SENSIBLE TALK ABOUT CUBA

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP66B00403R000200170061-3
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 4
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: January 3, 2005
• Sequence Number: 61
• Publication Date: May 22, 1964
• Content Type: OPEN

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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
O
, Rkrxe ,, ene pi ars-distiii_gUished ' record of
_ ?. , . _ ,
,_ j.
serel0,e .4 ...egn,recognized by many schools.
,46$11#.14 , :degrees from John Carroll,
14enyon C?iI? IlniVersiti-of Southern Cali-
" ,fornia,,Prelg tan; UniversityOf Akre-1i, Tate,
013,10 gat!, thilieis-ttk of Virginia, and Case
Ip.i_ti,tAe of`tiolin, plogy. _
' Se Alas lri4Y awards and decorations from
. , . .
the U. Government and froinioreign gov-
ern-me-PP., hese Include the Distinguished
Service Cyo,x0 the Distinguished Service
. , eilal Withly)(Q 004,,,Ipai clusters, the Silver
Star, the Distinguished Flying _Cross with
2 clUSteje, the An: Medal with 3_ clusters the
Medal fpr Huinerie_Action, ,the National De- _.
feiwe_Service.D4edal arid many other American
.4Wards., = - - -" '''
- Hie fOreljn decorations include the British
_ - .. .
astinguished Flying Cross, the French
Legion of Honor, degree of commander; and
awards ., _from ,, _BAWL ,Russia, Beigium,
Morocco Chile Argentina Sweden Ecuador,
and Villguay. .
=.- general LeMay entered the armed services
as a??flYing cadet in 1928. ,Be, received _a
regular commission in Jarli-19.TY 1930. The
-General, of the Air Force, participated in the
first mass flight of B-17 flying fortresses to
Solltil Anierlea in 4.933.?.:Frior_..Wour miter-
Mg World War II, he pioneered air routes
oVer the- $ohth Ath1tic?..to.Alti4.ahs1 over.
the North Atlantic to England.
General LeMay organized and trained the
305th Bombardment 01'MT in 1942 and led
- that organization to combat in the European
theater. Formation procedures and bomb-
ing techniques developed by General LeMay
'Were later . adapted to the p--29, superfort-
resSes which fought the war to its conclusion
in the Pacific,
Y FtsaWarati_ priorri.s Asp ,
'AS cOinnianding_general of the 3d Bomb-
bardment plyikoll (England), he led the
famed Regensburg raid, ,a B-17 shuttle mis-
sion that originated in England, struck deep
into'Oepnan_y, and terminated in Africa,
In, July 1944 he was ?transferred to the
Pacific to direct B-29 heavy bombardment
aetivities oT the 20th FiOniher cOMMand ,in
- tile ChinarHurma-India theater.
Still later he became Chief of Staff of. the
Strategic Air Forces in the Pacific.
At the; coagilialea of WArlaci ?.,r,ar _JI, he re-
turned t4i't4cprxgpecuuops.Tiloting a H-29
enperfortress, on a non,stop, recordbreaking
flight from Hokkaido, Japan, to Chicago.
After the war General Lemay was trans-
timed to the Pentagon at Washington to be
the first, Deputy Chief of Air Staff for. Re-
search and ,Geveforxient.
---SIMmril stax.wi:
In Qc;_tp: her19i7,0effaral,14alay was selec-
ted to Phiallaii40-04/.. 3,7,,a Aix Forces in
' - Europe with headquarters at Wiesbaden,
Germany. 'ire organized air operations for
the failIC'he "Per* e41.14,V
,_A. year l,.at'ex: ?lie _re_ tli.rneil to _the United
Sk"es...4.4d- eeeilMeSkoomMansLof the newly-
fornlePi ?trategic Air Coinnanild, establishing
its head.quarters e,- Q17414. Air EOM__ Saes
,liee; Ohial00_12..,This.CahtralJocation he-
'califs the _ nefrie, center of a worldwide
boniber-mis,sile force, .
t --L-isAc cpApionD.ra ... _ . ..
._.
Commanding SAC for nearly 10 years, he
built, frOm the remnants Of World War II,
' an all-jet bomber 19.rce, /ha/14W _and ..81-113-
ported by profession airmen dedicated to the
preservation of peace.
... . . .
Under , lal,, leaderehip and supervision,
plans were laid for the . development and
integration of an intercontinental ballistic
' Missile (ICBM) capability.
In July 190 General LeMay was appointed
Vice Chief of Stgt 4,tho .a& sac ,fervecl
the capacity until July 1981, at which
time he was appointed Air Force Chief of
Staff, the post he now holds.
WYOMING EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT,
Cheyenne, May 8, 1964.
It is with pleasure that we invite your
participation in Wyoming's second "Space
Age Conference and Exposition" at Riverton
June 3-7.
Gen. Curtis LeMay, Air Force Chief of
Staff, will keynote the conference on Thurs-
day, June 4. General LeMay is one of
America's great military leaders, a national
figure who I am sure will be well worth
hearing.
Theme of the afternoon_ space age con-
ference on Thursday is "The Technological
Revolution," A, group of leading national
figures will be present to discuss this theme
with us, They will present valuable data
and information designed to help open the
door for Wyoming participation in the space
science fields, _
A leading industry speaker will comple-
ment the appearance of General LeMay and
both the Air Force and industry will provide
a technical industrial exposition which
should prove of great interest.
It is expected that several different Air
Force jets will be on display to add to the
exposition.
Last year's Wyoming Space Week Exposi-
tion at Riverton attracted about 25,000 peo-
ple. The National Aeronautics and Spate
Administration cooperated in the program,
and James E. Webb, NASA Administrator,
was he keynote speaker. The conference and
exposition provided Wyoming with a fine
orientation in the space science field.
We are hopeful that this year's conference
will show us the way into active participa-
tion of Wyoming in the space sciences.
Mark June 4 on your calendar.
We hope you can join with the others from
Wyoming on that day to help in the planning
of our State's future participation in the
space age.
Sincerely yours,
CLIFFORD P. HANSEN,
Governor.
HERE'S NEWS
(by MILWARD SizarsoN, U.S. Senator,
Republican, of Wyoming)
LEMAz AT WYOMING SPACE CONFERENCE
W.4sungerox, D.C.?U.S. Air Force Chief of
Staff Gen. Curtis LeMay will speak at the
Wyoming Space Age Conference and Exposi-
tion to be held in Riverton, Wyo., June 4
through 7, U.S. Senator MILWARD L. SIMPSON
annOlinced today.
"The presence of General LeMay, one of
America's greatest military leaders, will come
as a highlight of the space age conference,"
Senator SIMPSON said. "His active participa-
tion will form the nucleus of what promises
to be an exhibition to equal or top last
year's monumental show."
Wyoming Gov. Clifford Hansen proclaimed
the conference and exposition in an an-
nouncement today. Last year's exposition,
featuring speakers and exhibits from the
National Aeronautics and space Administra-
tion, ran for 8 days. It drew National atten-
tion and some 25,000 people. This year's
theme is the "Role of the U.S. Air Force in
Space."
Senator SIMPSON said General LeMay is
looking forward to the Wyoming exposition
"with keen anticipation" and is making
preparations with his staff for the participa-
tion of the Air Force "in what is destined to
become one of the outstanding annual events
in the Equality State."
"Gen. Curtis LeMay is a military leader of
unquestionable stature and integrity. His
11347
leadership and vision have helped mold an
Air Force second to none in the world. His
concern for our national security, plus his
lifetime of experience serving his country in
war and peace, make him preeminently
qualified to speak to Wyomingites on the
space age to which America's future is so
inextricably bound," Senator SIMPSON said.
EXHIBIT 2
WYOMING SPACE AGE CONFERENCE, WYOMING
DAY, JUNE 4
From 9 am.: Exposition open to the pub-
lic, National Guard Armory, Riverton,
From 10 a.m.: Dedication of exposition,
Governor Hansen, Senator Simpson, General
LeMay, and other dignitaries.
From 10:30 a.m.: Informal tour of the ex-
position by the official group.
From 11 a.m.: Flyover by Wyoming Air
National Guard planes and possible Air Force
planes.
From 12 noon: Keynote banquet, Gen.
Curtis LeMay, keynote address; introduced
by Senator Simpson, Governor Hansen, open-
ing remarks.
From 2: p.m.: Space age conference, theme
"The Technological Revolution." Confer-
ence speakers: "Wyoming Research and Na-
tional Goals," Dr. John Bellamy, director,
NRRI, University of Wyoming; "Iinpact of
Symbolic Control in Industry," Albert K.
Hawkes, director of Computer Services Divi-
sion IIT Research Institute: "Numerically
Controlled Machine Tools," Mr. L. C. Penny,
Sundstrand Aviation, Denver; "Bionetics?
Living Growing Science," Air Force repre-
sentative, Capt. Leslie Knapp; "Summary
and Review," Wyoming Natural Resource
Board and Industry.
FrO_M t30 p.m.: Industry banquet: E. B.
Fitzgerald, president, Cutler-Hammer, Inc.;
Wyoming industrial achievement awards.
SENSTh TALK ABOUT CUBA
Mr. BARTLETT. Madam President,
"Let's Talk Sense About Cuba" is the
title of an article by the able and truly
perceptive junior Senator from Arkansas
IML-PuLssiGHT1, the chairman of the
.Serfate__Foreign Relations Committee.
Certain it is that sense is needed when
we talk of Cuba and of Latin America as
a whole.
I am afraid that too often in the past
we have tended to think of the problems,
the dangers, and the opportunities of the
whole hemisphere in terms of Cuba. Too
often our efforts to encourage a peaceful
but profound social revolution across
Latin America have been viewed solely
as countermeasures made necessary by
the threat of Castro's exported subver-
sion. The basic principles of the Alli-
ance for Progress are important in them-
selves, and not because a Cuban dictator
is making threats on the peace of a con-
tinent. The deep unrest and injustice
which it is designed to meet would be
there whether or not there had ever been
a Castro. In his article, the Senator
well says:
If Castro and his henchmen were to dis-
appear tomorrow, much of Latin America
would still be stirred by demands for radical
social change.
Castro is a grave threat, it is true, but
only because he answers these demands
for radical social change. This threat,
for us, should be more of a challenge.
We must show the people of the hemi-
ePhere that orderly change and demo-
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11348 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE May 22
crane processes can produce a more ef-
fective revolution than does Castroism.
We have a job to do in Latin America
and we should not let hysteria about the
man with the beard keep us from it.
I ask unanimous consent that the Sen-
ator's excellent article from the May 16
Issue of the Saturday Evening Post may
be printed at this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
LiT13 TALK SENSE ABOUT CUBA
(By Senator J. WILLIAM PULSRIGHT)
(Nors.?Democrat from Arkansas Senator
Foirutrosrr is chairman of the Foreign Rela-
tions Committee. He was a Rhodes Scholar
and at 34 was president of the University of
Arkansas. He served one term in the
House before his election to the Senate in
1944. One of the most distinguished Mem-
bers of the upper House, Senator Fin.saiosrr
shook Washington recently with a speech
attacking the myths that underlie U.S. for-
eign policy. Here he defends himself against
his critics and tells in fuller detail what he
thinks should be done about Castro's Cuba.)
For a long time it has seemed to me that
America= attitudes toward the world tend
to be rigid and slow to adjust to new situa-
tions. Thus, for example, we tend to resist
change in policies which were developed to
deal with a monolithic Sino-Soviet bloc
despite the facts that the Chinese and Soviets
are now deeply, perhaps irrevocably, split,
and that there is growing trend to diversity
In Eastern Europe. There are people who
cry for a blockade or other stern measures
against Cuba, making no distinction be-
tween the problems posed by a Cuba with
Soviet medium-range missiles and by a Cuba
with Communist workers riding to the cane
fields in new British buses.
It was in an effort to point out some of the
areas in which change has outrun policy that
I spoke in the Senate on March 25. "we are
confronted with a complex and fluid world
situation." I said, "and we are not adapting
ourselves to it. We are clinging to old myths
In the face of new realities." I stated, for
instance, that Castro "is not likely to be
overthrown by any policies which we are now
pursuing or can reasonably undertake." I
suggested that our efforts to persuade free-
world countries to maintain a boycott on
trade with Cuba have been largely unsuc-
cessful and that for this reason the boycott
policy has been a failure.
My purpose was, and remains, to stimulate
a general discussion, a rethinking, and a re-
evaluation of our foreign policies in the light
of changing circumstances. Such criticisms
as were contained in my speech were directed
at inflexibility in public and congressional
thinking about foreign policy, and not at
specific policies of the present and preced-
ing administrations, except as these policies
have been thwarted or unduly influenced by
popular pirejudics.
There is nothing more difficult, and noth-
ing more important, than the adjustment of
our thoughts and of our policies to chang-
ing realities. As Eric Hoffer has written: "It
is my impression that no one really likes the
new. We are afraid of it. ? * ? Even in
slight things the experience of the new is
rarely without some stirring or foreboding."
If there was something "new" about my
speech of March 25, it was not what was said
but the fact that it was said, and said pub-
licly. In any case, reactions of fear and
foreboding were largely confined to the Con-
gress. The reaction of the press and of over
10,000 private citizens who wrote letters to
me in the first 3 weeks after the speech was
very substantially favorable to the views
which I expressed. What is more important
the reaction showed a very substantial in-
terest in a public exploration of the issues
which I raised. The voluminous public re-
-sponse indicates to me that the American
people are eager for a public discussion and
may be receptive to changes in policies.
I welcome the opportunity to examine
some of the questions raised in the various
comments and criticisms of my speech. I
have no objection to being held responsible
for anything I said. / do object, however,
to being held responsible for things I did
not say. I did not say, for example, that
American policy is guided solely by myths, or
that our policies were inappropriate at the
time they were framed. / did not say that
we should ourselves enter into friendly re-
lations with the Castro regime in Cuba or
terminate our own economic boycott. I said
only that our effort to organize a concerted
international boycott which eventually will
bring down the Communist regime is a fail-
ure. which it demonstrably is.
I did say that we should face the prob-
ability that the Castro regime will continue
to exist. We are, of course, already doing so,
and this particular suggestion, therefore, is
not the adoption of a new policy so much
as the acknowledgment, to ourselves, of an
existing fact.
There has been considerable inaccuracy on
another point. I did not say that the Castro
regime is not a "grave threat" to the hemi-
sphere. I said that it is not a "grave threat"
directly to the United States. I did say that
it is a -grave threat" to the Latin American
countries, but one which should and can be
dealt with through the procedures of the
Organization of American States.
One criticism which has been directed at
the speech is that I neglected to state more
explicitly what I believe our policy toward
Cuba should be. On reflection. I think this
criticism may be well taken, because Cuba
now appears to have greater importance in
the public mind than I had thought.
I believe that the United States under pres-
ent, conditions should maintain its own po-
litical and economic boycott of the Castro
regime. It would be desirable if all the other
countries of the free world would join in
such a boycott, but experience has amply
proved that major industrialized countries of
Europe, and Japan as well, are unwilling to
do so and that we are incapable of either
forcing or persuading them to d6 so. We look
silly when we cut off a pittance of military
aid to Great Britain and France because they
trade with Cuba, when at the same time we
Sind an excuse to continue substantial aid to
Spain despite its trade with Cuba. What
makes the case even sillier is that the aid we
were giving to Britain and France was not aid
at all. It was called aid because it came from
military-assistance appropriations, but in
fact it paid for a sales-promotion campaign
to persuade high-ranking British and French
officers to buy American military equipment.
There is an important distinction to be
made between Cuba and Western Europe on
the one hand and Cuba and Latin America
on the other. Cuba is not a grave threat to
Western Europe, any more than it is a serious
threat directly to the United States. But
Cuba is a grave threat to Latin America. It
is logical, therefore, to expect the Latin Amer-
ican reaction to Cuba to be different from the
Eureopean reaction, and this has indeed been
the case. The Organization of American
States has found the Castro regime to be in-
compatible with the principles of the inter-
American system, and Cuba has been ex-
cluded from the inter-American organization.
Fourteen of the Latin American States have
broken diplomatic relations with Cuba.
There has been increasing inter-American co-
operation In the exchange of intelligence and
in the application of countersubversive meas-
ures. Latin American trade with Cuba, over
all, is insignificant
Nonetheless, Cuban intervention in the
affairs of Latin American States has contin-
ued, the most flagrant example being the
shipment of arms to Venezuela, a shipment
which was fully confirmed and documented
by a committee of the OAS.
The OAS is the deliberately chosen instru-
ment of the American states to deal with
these problems. It has available to it ade-
quate procedures and powers, based on the
Rio Treaty and the Charter of the Organiza-
tion of American States. I believe the United
States should fully meet its obligations un-
der these treaties to participate in multilat-
eral action to protect the hemisphere froaa
Soviet-Cuban aggression and subversion.
But this is primarily a Latin American prob-
lem. We cannot protect people who are not
interested in protecting themselves.
The real problems of this hemisphere are
going to be solved by boycotting Cuba but
by making the Alliance for Progress a suc-
cess. Our exaggerated preoccupation with
Cuba has distorted our judgment of the
revolutionary movements in several Latin-
American countries. If Castro and his
henchmen were to disappear tomorrow,
much of Latin America would still be stirred
by demands for radical social change.
This change need not be brcraght about
through totalitarian methods and controls.
In fact, the example of Castro's Cuba has
perhaps done more to turn Latin Americans
away from communism than all our preach-
ing about its evils. Latin Americans have
been shocked by Castro's brutality as well
as by an inefficiency that has made a sham-
bles of the Cuban economy.
Despite the importance of these consid-
erations. it was not my major purpose in
my statement of March 25 to stimulate a
debate on Cuba but rather to place this
issue in a reasonable perspective. The prob-
lems of the Caribbean are difficult but un-
less they are made the focus of a clash of
interests between the great powers, as in
the missile confrontation of 1962, they are
not in themselves the issues which are like-
ly to precipitate a third world war or to
determine the shape of world politics in
the decades to come.
The problems which are much more like-
ly to be decisive stem from our relations
with the two great powers of the Communist
world and our relations with our free world
allies. It was with respect to these prob-
lems?the supreme issues of our time?that
I sought to provoke discussion, and to sug-
gest that, when placed in perspective, such
issues as Cuba have engaged our attention
to a degree out of all proportion to their
real importance. For example, I spoke of the
"myth ? ? ? that every Communist state
Is an unmitigated evil and a relentless en-
emy of the free world," and I pointed to
"the reality ? ? ? that some Communist
regimes pose a threat to the free world while
others pose little or none, and that if we
will recognize these distinctions, we ourselves
will be able to influence events in the Com-
munist bloc in a way favorable to the secu-
rity of the free world."
One of the criticisms of my speech is that
I did not explore the problems of the West-
ern Alliance and particularly the increasing
differences of opinion between General de
Gaulle and the other members of the West-
ern community.
My basic belief is that the best hope for
the North Atlantic democracies lies in the
development, by gradual stages, of a close
political, military and economic partnership.
If the Western community of nations is to
survive and prosper, its prospects for doing
so depend heavily on its overcoming its
ancient rivalries and animosities and unit-
ing its member nations in a close working
partnership.
Impressive progress toward the develcip-
ment of such a partnership was made from
the end of World War II until quite recent-
ly?through the Marshall plan, the NATO
alliance, the formation of the European
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196.4 CONCRtSSION AL 11.1CORto ? SENATE
, Vcorieniic Ccarrintmity and of 'a; Variety of
internatiOnal financial institutions, and oth-
er steps. -In the feat feW-Y-eari-Prenee, un-;
der General de -Gairlie; has -prikaued poli-
MOS' ',Web 'are 'aPParentlY alined at quite
different objectives,- although it is not yet
clear, What these _objectives are. The tend-
ency of eirirent Preneli policy, if I gage
it: correctly, is away from partnership with
_other nations, particularly Great Britain and
the United States, and Ireek toward the kind
of nationalism that has drvideff-the West
against itself In centuries Peat:- /ii Many
'whys' 'French Policy is being skillfully, even
brilliantly, exeduted, and many highly in-
formed obsery-era . have dome to the con-
- clusionthat the_Gardliet CaffeePtOf a Euro-
pean COfnirintiti Of sovereign nations,
,
vaguely and lOosely bOund
separated from Great Britain and- the Unit-
ed States, represents the "wave of the fu-
ture." '
.-Perhang it does. Efforts' to assess the real-
ism and the Prospects of General de Gaul-
le* program, however, are handicapped by
the fact that it is extremely difficult to grasp
the true Meaning _of the general's State-
ments,. We have. been- told-lhat' the -Poet-
wp; -.ref,ls at an 'enet7'antrliiat--the--66.111
' list design is built on that'realitY; that the
Atiantip7PartnerehlP idea -le only a disguise
ter .'Amerifean liegerneriyinFurePe; that this
which is equated' With Soviet
dernination of Eastern Europe, is intolerable
d must soon end. that Praiibe and Eu--
rope (the terms seems to be used' inter-
cnangeably) have a-deStiny and "personal-
ity" of their O-Wn Which =1St net be diluted
by "Anglo-Saxon" adnihrtures; and that Eu-
rope must aspire to be "Europe from ;the At-
lantic tathe r..Trals,"
In-ItS, :pre-Sent' State -Of' definition. Gaul-
Seeins; more a Mystique than a pro-
grarn.- if may he that President de 'Gaul-
le, in his own good time, will give content
to his vision Of Europe tirid-Or the world.
It MAY be that he will --gO liefOrid elegant
disquiSitions On -the pride and personality
of natioris eirdproceed to thiggeSt the kind
of continuing Institutions'that Will Thind
together the EuroPean 'nations, firmly or
loosely, and the kind of political and eco-
nOrnic relations he feels Europe Should have
With the United' States- and the British
Commonwealth.
It May' be, as the general has suggested,
that the :NATO alliance has served its pur-
pose and Is obsolete. I do not think so, nor
do,Ithink that NATO is a disguise for
Amer-
ican liefernrirrY In ErriiiPe;' Id-anY ease
Whether .Or 'not' NATO survives -in its .present
forni,-it eiheritial that prOyi-Stoirba:thado
for 6140:7a4.14 pOri_tiiiutri-664-ei` n n
atio amog
the nations of the-WeS ; test they revert to
the uncontrolled nationalism n that -all but de-
stroyed Europe in two Worid-WerS-. -There'
are two 0,9nstrACtlye.proposals for long-range
cOope'ratiori -that 'can he' finPleidented with
tittle delay:' the 'Sbahiirne'Trnnitihiteral force
and the propoSed derignItatlie Atientle As-
sembly. If theSe are unaceePtable to France,
perhaps General de Gaulle will propose a bet-
. ter.approach.
'It is IrieondeiVable that France shOfild be
- anything leis than a leading participant in
an Atlantic community. Friar-Me* partners
are in need ,of her wisdom ,her
vision?
the same VisdO'inwhich'enklifed President d
Gaulle to; enhewar:4b, -4:to inake
Prance. the guarantOr"Of 'Cider and ecOriBinie
' growth in large- areas of 'Africa and, indeed,
in proportion to her resetirCes, ' the leading
nation a the "free World-71n extending eco-
neinic aid; t6 UnderdeyelCkped countries. Many.
..Prenehmgn have eared that Prance cannot_
'be ,herSeif as a." participant' in a larger Corn- -
trturfitY. They; would '-'116- mill 't6 Consider
that thejjree World, 'OfWhfehPrano-e-T.a an
integral part, Can haie little chance Of realiz-
ing the 'full' rireasiire 'Orite 1MPea and op- -
portunitles Without the partielPatien Of
Prance.
The foregoing are some, although certain-
ly not all, of the questions raised by the
criticisms of my speech of March 25. I hope
that these exchanges are only the beginning
of a national rethinking of foreign policy
and of a new receptiveness on the part of our
people and their policymakers to new ideas
and fresh approaches. In a free debate in
which no proposal is barred because of its
unfamiliarity or its incompatibility with pre-
vailing prejudices, there is certain to be a
good deal of error as well as insight. But
this need not trouble us. As Thomas Jeffer-
son said, 'Error of opinion may be tolerate
1.72.?-iere reason is left free to combat it."
CONSERVATION AND POLITICS
Mr. CHURCH. Madam President, we
are all aware of the growing importance
-a conservation and resource issues in
our national life. And we are also aware
of the natural divisions which have oc-
curred in the conservation community
itself.
It has remained for Assistant Secre-
tary of the Interior John A. Carver to
put some of these problems in their
proper perspective in a recent address
before the Conservation Week banquet
at Utah State University, Logan, Utah.
I ask unanimous consent to have his
address printed at this point in the
RECORD, and recommend it to the atten-
tion of my colleagues.
There being no objection, the address
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
CbESERVATION AND POLITICS
A week ago today I spent a day on a uni-
versity campus in Massachusetts, before a
graduate seminar on our territorial programs
and policies. I've savored the opportunities
I've had over the past 3 years, at Lansing and
Ann Arbor, Milwaukee and Chicago, at
Princeton and Riverside and Boston, to
discuss government in the university
community.
I'm particularly proud to have been asked
to be with you tonight. Your Conservation
Week has become justly renowned, and the
standards set by my predecessors are de-
manding indeed. I recall that you heard a
most significant speech a year ago. Al-
though your scheduled speaker, Chairman
'WKiNE ASDINALL, was unable to be here, you
were able to hear his talk, and in it the main
features of his bill for a Public Land Law
Review Commission, and of associated legis-
lative items. in the intervening year, his
bills on the subjects discussed here have been
introduced, hearings held, and they have
passed the House of Representatives.
My subject, "Conservation and Politics,"
can be opened by amplifying the reference to
the Public Land Law Review Commission.
Here was a measure which at the House hear-
ings received virtually unanimous support
from the broadest possible spectrum of the
?public interested in the public lands, whether
commercially, as with the timber, forage,
and mining industries, or noncommercially,
as with the wildlife organizations and rec-
ationists and public interest and-govern--
mental units, -State, County, and local
This measure passed the Irouse ET 16'fiW.
The bill was sponsored from both sides of the
aisle, among others by a member of the Out-
door Recreation Resources Review --Coinmis-
sion with unimpeachable conservation----ere-
dentials, JOHN KYL, of Iowa.
The purpose of the CoirilidaSiOri bill is
clearly stated in It: It is to-study the-stat-
utes, reyieW the policies arid _practices of the
Federal akencies, conniire- datr-Orideinands
for the nubile' lands, present and-fitture, and
to recommend legislation to the-Congress.
Yet last week a newspaper columnist with
1049
a radio program" also, referred to this 'aS a
bill to turn the public lands over to the cattle
and mining interests,
Such a charge is erroneous, irresponsible,
and a calumny on the Congress. Yet, it is
of such stuff that conservation politics is
made.
This is the good guys against bad guys
method of policy formulation. In the inter-
national field we're all aware of the attempt
to manipulate public attitudes with reference
to some other country's policy?what they
want, we oppose, and vice versa. In the re-
sources field, it works the same way. If the
lumber or cattle or mining people want a
public land law review commission, then to
sothe grottps it must be bad; if the Sierra
Club or the Wilderness Society or some other
public group agrees, however reluctantly, to
a modified version of the wilderness bill, then
those who had demanded the modifications
are likely to take a second look.
-A related, or refined version of this, is the
epithet method of manipulating policy
formulation.
Even experienced and sophisticated vet-
erans of public resource management react
in a conditioned way to verbal stimuli which
are a part of our political tradition. Take
the word "exploit" in reference to economic
development needs. This is ordinarily a bad
word in the conservation lexicon?not for
any etymological or philological reason, for
words are neutral. But this one exudes the
colorful symbolism of our political environ-
ment. "Exploit" means "spoil"; "conserve"
means "save." In this context, one doesn't
even need to write down the moral proposi-
tions that create the differences. Genera-
tions Of holy crusade have produced the
glandular reaction-"exploiter," evil; "con-
servationist," virtuous.
This Pavlovian reference illustrates how
deeply conservation issues have cut into na-
tional thinking. Some will say: "Isn't this
good? Shouldn't people react righteously
without having to ponder? Let's not equivo-
cate with evil." This begs the question, for
it assumes that the labels and catch phrases,
the campaign slogans, have been correctly
assigned: that there is some divine guidance,
some intuitive gift, that permits ready iden-
tification of an infidel or heathen cause. For
the puriat,there are no gradations of virtue?
no compromises between ideal and reality.
A few days ago an experienced and seem-
ingly Sophisticated Government servant said
to me, "Why doesn't the Department create
a special board for the sole purpose of iden-
tifying the public interest?"
A good question. Yet in the 3 years and
ahnoSt a half I've been in the Department,
I can't recall any one of the innumerable
controversies where each side of the issue
wasn't 'framed plausibly in terms of the
pfiblfe-interest. I've known no decision
made by Secretary Udall which hasn't been
made in the public interest. Yet the con-
troversies have been deep and vigorous, and
many have reverberated in the Halls of Con-
gress or the columns of the press long after
they were made. In all of them both sides
of the controversy are stated in terms of the
public Interest, and in most of them both
Sides are in the public interest. But
choices have to be made and the job of
making choices cannot be delegatedby the
Seeretary to a board.
look at a couple of specific - cases.
Tri-edeVelOPirient plan for the Potomac pre-
sents one controversy now active: the de-
velopment of the Colorado another. Those
'who would build dams (in one case the dam
hifilders are in another Department, in the
other case in our own), and those who op-
pose in favor of the existing 'values, Such as
parks or private improvements each states a
priblic interest case.
-Erectile energy - for a rapidly growing pop-
ulation and burgeoning economy must be
planned for. Both sides agree, but oppo-
nents of the dam assert that account has
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11350 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE May 22
not been taken of alternatives like nuclear
power.
Recreation opportunities are laudable side
benefits of dams?but does this kind of rec-
reation outweigh the damage to natural
features?
Listen to the language of the two sides:
From the dam builders:
"Water-based outdoor recreation is one of
the most popular leisure-time activities in
the Pacific Southwest region. The capacity
of many existing recreation facilities is
already strained. Coincident with the an-
ticipated population growth of the region
will be an increased demand for water-
oriented outdoor recreation uses. Thus, new
basic facilities are included in the plan of
development wherever appropriate.
"The basic facilities that would be pro-
vided at the reservoirs include access roads,
parking areas, beaches, boat launching
ramps, picnic and campground areas, public
utilities, comfort stations, and related items.
The new reservoirs would create new large
water areas for boating, fishing, swimming,
and water skiing and, additionally, would
provide new access to some of the most
spectacular scenery in the Nation."
From the opponents:
"The construction of a reservoir in this
reach of the canyon (at Bridge) would in-
evitably result in the loss of park values of
national significance.
"The river, with its ever changing currents,
pools and rapids, would be blotted out by
the slack water of the reservoir.
"The existing natural atreambank ecology
would be drastically changed throughout the
extent of the reservoir. The existing plant
and animal habitats would be drowned out,
and colonization by exotic species would be
expected. In the uppermost regions of the
reservoir, silt depositation and debris ac-
cumulation would be inevitable.
"The most obvious change in the recrea-
tional use would be the limitation of the
traditional and exhilarating experience of
wild river boating."
Controversies like these are incapable of
resolution by the application of rhetoric or
slogan?something far more fundamental Is
expected of Government than that.
And something far more fundamental
ought to be expected of the public.
Conservation Issues are public issues. Suc-
cess in the task of conservation requires
mastery of the workings of politics, both In-
ternal and external. Conservation presents
elemental conflicts of values.
If the politics of conservation are to be
worthy, if it is to be recognized that re-
source managers must communicate to the
public and to the legislatures a sense of
ethical urgency rooted in a felt philosophy,
then history must be studied, our society
comprehended, our governmental system
mastered.
Slogans are not substitutes for celebration;
and the field of conservation Isn't open to be
staked as the exclusive domain of any group,
however well intentioned.
Many in this room will participate In mak-
ing the social decisions that must be made to
meet the demands of 300 million people for
living space, food and fiber, and all of the
other resource requirements of an almost
unimaginable technology. Conservation and
resources promise to become the most criti-
cal domestic political issue as we approach
that social milestone. Any attempt to an-
swer the challenge with cliches must fail?
and with it our basic values, quite possibly
our whole political system and our existence
as a democratic society.
Professional resource managers have their
own sophisticated phrases. The appeal of
"sustained yield" has been sufficient to turn
many a tide. And "multiple use" comes
close to being the universal solution to all
demands, even though it provides no effec-
tive assistance in adjudicating incompatible
demands. The mere suggestion of "give-
away" is enough to stop any resource trans-
action in its tracks?at least temporarily.
Such slogans are high-powered weapons of
the political arsenal.
It helps to recognize that these are the
current manifestations of a long tradition.
Resource issues have been political issues
since the earliest days of the Republic. Jef-
ferson and Hamilton's ideological struggle
had as one of its ingredients the policies
which should governor In settling western
lands.
The Mississippi bubble was the major po-
litical Issue of its decade. John Wesley
Powell made the settlement of arid lands a
bloody battleground long before those lands
had any real value. In the last decade, Al
Sarena held center stage while the pressures
for more open space, better recreation facili-
ties, more and purer water piled up. This
accumulation is our political Inheritance,
the unfinished agenda of our generation.
The techniques of achieving political goals
for conservation were never more effectively
exhibited than they were at the hands of
the first Roosevelt and his chief lieutenant,
Gifford Pinchot. Roosevelt made his name
synonymous with conservation, as be met
both the interests and their legislative
spokesmen head on.
By a pen's stroke, he set aside public lands
for forest purposes while enrolled enactments
of Congress prohibiting such executive action
sat out the constitutional waiting period on
his desk. Forestry, reclamation and wild-
life protection became main functions of the
Federal Government under his tutelage.
Teddy Roosevelt took the conservation
movement out of the polite conversation
of drawing rooms and off the platforms of the
lecture circuit. An ideal, clothed with Vic-
torian respectfully, became an objective of
public policy?of Government activity. Con-
servation was made an object of political con-
test?where it has been ever since, not only
at the Federal level but In the States as well.
Pinchot presents an even more Interesting
case study in the development of political
conservation and conservation politics, which
is equally significant. Pinchot is something
of a rarity among all public figures: a pioneer
in an emerging profession and respected for
that in itself; masterful politician, good
enough to quarterback many of Roosevelt's
most daring forays, and to be elected Gov-
ernor of Pennsylvania twice; but above all,
superlative bureaucrat. With a singleness
of purpose that would have been disastrous
in one of lesser ideals, Pinchot used a small
and ineffectual office in the Department of
Agriculture as the nucleus for concentrating
most of the Federal forestry activities into
one of the largest and most powerful of all
Federal bureaus?one that could dominate
Cabinet officers and challenge a President of
the United States.
Pinchot's zeal to become the dictator of
conservation values and morals led, of course,
to his split with Taft and his accusations
against Secretary of the Interior Richard K.
Ballinger, whom Taft appointed to replace
Pinchot's friend and collaborator, James
Garfield. The congressional hearings on
these accusations marked one of the bitter-
est episodes in the history of conservation
politics. The stakes were high?the office of
the President becoming eventually involved..
Ballinger was eventually exonerated of any
intentional wrong-doing, but it was found
that certain of the evidence submitted in
his behalf had been misrepresented as to
time of preparation. Press and public alike
remembered only this tarnishing fact?Bal-
linger was publicly guilty, though Innocent.
This Incident in one man's bureaucratic
war on those who opposed him did lasting
harm to a major conservation department of
the Government. Pinchot?although out of
office?never Iola an opportunity to remind
the country of Interior's faults, as if Bal-
linger had been found guilty. Not until
Harold Ickes took over a quarter century
later did the Department retrieve the public
respect so necessary to discharge Its conser-
vation mission.
The politics of the conservation movement
itself, including both the Internal manipula-
tion of organizations and the interplay of
powerful forces among those who have a
rightful claim to be called conservationists,
took shape in Roosevelt's time, too.
Theodore Roosevelt's task in establishing
the conservation ideal ran across the grain
of traditional thinking. He had to first es-
tablish waste as something close to immoral?
and then work on the public conscience to
see that it reacted accordingly. The sub-
stantive issues of his day were, however,
relatively uncomplicated. Techniques of
forest protection were direct, elementary and
easily comprehended; power generation and
transmission had potential for the future,
but comparatively little current relevance;
demands upon land and water resources
were confined to single uses, uncomplicated
by competing needs incompatible with each
other.
Now our population has almost doubled
and its mobility multiplied fivefold or ten-
fold. A disturbing percentage of our land
area must be devoted to concrete ribbons
strung with the beads of metropolis, suburb,
and town. Technology has made possible and
created forms of land use which were impos-
sible a half century or even a decade ago.
The protective barriers to the wilderness have
been breached.
Retch Hetchy was the early warning of
what is today a truism?that one conserva-
tionist's ideal could be another's desecration,
that the recriminations among friends under
stress match those that draw blood from
sworn enemies.
The cities of central California and the bay
area were outstripping readily available sup-
plies of water; a similar situation in power
could be foreseen due to their great distance
from conventional energy sources. To those
who were thoroughly steeped in Theodore
Roosevelt's premise that "conservation is
the great fundamental basis for national ef-
ficiency." it was elemental that the rivers
of the Sierras should be harnessed to provide
the water and power requirements for a
growing prosperity. From almost every
standpoint of economy, efficiency, and engi-
neering convenience, the ideal site for dam
construotton was in the Retch Hetchy Valley
of the Tuolumne River. Heated opposition
Immediately developed from two quarters;
from private utility interests, because the
project was to be constructed and operated
by the city of Sa.n Francisco, and from an
important segment of the conservation move-
ment itself, because the site was deep In the
Yosemite National Park, consecrated in the
eyes of parks purists.
Retch Hetchy became a national issue pri-
marily because of its public power aspects,
but the contention between conservation
values was also very much in the public eye.
Labels became mixed and the identity of
friend and foe became complicated. If you
can conceive of it, John Muir was actually
oast in the role of advocate for Pacific Gas
& Electric Co.. was called a mouthpiece of
"the interests." To those who recount this
story from the public power viewpoint, the
term "conservationist" is reserved for Hetch
Hetchy's proponents?all others fall in the
category of "nature lovers" or "power inter-
ests." In this, the first clear instance of
conflict among national conservation objec-
tives, the charge was also made by one ele-
ment of the conservation front that their
erstwhile friends were being exploited by
those having diametrically opposite social
values. "Save Yosemite From Destruction"
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