ficial, as examples, to many of the countries
straction Puerto Rico-Latin American de- in Latin ?merica. What I am saying, what
velopment contains some serious errors. To I am Insisting on, is that the United States
begin with, the situations are not entirely only reeds to make it possible for the Latin
comparable. The links that bind us to the American republics to be able, If they so
United Staten are many and mutually bene- care, to undertake similar operations, or
ficial to an extent that is not true of any of adaptatioirs of the Puerto Rican experience,
the other Latin American republics. Then I am suggesting that Puerto Rico as a pan-
there is the fact that our development in acea is as dangerous a simplification as any
Puerto Rico may not be the kind of devel- of the otters that I have been discussing.
opment that a country in Latin America This bri:igs me to my conclusion. I have
would choose to follow; I am not, as I sup- insisters throughout on three main points:
pose I have made amply plain, a believer (1) that the United States should divert its
in the interchangeability of solutions. present ex,:ravagant interest in Fidel Castro
Further, there is a widespread pelief in Latin toward:; ar awareness of the realities facing
America that. what has been achieved in it in dealing with Latin America; (2) that
Puerto Rico has been achieved more by the it should provide solid support for the crea-
United States than by Puerto Rico Itself. In tion of inc.ependently motivated social and
this they are wrong, as we in the United economic changes in Latin America, and (3)
States and in Puerto Rico are "both wrong- that it should do so not as the all-powerful
one wonders if for the same reason-in not progenitor of such changes but as a finan-
giving due credit to Rexford Guy Tugwell cial and technical partner who participates
for his brilliant participation in the pacific in such programs on request, making clear
revolution led by Luis Mufloz Marin in beforehand his terms and anticipations and,
Puerto Rico. at the same time, his own secondary role
It may be well to recall briefly a bit of concerning the means taken, the timetable,
recent, yet forgotten, Puerto Rican history. the form, the personnel and so on, involved.
Until, quite late in his period of office, Frank- This may sound as though the United
lin D Roosevelt made his appointments to States should be merely a passive agent to-
the governorship of Puerto Rico in cavalier wards Lath. America, a source of an abstract
fashion: first an amiable newspaperman bounty; ideologically uncommitted.
from Florida, whose only qualification for Let me d. spel that impression immediate-
that office was a substantial contribution to ly, with wl: at I consider must be the most
the Democratic campaign; then, after the important, step the United States should
dismal failure of this first appointment, a take.
retired Army general from Georgia whose This jnvo.ves a recognition of the fact that
noted tightlippedness was supposed to con- In the next decade a great upheaval, eco-
trast with the bumbling loquacity of his nomic, social, and cultural will be taking
predecessor, but who was obviously out of place throughout Latin America, as it will
his depth. By the time he was withdrawn in much of the world. It is my opinion that
in 1938, and Admiral Leahy became his suc- the United States must identify itself posi-
cessor, the articulate groups In the opposi- tively with these movements, that it must, in
tion-all except the most conservative in the the Frer:.ch tense of the word "d'avancer," go
professional groups and the well-heeled ahead, of the great reform of the balance of
landed and commercial elites-had adopted the century It must provide moral and
a fundamentally independentist position, intellectual endorsement and if need be
We saw no other viable solution for the de- assistance for these reforms. Instead of
velopment of Puerto Rico, no other way out letting situations occur, as they have in
of a futile colonial tutelage. Cuba, its. diratasteful forms, about which it
It was also in 1938 that first under the can then dc. nothing, it should exercise all.
designation of Accibn Social Independentista its moral suasion to seeing that these re-
and a little later under its present name of forms occur within frameworks favorable to
Partido Popular Democratico, Luis Munoz peace, progress, justice, and liberty. The
Mann created the social, economic, political United States should issue now, before once
movement destined to direct the Government again it is too late, a declaration of principles
of Puerto Ricci from 1941 to the present. as far-reaching as Wilson's 14 points or
This movement was at first firmly conunitted Roosevelt's Atlantic Charter, and incorporate
to the twin aims of social justice and rode- Into this statement those elements which
perdence for Puerto Rico. It was not
until form pilf th
a; oe natural and just aspirations
Munoz Mann encountered unyielding omppo- of the great masses in Latin America and
sition from his potential clientele --namely, throughout the world that yearn for social
in the startling lack of support of the justice a)id reform.
jibaro or peasant section as well as the labor- What should such a document contain?
big masses for the proposed independence What would be its fundamental points?
of Puerto Rica-that he and his followers i think they are three.
were forced to reexamine the assumptions First, a s ;atement of the principles of
of his program. It is to Munoz Mann's ever- democratic life. These are expressed better
lasting credit that he had the courage and and earlier, i a the Declaration of Independ-
the wisdom to align himself with the needs ence of the United States of America than
and the exigencies of the democratic process in any other document. The principles on
and rated social justice first. Thus, after a which tixat declaration is based, of the
bitter internal struggle which has taken fundamental equality of men, of equality be-
different turns throughout the years, the fore the law, and of the right of every man
Approved For Release 2004/10/12 : CIA-RDP64B00346R00020'0160026-9
 Approved For ReII 4/ R 346R000200160026-9Ma 17
7624 CONGRE~MMOA ~?OT = /
Today's World," subm tIts-Sig-
generic not, n fl a eel in of
an economy that will already have been lunot, mped directly influenced
under by e him
altered ed,.by
in its basic together
Surely this situation ion is is one one that the United of Fidelista. This pernicious error crops William Benton and Adlal Stevenson on o-
States will have to view in a much larger up again and again in the mass media in vember 1, 1960, on their return from a 2-
cbntext than that of Castro or of Cuba much the way that during the worst years month visit to Latin America.
alone. of the McCarthy insanity in the United It is a very good report, well-documented mun
and The Castro image and the kind of action, States, the single wo wi"Comh hit cons the shhought p ovoki one might rittenecti h
the purposes and methods, the aims and used as the bogy
ideals associated with it, right or wrong, jure everything from appropriations, to the its authors. Would that a similar document,
provide a collective vision, a version of the exile of some of America's outstanding in- as well meaning and generous were to be
world in which many of the disposessed, the tellectuals to Princeton's Institute for Ad- written about the United States by Latin
oppressed and the disenfranchised peoples vanced Studies. Such is the form of propa- Americans of corresponding authority and
of the Caribbean, Latin America, and pos- ganda that not only does the United States worth. The report is, at the same time, re-
sbily, the whole world, see a role for them- fall into this error, but by a process of nat- vealing in several ways that its authors did
selves, a means to achieve their goals of ural compensation, in which many errors not intend. For example, the opening sen-
participation in the life of their nations, a tend to cancel each other out, some legiti-. tence declares: "Until the spring of 1960-
way of exercising the power that resides mate and perfectly democratic reform move- the year both of us reached 60-neither
in masses and numbers. Such an image ments in Latin America and elsewhere find Gov. Adlai Stevenson nor I had ever been
cannot be undone in a moment. The end themselves, willy-nilly adopted Into the in the great cities of South America." This
of Castro would not be the end of the image, Castro movement, In short, the prevalent statement carries its own tone of pathos.
and there are times when a live demagog looseness of thought simply makes it easy For Messrs. Stevenson and Benton, out-
is infinitely preferable to a dead martyr, par- for Castro and others like him to take advan- standing intellectual, cultural, and political
ticularly when that potential martyr has tage of such genuine movements and per- leaders in their own rights, are representa-
proven himself (with the help of all con- vert them for their own ends, ultimately tive figures of the highest quality in the
cerned) one of the most salable saints in turning them against the United States. United States or anywhere in the world.
recent history. Blind opposition to or identification of di- Their lack of direct contact has been typi-
Can the United States avoid being ma- verse reform movements with Fidel merely cal of the. elites of the United States. Un-
neuvered into becoming the antagonist of breeds Castro's advantage. til very recently, leading figures have had
such mass movements and such mass as- All this confusion of Castro and Latin neither first-hand knowledge, nor even (and
pirations, which exist whether or not the America, this lumping together of dissimilar this has been galling to Latin Americans)
Cuban revolution truly represents them? problems, distinct interests, varying back- much serious interest in South America.
The answer to this question is highly grounds, is, I have suggested, the United The same could not be said in reverse. Al-
difficult and fraught with dangers. To see States worst enemy in Seeing its hemis- most every leader in Central or South Amer-
the situation clearly requires that the United pheric relations in a true and clear light. ica has been to the United States; many
States accept the facts of the problem. There is a parallel simplification in reverse have studied there; most are fluently con-
Stated briefly, these are that any, rich and which is equally harmful and which affects versant in English.
powerful nation faced with a skilled dema- adversely the rhetoric of all Latin American How to account for this basic disparity in
gog who identifies himself with a popu- political movements, be they of the right, reciprocal knowledge of each other's coun-
lar cause and becomes its symbol, is subject the left or the center. This is the attribu- tries, institutions, languages and cultures?
a basic internal ambivalence. If it is tion to the United States of all the responsi- Mr. Benton, in his report, suggests that it
a generous and politically unselfish nation bilities and blames for all failings and mis- is due to a profound conviction prevailing
as the United States is, this ambivalence is haps south of the Rio Grande. Latin Amer- in the United States that there is nothing
even more painful. For, 'on the one hand, lean elites have consistently neglected to really worthwhile south of Rio Grande; that
the nation will want to support the legiti- examine their own shortcomings and limita- traffic with Latin America would be one-
mate aspirations that gave rise to the dema- tions and have, instead, made the United way traffic, with help, knowledge, protec-
gogue, and on the other, will feel a profound States the scapegoat for their own missed tion and development flowing southward
irritation at seeing such valid ideals, debased opportunities, aggrandizing the hostile role and little more than local color and apprecia-
by mobbery, hatred and mass manipulation. of the great power, the United States, and tion infiltrating back. I believe that many
Further, the nation facing this problem is thus freeing themselves of the responsibility difficulties in inter-American relations re-
made painfully aware that the very strength for their own unstable governments, their sult from this conviction. I further believe
of that demagogue is fed by grievances with dictatorships, their land tenure systems, their that this conviction is erroneous in point
a genuine basis. What then if that nation armies and their economic, social, and pol- of fact and that the unfortunate difficulties
feels an additional burden of guilt for having litical underdevelopment. Justice to the ensuing therefrom are compounded both by
allowed those grievances to grow to the point strong requires a special kind of courage and the U.S. ignorance vis-a-vis Latin America
of no return? As if this weren't bad enough, Sophistication that is uncommon among and Latin American insecurity vis-a-vis the
there is the painful truth that demagoguery those who are both weak and proud. Yet United States. Such basic failure in com-
flourishes by flaunting authority: the prin- without such courage, and without the wis- munication need not be everlasting, and
ciple of psychological redress, of seeing the dom that derives from it, understanding will the fact that pedagogy, language instruction
righteous and the mighty disturbed in their remain obscured and accord impossible. and Latin American studies have been the
majesty, is one that has worked in favor Explanations which exempt any of the par- most neglected areas in American educa-
of every law-breaking challenger since earli- ties from the compulsion to better them- tion over the past 50 years need not prevail
`est human history. With Castro it has the selves serve nothing, and this is why, It addi- forever. Yet the present unhappy state of
additional advantage of involving the very tional reasons were needed, personal, Intel- affairs, which Messrs. Benton and Stevenson
small with the very large, thus adding a lectual confrontations of the highest caliber were honest and chagrined enough to admit,
comic or tragic touch to the spectacle, de- between North and Latin Americans are so demonstrates that the sins of the fathers
pending upon on which side of the arena urgently necessary. are incfeed visited upon their children, and
one happens to sit. Well? We have seen some of the difficulties that the ills that educators do, live on after
If these elements of the problem were that face the United States, and some of the them.
other observations could be made
not difficult enough, there are still two more reasons why these difficulties, far from con-
bf prime importance, both of which make it veniently disappearing, are in the process of on the basis of this report. Its accent on
hard for the United States to see the ques- growing into fixed and inflexible attitudes. the amount of travel, organization and work
tion posed by the coming revolutionary What then does the United States do? represented by the trip, the speed and ur-
changes in Latin America clearly and that Experience shows us certain things it does gency of it all, the breathlessness of its
are, instead, forcing the Castro image ever not do. It does not, for instance, try to appeal, is in itself revealing. Is it possible
more powerfully to the fore. dragoon the other countries of the hemi- that all the work, work, work and help,
The more important of these, clearly, is sphere, all of which have internal problems help, help the United States intends for fear the way in which the present great power susceptible to the same sort of solution as is Latin America ethat some i ternat To nal bat at it
is
squeeze, with its faculty for making inter- Castro's into overt, coordinated action
national mountains out of local molehills, against the point of irritation. This is akin being lost? Surely Latin America has some
for neglecting deeper issues in favor of Co._ to asking men who are showing signs of a thoughts of its own on the subject; surely it to m bating local irritants, for taking the short highly infectious disease to go to the source has own contributions help out ake; surely pro-
view rather than the long, for adopting a of the infection and take on all the risks any help
defensive stand rather than the more solid involved. But negative approaches to the found belief in the value of the things that
posture becoming a great power sure of it- question are not fundamental. Positive ap- the two cultures share, out of belief in a
self, has made of Castro a smokescreen proaches are urgent. The world situation deeper and fuller life for both. Yet the re-
through which the United States seems un- does not give any country time to reflect port reveals too much the puritanical sense
able to see the true issues involved. Because truthfully on its mistakes. The greater the of guilt, the urgency of doing; the it lacks its own
urgent it is that a closer
bf the power politics that form the constant stress, of the lie more for urhe future be motivated. breathing space, its sense, if one may use
backgr ovouned to and the the Soviet struggle Union, between all the ror To get at this new policy, I wish to use such a word today, of poetry, of enjoyment
form United movements, tinged with Castroism or as a point of departure the report entitled of life rather than activity.
Approved For Release 2004/10/12 : CIA-RDP64B00346R000200160026-9
 1961 Approved For ReleM1gI&uKZT03?ATE 0160026-9
1 ~ 7623
ership in the Congress, does have a re- tion of the members of the Senate For- La with the Castro trademark to last year's
spo ibility to provide aggressive leader- eign Relations Committee, of Members offer ti# of ssoo American j million joke in that aid Mr. shou ld be ld be called
Eisenhower
shi in working for the adoption of an of the Senate, and of the entire Con-
orderly program of increased domestic gress, but I recommend the speech of the rondo Fidel.
sugar production, because it will be the president of the University of Puerto This natural pleasure at being suddenly
beneficial to all. Rico to this administration, to the end recognized, the objects of a jealous affec-
that it weigh the suggestions and, on tion, akin to any convert's zeal, is aided and
COMMITTEE MEETINGS DURING abetted to the particular way in which
the basis of their merit, take those sug?- United :sates foreign policy is subject to
SENATE SESSION gestions which might be helpful in a the pressures and influence of the mass
reexamination and reappraisal of Ameri.? media: newspapers and their headlines,
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I can foreign policy in all Latin America* commentators and their alarmist reports,
ask unanimous consent that the Com- Therefore, I ask unanimous consent the weekly magazines with their red-ringed
mittee on Agriculture and Forestry be that the speech be incorporated in the covers, t, le newsreels, films and television,
permitted to sit during the session of the RECORD at this point as a part of all the mighop who shape and fashion Amer-
Senate today. my' ican public opinion, and through that pub-
Tate ACTING PRESIDENT remarks. lic opinion, American policy, are committed
pro There being no objection, the speech. to the maintenance of what is newsworthy.
tempore. Is there objection? was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, Castro, woo has managed to thrill, shock and
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, yester- as follows: infuriate public opinion, is considered, ant
day I served notice that it, would be THE UNITED Sra2zs, cuss, AND LATIN AMERICA given the nature of the situation has be-
necessary, as of today, to object to all come, more " newsworthy" than all the rest
requests for committee meetings. If I (By Jaime Benfiez) of Latin America put together.
r qke an exception committee one case, then I Mutual trust and understanding between This, fa3tor has collateral effects that are
m in the Americas would be greatly helped if the just as dangerous as the monopolizing of
should make an exception in all cases; United States found it possible to distin- the Latir. American image by the Cuban
but, since important legislation is be- guish between its genuine long-term interest situation. Certain elements of the revolu-
fore us, I think Senators ought to be in Latin America and its present irritable tion In Cuba, for instance, have been ex-
available for floor duty, and I am con- obsession with Fidel Castro. More attention agger,atted out of all proportion, so that
strained to object. to the realities of the situation in the hems- public understanding of this phenomenon
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro sphere and less attention to the more ex- so cipse to the U.S. borders has been
tempO:CC/ There is objection. trenie antics of the Cuban Premier would seriously misled.. What is going on in
help achieve tr same al
io-
succeed in undoing or, at least, isolating r year-91d policemen !d traffic piAu"Ica an n d so on scores., The
THE TED STATES, CUBA, AND
The
LATIN AMERICA himself and his "revolution" sooner and whole social fabric of Cuba is being affected,
more completely than if the United States disrupted, reoriented. To what extent and
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, one of undertakes to direct the process. That Cas- in whit varying proportions of chaos, dema-
the most outstanding scholars in all tro can do this for himself is evidenced go
er
and
g
y,?
progress this is so, we are now
Latin America is the president and head by his unnecessary aggressiveness against unfortunately in no position to assess im-
L the University of Puerto Rico, Jhead friends and potential friends both in Cuba partiajty. Construction, agricultural reform,
and throughout Latin America and his con- new economic policies, new international
Benitez. He made a speech recently at sequential alienation of what was once wide- alinements, reeducation, governmental aus-
the Center for the Study of Democratic spread support at home and abroad. That terity, the decimation of elites, and many
Institutions in Santa Barbara, entitled U.S. initiative can harm rather than help other developments typical of traditional
"The United States, Cuba, and Latin democratic developments in Cuba is evi- revolutionary situations deserve closer at-
America." danced by the ineffectiveness of its efforts tentiop. than they are getting; certainly, they
It is one of the most penetrating to line up a Latin American front against cannot be ignored out of hand because the
analyses of the Cuban problem that I Cas
The priority tro. them political manifestations that accompany
mind, them }s t dcontnues
have had an opportunity to read for tion ih Cuba. at least, din the the present
public situa-
If Castro continues to be, for the average
some time. I take only a moment to has been a hindrance to the development of of American, what Latin America is all about;
bout;
read a short paragraph or two: the "new deal" for Latin America promised if he dominates North American understand-
Surely this situation is one that the United by the new administration in the United Ing of the peasant movement in northas
States will have to view in a much larger States. In many ways, it may have sera- Brazil, the survival of Peronism in Argentina,
context than that of Castro or of Cuba alone. ously delayed the eventual substitution of the rise of substantial opposition
The Castro image and the kind of action, the present dictatorship by a free and demo- Chile, the Peace Congress recently aheld in
the purposes and methods, the aims and cratic government in Cuba. Mexico, there is serious error: error com-
ideals associated with it, right or wrong, Regrettably, the chances of the United pounded by the fact that the playback of
provide a collective vision, a version of the States separating these two distinct prob- this image that the mass media are creating
world In which many of the dispossessed, the leins one from the other seem unlikely in is, in Lati::i America, that picture of the
oppressed, and the disenfranchised peoples the present state of tension and the present little giant from the South loeiied in mortal
of the Caribbean, Latin America, and, pos- scramble for a "solution" to the Cuban combat with the colossus of the North that
sibly, the whole world, see a role for them- problem." Too much is against it, and has so long bedevilled traditional and reci-
selves, a means to achieve their goals of par- it is worthwhile to reflect on why this procal misconceptions about the roles of both
ticipation in the life of their nations,'a wa
y should be so. parts hemisphere.
of exercising the of the g power that resides in Friends of the United States in Latin Second, tae clear and present danger- that
masses and numbers, Such an image can- America and friends of Latin America in many aspects of the present situation in
not be undone in a moment. The end of the United States have jointly suffered Cuba represent for the United States and its
Castro would not be the end of the image, through a long period, painful and unneces- policy of inter-American cooperation, may
,and there are times when a live demagogue nary, of being systematically ignored: well be a danger that the United States is
is infinitely preferable to a dead martyr, ignored by academic, journalistic, political, going to ha""e to put up with. There can be
particularly when that potential martyr has Intellectual and other opinion-molding little room ror argument that Castro has set
proven himself (with the help of all con- centers of authority. It is thus felt-with back the development of democratic insti-
earned) one of the most saleable saints in re- what degree of validity no one can say-that tutionsiin Cuba for some time; but we have
cent history. the present sympathetic receptivity to mat- to be aware of the fact that before Castro
Can. the United States avoid being inaneu- ters Latin American is due to the awaken- they never existed fully and they might not
vered into becoming the antagonist of such ing caused in these circles by the Castro have blossor:eed forth even'had he not taken
mass movements and such mass aspirations, revolution, in much the same way as sci- power. Furthermore, it may well be that
which exist whether or not the Cuban entific research and intelligence in general, many elements of Castro's revolution-
revolution truly represents them? and even primary and secondary schooling, good and bad-are by now thoroughly ir-
have received it big boost from the success reversible. It is hard to imagine, for in-
The president of the University of of the Soviet Union's first sputnik. Car- stance, how the great majority of the ex-
uer'to Rico goes on in his analysis to tainly this dramatic reversal from apathy propriated property could be returned to its
ake what I think are some very con- to fascination ensuing on Castro's irrupting former owners, and the longer the present
tractive suggestions in regard to needed into print has both its origin and its Hour- regime stays in power, the harder such res-
han?fes in American foreign policy in ishment in the Cuban drama. This is re- titution ivoud become. The most that could
flected in a thousand ways, ranging from be hoped for from a successor government
atin America. I think not only are the random identification of similar revolu- would be some form of compensation; and
hey worthy of the careful considera- tionary movements throughout the world how would ghat compensation be paid for
Approved For Release 2004/10/12 : CIA-RDP64B00346R0002010160026-9