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c? D_.,_.. .1. I 10ep1 L- IL10 e L.. Ce._ r .A rd, - . Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 91st Congress 1st Session INTERNATIONAL NEGOTIATION EXCHANGES OF SCHOLARS WITH THE SOVIET UNION: ADVANTAGES AND DILEMMAS MEMORANDUM PREPARED AT THE, REQUEST OF THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON NATIONAL SECURITY AND INTERNATIONAL OPERATIONS (Pursuant to S. Res. 24, 91st Cong.) OF THE COMMITTEE ON GOVERNMENT OPERATIONS UNITED STATES SENATE Printed for the use of the Committee: on Government Operations U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 35 395 WASHINGTON : 1969 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 HENRY M. JACKSON, Washington +AM J. ERVIN, JR., North Carolina EDMUND S. MUSKIE,.Maine ABRAHAM RIBICOFF. Connecticut FRET) It. HARRIS. Oklahoma LEE METCALF, Montana EUCFENE J. McCARTHY. Minnesota JAMES B. ALLEN, Alabama KAR1, E. AIUNDT, South Dakota JACOB K. JAVITS, New York CHARLES H. MERCY, Illinois TEL) STEVENS, Alaska EDWARD J. GURNEY, Florida CHA RLES AtcC. MATHIAS, JR., Maryland J AniEa It. CALLOWAT, CAfr/Counard and glaff Direior ARTHVR A. SHARP, Stag Ed ta- HENRY M. JACKSON. Washington, CAairman EI)MIUND S.MUSKJE,.Maine KARL E. ML'NDT, South Dakota ABRAHAM RIBICOFF, Connecticut CHARLES 1-1. MERCY, IllinoL' FRED R. HARRIS, Oklahoma EDWARD) J. GURNEY, Florida EUGENE J. McCARTHY. Minnesota TED STEVENS, Alaska DoROTaT FoaDICE, WfDirector RoaERT W. Tuts, CltII! Conaullatt! JUDITtn J. SPAHR, Ghlef Clerk RICHARD E. BRowX, Research Aaatrlara Wn LI O. FARBZR. Mfnorillr Conaullani Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 The subcommittee is pleased to be able to publish this original paper by Professor Robert F. Byrnes in the record of its inquiry on international negotiation. We invited Professor Byrnes to prepare a memorandum covering the main issues in negotiating exchanges of scholars with the Soviet Union which he thought should be considered and reflected upon, and he has responded with this discerning contribution to our record. Now Distinguished Professor of History at Indiana University, Dr. Byrnes was from 1959 to 1962 Director of the University's Russian and East European Institute. For nine years, from 1960 to 1969, he served as Cha.irntan of the Inter-University Committee which, until this past summer, had the major responsibility for U.S. scholar exchange programs with the Soviet Union. IIFENRY M. JACKSON, Chairman, Subcommittee on National Security OCTOBER 7.7, 1969. International Operations. Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 EXCHANGES OF SCHOLARS WITH THE SOVIET UNION: ADVANTAGES AND DILEMMAS By Robert F. Byrnes During the last quarter century, the role of the American univer- sity and of the American schotar_ hn c quietly and gradually changed almost beyond the comprehension of even those who have partici- pated actively in the revolution. Expansion of higher education and of access to it in every part of the country has brought more than seven million students to AmericEm c-lJnpuses in the fall of 1969. These students, their faculties, the libraries which serve them both, and the entire college and university complex all face a continuing "knowledge explosion," an increase of information in most fields of study so rapid that most of what is noea taught in some fields was not known as recently as ten years ago. The role of the university in American life has so changed that the ivory tower has been demolished. M any Americans instead believe that the university, while con.tiwal.g its usual functions for the rapidly growing student body, should also be the principal instrument for resolving our social problems. Indeed, many are now convinced that new knowledge generated and spread by the university is the most important factor in social and ecorn,anuc change. The appearance of new fields of shad , of new knowledge, especially in the sciences, and of new respo1isibilities is matched by growing interest in the rest of the World, e-specially the so-called non-Western areas, which were neglected before the Second World War. The tech- nical revolutions in communication and in transportation, the growing appreciation by Americans of the position their country occupies in. international affairs, and the general shrinking of the world have all contributed to an increase of research and instruction in areas as different as the Soviet Union and Africa. This revolution in our view of the rest of the World has been especially reflected in the increased emphasis devoted by the American educational system to the Soviet Union, largely because of the growth and outward thrust of Soviet power. As a consequence, thousands of Americans have learned Rus- sian, have become interested in Russian history, literature and govern- ment, and have sought to analyze -fviet power and policy. Inevitably, just as American libraries have increased their resources to enable all to study the newly-discovered universe, so American universities have attempted to enable those intere, 1.ed in the Soviet Union to study there. This effort to encourage study within the Soviet Union has Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 2 INTERNATIONAL NEGOTIATION directly involved American universities and scholars in official ex- change programs with the Soviet government and has therefore created both problems and dilemmas. l`articipatiou by American universities in formal exchange pro- rmrarns with a country as ideologically and politically different from otus as the Soviet Union is only one of the Ways through which they IIave developed close relationships with agencies of our own govern- sent and with other governments as well. This position of the uni- vrt:sitirs is, of course, not new, because the state universities in par- ticular. and American colleges and universities in general, have never -wparateel themselves from the concerns of the people and their gov- criuuent at the local, state, and national level. However, the ties with our national government in particular have changed since the Second World War to such a degree that a quiet revolution has taken place, and few American universities dealt with even friendly foreign gov- erunients before the Second World War. In recent years, most Amer- ican uutivorsities have done extensive work overseas through organi- zations such as AID, largely to help universities and other educational organizations in underdeveloped countries. They have also helped to train young men and women for work in organizations such as the Peace Corps, and many of our large universities have as many as a thousand foreign students on campus, many on grants from their governments or from the American govertunent. Scientists oil cam- piises throughout the United States have undertaken research projects for agencies such as the Atomic Energy Commission, NASA, tai the National Institutes of Health. Many institutions maintain study centers or student centers abroad, and Horny have direct exchange relationships with colleges-and universities in other parts of the world. In short. the role of the American university within our society and the relationships the university has with other pare of the world have both changed rapidly. The participation of American universities and their scholars in academic exchanges with countries like the Soviet t'nion fits into this framework, one in which the university serves its own purposes and at the- same time participates in international ac- tivities which directly involve the national interest. The university's role in cultural exchanges with countries like the Soviet Union is simply more complicated and more difficult thtun the other kinds of Work for or with governments in Which many educational institutions are now engaged. The phrase "cultural exchanges" is difficult- to define. It means "an exchange of accumulated knowledge and methods which forms the present outlook of mankind nand reflects best on the problems of the past. the present, and the future." Ordinarily, of course, scholars and 'indent, travel freely without any concept or framework of reciprocal !_riving and receiving, with an American scholar going to an institution in France about as easily as he would to one in this country, and with a French scholar coming to the United States or going to Japan with no special formalities or difficulties and with neither government- involved or even informed. Research for foreigners in the Soviet Union, however, is quite a different matter, because opportunities for Americans to study there, or for Soviet scholars to continue their work in the United States are possible, at Soviet insistence, only as print of an official cultural ex- Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 BOO364ROOO1OO23OOO1-1 INTERNATIONAL NEGOTIATION 3 change agreement negotiated between the two governments. Under this agreement, specified numbers of artists, dancers, bands, athletes, delegations of specified types, movies, special publications (such as Amerika), and exhibitions are exchanged between the two countries, who also agree on specific forms of scientific cooperation and on partic- ipation in congresses held in the two countries. The number of men and women involved in these exchanges is small, only a few hundred each way each year, and the number of dollars or rubles involved also is not large. (In fact, the total cost [including actual cost of instruction for Soviet graduate students and scholars in American universities] of all the academic exchange programs with the Soviet Union since 1958 probably does not exceed $20,000,000.) However, the importance of these developments for the scholars and the universities, and for the national interest, far outweighs their apparent significance in numbers and in funds. The fall of 1969 provides an especially appropriate time to review exchanges of scholars with the Soviet Union because American uni- versities have just completed their first decade of such exchanges and because ominous repression in the Soviet Union and the uneasy situa- tion in Czechoslovakia and in Eastern Europe may raise questions in the near future about whether and how these relations can be continued. Moreover, in the summer of 1969, the Inter-University Committee, a private organization founded by seven universities in 1956 which grew to fifty-five institutions in 1969, presented its responsibilities for exchanges with the Soviet Union and some of the countries in Eastern Europe to a new organization, the International Research and Exchanges Board, which also assumed authority for the Ford Founda- tion programs in Eastern Euro pe and for the small American Council of Learned Societies senior scholar exchange programs. The experience of the Inter-University Committee provides a fine opportunity for review, since the Committee was the earliest, the largest, and most important private organization involved in academic exchanges with any Communist country. Financed originally by the Carnegie Corpo- ration and then supported in approximately equal parts by the Ford Foundation, the Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs of the Department of State, and the participating universities themselves, the Committee has helped to bring about an extraordinary improve- ment and expansion in American research and instruction concerning the Soviet Union, which was precisely its goal. Moreover, the experi- ences which the Committee enjoyed were not notably different from those of other private organizations, such as the American Friends Service Committee, semi-public organizations, such as the National Academy of Sciences, or government agencies, such as the Public Health Service and the Atomic Energy Commission. The year 1969 is an a pro priate time for a review also because we have apparently reached a plateau in our exchanges with the Soviet Union and some of the countries of Communist Europe, after a peak of interest in 1963 and 1964. In fact, the invasion of Czechoslovakia in August 1968, which crushed high hopes for expanding exchanges with that country and with some of the other countries of Eastern Europe, may instead mark a sharp demarcation of possibilities for peaceful exchanges of all kinds with the Soviet Union and its associated states. Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 BOO364ROOO1OO23OOO1-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 At the same time, while no one can estimate the time or the cir- cumstances, we will certainly one day establish exchanges of scholars With Mainland China. Official Chinese suspicion and hostility towards the United States are similar to those in the Soviet Union, so the cir- rurnstanc:es under which any exchange program will be established and conducted will probably resemble those which have prevailed in the last few years. However, Chinese history and tradition, and Chinese interests, are somewhat different from those of the Soviet Union, and Attericatt attitudes are even more confused, so some differences in the attitudes and arrangements on both sides will surely appear. In any case, those in the universities and in government who will be respon- sible for cultural exchanges with Mainland China can clearly benefit substantially from analysis of the principles and problems involved in our exchanges with the Soviet Union. Finally, our review of exchanges of scholars with the Soviet Union should illuminate the relationships between the two countries during n 'cry critical and dangerous period because the exchange is both a model and as symbol of the difficulties we have in dealing with each tither. it helps to explain some of the criticism from the New Left of the universities for their relaationship, or even partnership, with the ,,overnnaent, in Washington. It also helps illuminate the curiou, drift towards isolationism which has been at prominent feature of the last few years of our political life, its the American people have shown increasing resentment over the war in Viet \anm and increasing weariness over the lone burden of high taaxation, as-istancc 'o foreign ctiuntrie:s. and constant international tension. holars and Their Universities _ nierican universities and their scholars would naturally prefer that those interested in continuing their study in the Soviet Union be :as free to travel there as they are to France or Mexico, just as they '.could prefer that Soviet scholars be able freely to come to this country. In fact. during the 1930's, a small number of men, including John Curtiss. John Hazard, Calvin Hoover, Philip'Mosely, G. T. Robinson, :anti Ernest J. Simmons. were able to study in this way in the Soviet t`nion. Indeed. the inability of our scholars to continue their work in the Soviet. Union as they did thirty years ago under Stalin is one evidence of an increase in restrictions, and in isolation, introduced there since even the grim 1030's. Because of Soviet insistence, the only 'Way in width Soviet and American scholars can study in the ether country is tinder a formal exchange agreement, the first of which was signed oft January 27. 195S, and others of which have been si ned in saaceeeding years after increasingly prolonged negotiation-. Cot1- settuently. while these agreements cba provide some protection or security for Americans studying in the, Soviet Union, they are directly responsible for bringing Atuerican universities into close relations with their own government and with the Soviet government its well. Our academic institutions and their scholars have agreed to par- ticipate in the exchange agreement. because of the significant ad- vantages they offer, the primary one, of course, the opportunity for Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 INTERNATIONAL NEGOTIATION 5 American scholars to increase their knowledge and understanding of Russia. In 1956, the United States had less than ten scholars who had spent an appreciable period of time in the Soviet Union. In 1969, while many scholars whose professional interest is the Soviet Union have not visited that country, approximately a thousand have spent from a month to two years studying in the country in which they are professionally interested. We have not yet produced a de Toequeville, but our research and instruction have improved considerably because of the opportunities our scholars have had to work in Soviet libraries, to become acquainted with Soviet students and scholars, and to get some taste of the spirit and quality of Soviet society. In fact, the exchange program is now far less important to the American academic community than it was in 1958, a fact which should be made clear to the Soviet authorities. This improved understanding of the Soviet Union has been spread throughout American society through teaching and publications, which have contributed an increasingly realistic appraisal of Soviet life and Soviet policy, one quite remote. from that produced by the glories of Russian literature of the nineteenth century or by the extraordinary heroism of the Soviet soldier and Soviet citizen during the Second World War. Those who have studied in Itussia have a confidence about their work from having seen and felt the element about which they teach. In the universities in particular, they have also participated in educating many of those who constitute the core of our specialists on the Soviet Union in the various branches of our government. When one considers that the military intelligence staff concerned with Russia in the summer of 1939 consisted of a colonel and a sergeant, neither of whom knew Russian and both of whom relied substantially upon the American press for information, one can appreciate the progress made. A subsidiary benefit has been an increased understanding of Ameri- can history, tradition, values, and shortcomings. This improved understanding of other cultures and of ourselves has helped American universities to contribute more effectively to help educate minorities who in the past have been denied equal opportunities. In sum, the exchange programs have helped us to provide a new definition of a liberal education and to widen educational opportunities here at home. In an age afflicted by nationalism and by the dreadful. consequences of a series of destructive wars, the exchange programs have also helped American scholars to recognize the special obligations our blessings have bestowed upon therm as citizens of the world and as responsible members of a universal scholarly community. We are, in short, beginning to see the universe as a whole, as did the middle ages, when the foundations of the modern university were being laid and when the traveling scholar was even more common than today. The medieval scholar recognized and acted upon the conviction that all share the same interests and have an obligation to work together. Today, we have learned again that we have a special obligation to assist scholars in other countries u-ho are living and working in less comfortable and free circumstance:, than we, a most important truth which the circumstances of our age could. easily smother. In fact, the growing sense of responsibility among many of our scholars and the treatment which American universities have provided Soviet scholars in this country have constituted one of our glories. Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Study in the Soviet Union has contributed in still other ways to changing American education. For example, the enthusiasm of our returning scholars, those in fields such as history as well as those who specialize in language teaching, for improving and expanding instruc- tion in Russian has been one of the important factors in the foreign language revolution which has swept the colleges and even the high schools of the United States in the last, fifteen years. Similarly, study of a society quite different in every way from ours has contributed to the expansion of area programs designed to encourage the student to study every aspect of a society, rather than just the history or the literature. This development has been one of the most important forces weakening the departmental boundaries which have tradi- tionally separated scholars in universities. It has therefore contributed to a new, more wholesome approach towards the nature of knowledge and the field of study. In short, the openness, the excitement, and the quality of those involved in Russian studies have helped to change the nature and character of the university and to increase its involvement in world affairs. At the same time, the organizational arrangements which American universities made to help resolve the problems which the exchange programs created have helped improve relationships among scholars and among universities. In short, bringing a dumber of universities together in a delicate and difficult task, with the institutions assigning administrative responsibility to one university and with the various tasks assumed by committees of scholars from many universities in different parts of the country, has helped to create new patterns of cooperation among American institutions of higher education. This has aided in breaking down the barrier which have separated Amer- ican universities from one another and which had Client so conscious of their sovereignty that. they were self-isolated in ivory towers in an Anglo-Saxon world. Since the educational revolution has placed heavy strains upon even our resources and since American universities must learn to cooperate more, both within the United States and abroad, the experiences of this exchange program have been of considerable significance, affecting the development of joint programs towards improving libraries, administering overseas centers, and selecting and educating scholars and students from foreign countries. American scholars who have, participated in the exchange program have also increased their understanding of the Soviet sy.Lem and of Soviet, foreign policy, whether their main concern has been linguistics or history or government. A happy consequence of this knowledge and understanding of Soviet totalitarianism is the growing apprecia- tioti among specialists of the problems which the Department of State faces in dealing with the Soviet Union. This may in fact be one of the most important national benefits from the exchange program, because it has reduced the likelihood that unknowwing scholars, oper- ating only oil what they read and ty=pical of American "transc.endell tal populism" and of American suspicion of our own government, would heavily criticize officials engaged in negotiations with the Soviet gove itcnent in circumstances which scholars who had not left the library or the "Intourist world" could not understand. Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 INTERNATIONAL NEGOTIATION 7 The National Interest From the point of view of the American government and of the American public, perhaps the greatest contribution of the academic exchange programs has been their success in maintaining a tie with a group of important Soviet citizens at a time of high tension and great hazard. In fact, the great paradox of the exchange programs has been that the universities and the scholars, by seeking primarily to advance knowledge and their own special interests, have in fact served the national interest supremely well by the effectiveness with which they have maintained this narrow bridge between the two countries. This opportunity for dialogue reinforces the tendency within the higher levels of the Soviet government towards peaceful relations with the United States and provides whatever influence we have "towards rationality, permissiveness, and openness." One should not overestimate the impact of programs such as this, but they do constitute a positive addition to the containment policy. They do to some degree soften the Soviet Union by opening a window in that closed society to the rest of the world. They do persuade the Soviet government to engage in relationships with the United States on peaceful grounds under conditions which are of mutual advantage, a practice which is regularly condemned in the Soviet Union as "ideological coexistence." The academic exchange programs also contribute to the national interest by increasing Soviet understanding of the United States. The handful of Americans who live in Soviet dormitories and who come to know well Soviet scholars and Soviet students, the future elite of their society, inevitably provide them some understanding of the quality and of the friendliness of our society. Similarly, those Soviet scholars who work in the United States must acquire an increased understanding of the nature of cur society and must have the Marxist- Leninist glasses with which they view the rest of the world to some degree cleaned. In fact, in 1964, seven Soviet alumni of the program who had each spent an academic year in an American university were serving their government in the United States, in their embassies in Washington or at the United Nations or in organizations such as TASS. This will in the long run contribute to reducing misunderstand- ing and fears on both sides and will help the Soviet elite to see more clearly the wider one world in which we all live. In fact, as Mr. Toynbee long ago recognized, the Soviet Union may now be learning that it is impossible to borrow Western efficiency without borrowing Western values, that it is impossible to import only a part of the West. Finally, the exchange program provides a, kind of index or barometer of the atmosphere in which Soviet decisions are made. Identifying or defining Soviet policies and the considerations underlying these posi- tions is a difficult task complicated by lack of information and the problems we face in penetrating the Soviet mind. The exchange program, one of the few direct, constant, measurable ties we have with the Soviet government, therefore serves as an effective touchstone of larger Soviet policies. Thus, recent, increased harassment of American scholars by the Soviet KGB reveals a change in the temperature or atmosphere within which all Soviet policies are decided. Moreover, Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 S I TERNATIONAL NEGOTIATION the established history and the symbolic importance , of the exchanges are such t.lint it Soviet decision to reduce them sharply or end them would constitute it most. important signal about basic Soviet goads and policies. Tarr; PROBLEMS, AND DILEMMAS Like any complicated new program, the aacademic exchange is an expensive one in the time and intellectual energy of scholars and udaninistaatoas it consumes. Soviet nclminisiraative rigidity and etficienr v are so vast, and Soviet ability to create and to magnify problems so great I lint the exchange programs probably devour more administrative tittae and energy per individual involved than any other academic enterprise in which an American university has ever ennnged. Oniv intense interest and resolute good will have triumphed over these Soviet quaalit.ies, which are apparently eternal and which deserve ai new Gogol. Great universities have been especially hampered because they are not properly organized to identify their own interests in such it pro- grain or to work effectively with other universities in ra national organization. Thus, it is ease to identify the specialists in Russian history or literature or government who should be encouraged to study in the Soviet Union, but few universities have recognized the other fields of study which would offer benefits for Americans. However, the unitiersity's principal problem has clearly been its transformation into an art ion :agency. and the main dilemma is it simple one. Should the university accept: it share of responsibility for t'xchaumge, of scholars with (orimiuuist countries taaad in so doing deft-nd it, integrity as a free institution, while art- the same time developing elose relations with agencies of our own government and of the foreign 2ovt'rnrnent. and exposing itself to domestic and foreign criticism and to the whim, of international politics". Or should it instead allow our tttveranuent to conduct the programs, with the great likelihood that inroads npou the aurivet`sity's integrity % ould occur? Or should the uuit-vi:sity declare that the problems are so complicated and so alien to its experience that it should not participate in a any way? ']'he university's decision to accept responsibility has helped break down and destroy the ivory tower and bring it into the middle of public life, and even into international politics, positions which the university and scholar have not sought and which it is hazardous for thorn to share. Work for the Peace Corps, for AID, and for other government agencies, and especially programs involving foreign ?rovernmeaats, has drastically changed the nature and character of the relationship between the university mad the government. Thus far, the principles and procedures established have recognized the ,pecial role free universities must a1 vmi.ys play, and the main hazards have been avoided. Moreover. everyone agrees, first, that the nrai- a ea,ity today cannot be removed front the society in which it functions vivid which it, serves, and, second. that the university in a free country roust remain true to its primary educational goats if it is to serve ociety effectively and remain truly independent. In the exchange programs, for example, even though the university often plays an important political role in at front- line capacity, it. must at a II tunes remain a privileged sanctuary of freedom. Our educational Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 INTERNATIONAL NEGOTIATION 9 institutions are free and independent, suspicious of government, and accustomed to their own ways in their assigned areas of responsibility. They must remain sovereign, conduct their work of research and in- struction as they see best, and have a large share in the direction of cultural relations, in which they have always had an abiding interest. In brief, "political warfare" use of the universities and of the arts is useless and in the long run destructive, even though universities, artists, and scientists operating independently, doing their own work in their own best way, do have a very powerful impact. Relations between the Department of State and the universities have been remarkably effective and amicable because the men and women involved have so well understood the others' purposes, quali- ties, and problems. However, tension between American universities and the Department of State over exchange programs is natural, because the State Department has the primary responsibility for critical, delicate, and highly involved relations with the Soviet Union, which cannot be separated from relations with our allies and with other countries in the world. Moreover, while the universities are interested basically in only a small part of the cultural affairs agreement with the Soviet Union, the Department of State has responsibility for the entire agreement, which it naturally sees as a whole and which it wishes to administer in a, coherent and coordinated way, keeping in mind our total foreign policy towards the Soviet Union and with other countries as well. The particular issues of disagreement are obvious and will continue. Thus, the Department controls admission to the United States and has on occasion denied visas to Soviet scholars nominated in fields which have military significance, such as microelectronics or new types of computers, or in subjects in which the Soviet Union has refused to accept American scholars. In addition, in retaliation for travel restric tions imposed on all Americans in the Soviet Union, Soviet participants in the United States must inform the Department of State of intended travel four days before they can leave their home campus. In cases such as this, American scholars who are not informed concerning Soviet policies or concerning the larger framework in which the academic exchange resides, or who have a special personal interest in one person or one aspect of the program, frequently denounce the Department for policies Which seem to them petty or senseless. The Department of State is also vulnerable to domestic political pressures and critics, some of whom denounce the Department because "the Soviets send scientists to work on important problems in American laboratories while we send scholars to work in ancient Russian history in Soviet libraries." Some Americans and their representatives believe that the programs should be curtailed or abolished because they are convinced that the Soviet Union obtains a significantly greater advantage from them than we do. Others on occasion believe we can and sh.orrld. send ten thousand each year, bringing the walls of Moscow down by turning pages. The State Department, in short, is constantly vulnerable to critics and serves as a perpetual target for all Americans, some of whom have some influence on the annual appropriations for the Department and therefore for exchange programs. These pressures often cause disagreements be- tween the Department and the universities, which resent any apparent Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 10 INTERNATIONAL NEGOTIATION ' Departmental Weakening before popular pressures and who resist suggestions from the Department Which would help .satisfy the most responsible of the public criticisms. t'nfortunately, Lite Departn-cnt of State is not the only American government agency with which universities engaged in academic ex- change programs have to deal. Some of these government institutions, such as the National Academy of Sciences and the Atomic Energy t'oIrImission, have exchange programs of their otivn, which tire financed by Lite government but which rely on American universities to provide most. of the American participants and the laboratories and libraries in Wlricla Soviet participants continue their studies. The AEC and the NAS tend to be quite independent because they are within the govern- ment, and because their programs involve scientists, iii whom the Soviet. Union is particularly interested and for whom, therefore, it vrecates more comfortable arrangements and fewer problems than it does for scholars in the ordinary academic exchange program. however, thes!n a,i In I I1i Agency and the Federal Bureau of Investigation have raised greater pro ems for the American uni- veisities and their constituents, who tend to be critical of much of the government but especially critical of these two organizations. I'fac~,`j11 and the FBI, which have important national responsibilities, are interested in information concerning Soviet strengths and weak- nesses, policies and practices. On the Soviet side, officials of the KGB almost, inevitably evaluate all academic exchange programs with the Soviet Union in this context and, above all, in the perspective of their eternal suspicions and of their own extensive efforts. In fact, the universities' emphasis upon selecting young men and women of high intellectual quality with good coiUimand of Itussian, considerable knowledge of the Soviet Union, and great interest in learning about Soviet society has no doubt increased Soviet suspicion. The American scholarly organizations engaged in exchanges with the Soviet Union have done their utmost to insure that, their programs provide no grounds for suspicion, but they are essentially powerless to affect Lite Soviet attitude. These organizations, such as the Inter- I Iniversit:y Committee and the International Research and Exchanges Board, are interested exclusively in scholarly activities. They have no ties With the Centro'] Tnt.pflit1PnceAgeney or any other intelligence organization. They receive no funds from any intelligence organization, and they provide them no information. The Jitter-University Commit- tee in addition warned every candidate for study in the Soviet Union not only to reject any approaches that might be made by intelligence or other government agencies, but to report any, such incidents should they occur. Finally, every participant. in the Committee's exchange program signed a pledge that he would undertake no activity other than the scraolau?Iv ones for which he was selected. Even so, the existence and the activities of these government ag=encies have created difficulties for the American universities in their dealings with Lite ever-suspicious Soviet government. They have also created problems within tae American academic community, in spite of the efforts of the academic organizations and in spite of the genuine care, discretion, and propriety with which these organizations have carried out their activities. Another kind of dilemma which the universities and all of those concerned with the national interest. face reflects the advantages Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 INTERNATIONAL NEGOTIATION 11 which the Soviet government derives from academic exchange pro- grams. In fact, it has been evident throughout the discussions and bargaining over -cultural exchanges, that tough-minded Soviet diplo- mats and officials have taken advantage of the abiding American concern about the international crisis and of our efforts to persuade the Soviet Union to adopt more peaceful policies. In short, they use our efforts to launch and to maintain. these programs to obtain vast op- portunities for themselves. American diplomats have sought not only to advance our own national interests, but have also recognized legit- imate Soviet objectives, because they perceived that any agreement would have to provide benefits to both countries. However, above all, they have sought to create an international framework and atmosphere in which the two countries together could :reduce the tensions which afflict us both. Basically, the Soviet leaders have taken advantage of this spirit and approach and have concentrated on their own restricted interests, while seeking to minimize our benefits and to prevent our joint escape from the present hazardous situation into a new structure and a new atmosphere. For every apparent step towards a freer world and greater international amity, they have insisted upon a parochial Soviet advantage which has not affected the commonweal, except in a divisive way, and which has indeed exposed the Americans involved to substantial criticism. Here one must recognize that Soviet scholars, artists, and intellec- tuals have almost no influence on Soviet policy or on Soviet adminis- tration of exchange programs. These men and women share many of our scholars' interests. They seek to increase their knowledge within their own special field. They are eager to cooperate with other scholars. They seek the recognition and respect of other members of the inter- national community of scholars. Above all, they look forward to opportunities to leave the Soviet Union, to go "out," for a few months or a year. Those of the Party and the government who make the decisions are different people and have different goals. Basically, they seek to strengthen the Soviet system and to weaken ours. Their primary concern has been to obtain scientific, technical, and military informa- tion from the United States. They have, in short, sought to use the exchange programs to strengthen their economy and to obtain impor- tant information and techniques from a more advanced country. Almost eighty percent of the Soviet participants in the basic program administered by the Inter-University Committee have been scientists or engineers, while somewhat less than ten. percent of the Americans have been in science or technology. Thus, the Soviet Union has obtained a significant increment to its scientific and technical knowl- edge from these programs, from basic knowledge concerning polio vaccines to training in econometrics and new systems of business management to the latest work in biochemistry. In addition, the Soviet government has acquired a kind of respect- ability both at home and abroad., especially among the large and important class of intellectuals or intelligentsia, who have been per- suaded in part by these programs that the Soviet Union is a peaceful and responsible member of the family of nations. It also believes it derives recognition, prestige, and propaganda advantages from the presence of carefully selected Soviet scholars in American universities, and the impact which life in the Soviet Union presumably has on Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 12 INTERNATIONAL 'NEGOTIATION American scholars. Finally, it utilizes the exchange program to train specialists on the United .States for work in various parts of the Soviet -o vernnen t. 'I'lte difference hetween our goals mach tlae Soviet -oal,, is at the root of our problems, but there are even more essential factors involved. The principal one is the Soviet system, which differs in almost every way from ours, particularly in its values and in its political organize- tion. Recognizing and accepting this st'stvm in the atmosphere of the IE1(O's apparently reflects the willingness of many Americans also to accept Soviet control of Eastern Europe and the permanence of Cona- ouunist control wherever it exists. In addition, we have difficulty- dealing with the Soviet Union, because the economic and political levels of the two countries are different., one an advanced industrial soriety with it political and social democracy. and the other basically an underdeveloped society under authoritarian rule, with a highly developed military system. and motivated by suspicion and hostility towards the rest of the world. Relations with the Soviet government and with its controlled nni- versities therefore create a series of problems for American inst it utions, which are participating in formal, highly organized and even sanitized exchange arrangements with it totalitarian government, which natu- rally takes advantage of its negotiating position. One of the dangers is (fat we accept this primitive system of barter its it permanent, prac- tice. in violation of the wiry., in which we live and believe scholars caught to work. Moreover, the constant compromises which we have to make with the Soviet Union concerningthestatus of the participants, fields of study, travel opportunities. and essentials of life may weary the Americans responsible to the point that they will accept these temporary compromises as permanent. In short. it will be very diffi- cult in the long run for Americans to be firm towards the Soviet government but gentle and humane towards the Soviet scholars. and we may drift into a type of moral demobilization. Another great hazard for American universities is the degree of influence they surrender to the Soviet government over the direction of American scholarship. Thus. the Soviet Ministry of Higher and Specialized Education, and other Soviet officials, have denied the opportmtity for study in the Soviet Union to Americans highly cfatalified for study there, on the ground that thin subject, such as the allocation of labor resources, is not one studied in Soviet universities, or that political theory in the sixteenth century is a religious issue and therefore unworthy of study, or that every thing important in Soviet agricultural problems and policies had already been enunciated by Khrushchev. whose speeches the interested American scholar could examine in the United States. In other words, the Soviet Ministry has denied admission to most Americans who wish to study the Soviet economy, modern or recent history. Soviet politics, Soviet foreign policy, and many scientific fields, w vile American universities through 1968 placed every Soviet scholar nominated in a field in which lie could work in an American university and for which lie could obtain at visat. This Soviet practice has also led American scholars, who are uiaiiily interested in seeing the Soviet Union, to, change their research projects so that they might Obtain admission under conditions dictated by the Soviet government. This has helped create an imbalance among Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 INTERNATIONAL NEGOTIATION 13 the fields of study within Am.erica.u universities which may become permanent. Thus, we have sent eighty-three historians to study Russian history, but no Americans have been admitted to analyze Soviet foreign policy or the relations between the Party and the government. The Soviet government has therefore been able to have a profound influence in fields which are important to it and has suc- ceeded at the same time in deflecting the direction of American scholarship. The Soviet government may also have some influence over Amer- icans who have studied in the Soviet Union and who wish to return to the country of their special professional interest as scholars in Russian history, literature, or government. Soviet denials to some scholars of the opportunity to return for further study because of their publications or speeches can induce cautious behavior both within the Soviet Union and. within the United States by American. scholars. This may tend to restrict the freedoms of Americans, and it will also assist the Soviet government to keep its scholars and other intellectuals isolated and under control, which is one of its main concerns. Another serious problem has been what one American has called the "eternal indecencies and inequitiez" of dealing with the Soviet Union. American scholars in most programs are not allowed to bring their children, which naturally reduces the number interested, and the Soviet government even has a ouo;.a for the number of wives allowed each year. Almost all of the Americans (295 of the first 300) who went to the Soviet Union were placed in Moscow State and Leningrad State Universities and were denied opportunities to study in research institutes of the Academy of Sciences, while at the same time, Soviet scholars have been placed in that American institution most qualified to serve them, wherever in the United States that institution might be. Thus, the great majority of American scholars have been restricted to two universities, while Soviet scholars have worked in fifty-two different American institutions. In the largest and most. important, exchange program, that for graduate students and young scholars, each American participant has been treated as an aspirant stazhor, or probationary graduate student, regardless of his qualifications, achievements, and age. He is therefore directly subject to his So- iet professor and needs his approval for his program, for access to libraries and archives, and for study related travel. One associate professor from the University of California who had already produced an excellent book was thus denied the right to study in Leningrad State University and to work in the Leningrad libraries on the ground that the Soviet specialist in that field in Leningrad was too busy to direct his work. American scholars also have great difficulties obtaining access to archives, to living sources, and to some kinds of publications in Soviet libraries, such as doctoral theses. At the some time, Soviet scholars have the same access to information in this country that any American scholar does. Americans are seriously restricted in their opportunities to travel for study or study-related purposes from Moscow and Lenin- grad, and they ordinarily travel only in groups and accompanied by Soviet "guides," when they do travel. One young American spent forty hours obtaining permission to go to Leningrad from Moscow to Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 14 INTERNATIONAL NEGOTIATION work in Leningrad libraries.. even though the Soviet Ministry of Educa- tion in admitting him to the Soviet Union had assured him of this opportunity. At the same time, Soviet, scholars are allowed to travel freely throughout the United States, although they do have to inform the Department of State four days in advance of leaving their campus. Life in the Soviet Union itself constitutes a kind of permanent inequity, because of the living conditions, the frustrations, annoyances, iraclignities, and inefficiency, the assessment of discriminatory prices for inicrolilming research materials and for hotel rooms, the effort in recent years to segregate Americans from Soviet scholars and students, and the harassment to which Americans are subject. American-, have come to consider the Soviet postal system as "the opened mail" and to realize that diaries have official readers. They are never certain who their Soviet friends are and which are invol- untary informers or agents provocateurs. Some had close friends regretfully discontinue relationships because the friends were fright- ened by police interrogation, and all have learned never to mention one Soviet friend to another. Some were followed frequently, par- tirularly just before they left the Soviet Union or during trips, and all of tlhetn. and their Soviet friends, came to believe that the rooms in which they lived, which often were rooms in which other Americans !rail lived in previous years, had listening devices installed in the walls, and that their telephone conversations were monitored. Many became Justifiably suspicious of officials in the university foreign study offices, some of whom they crime to know had responsibilities it) tire. KGB. the Soviet Secret Police, as well as to the university. in addition, it small percentage of the American participants had direct and unpleasant experiences with the KGB. Seven were ex- pelled from the Soviet, Union, so far as we can determine Without ague find also without consultation or advance notice to the par- r icipant's Anierican university or to the Committee. Eighteen left early because of fear caused by Secret Police interest in their work or were urged to leave by the American Embassy because KGB interest in them had been so visibly expressed. More than twenty tither participants in our major program have been criticized crudely, viciously. and without foundation in the Soviet press as spies or "ideological saboteurs." There is no dignified or proper response to these Soviet policies and practices, which create it serious dilemma and which have been ac- c, later! in part because they do educate American scholars concerning the nature of the Soviet system. All of the Soviet actions have been annoying and irritating, and some of them have been hazardous. I lr,wever. they have all been spaced in time and in quality in such a way that neither the American universities nor the Department of State considered that- the threshold poin6 had been passed. 'I'll(, responsible Soviet officials who have decided that the Soviet union -should participate in exchange programs with the United `Mates and who have determined to continue them are thoroughly aware of rho advantages wo obtain and of the challenges which exchange programs pose for them. They obviously recognize the sig- Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 INTERNATIONAI. NEGOTIATION 15 nificant advantages which accrue to the Soviet Union, and they must believe that these advantages outweigh those we gain and the hazards to them. At the same time, there is an eternal "great debate" within the Soviet ruling group about the utility and wisdom of continuing academic exchanges. In this discussion, clearly those who decide have concluded that the benefits to the Soviet Union justify the risks taken; they would otherwise have ended the exchange program. However, this discussion continues on almost a daily basis, the "score" changes often, and those who favor exchanges may not always triumph and may not control actions taken at every policy level. The main problem for the Soviet leadership is the challenge this new "window to the West" poses for the Soviet political system, especially the Communist emphasis on a political monopoly, on abso- lute control, and on carefully monitored relationships with other parts of the world. This system rests not only on Communist suspicion of others, but also on the suspicion which'is a traditional and even in- herent part of the Russian view of the rest of the world. The police and other members of the ruling class have become increasingly fearful. of Soviet intellectuals and of West ern influences upon them. Indeed, the Soviet rulers apparently believe the greatest internal threat to their system is from the intelligentsia and those most highly trained. They seem to agree with Louis XlV that "nations touch only at the top" and that outside influences, which can penetrate the Soviet system best at its upper level, must be contained and destroyed. They aiie convinced that "we are betrayed by what is false within." The government now headed by Brezhnev and Kosygin very much re-_ sembles that of Nicholas I in the suspicion with which it views all peoples, including its own, and in the "plot mentality" which corrodes its approach towards everyone, native or foreign, in the Soviet Union. These beliefs and Soviet "ideological sensitivity" are reflected in the constant vigilance campaigns and in press attacks upon Soviet intellectuals, especially writers, for their alleged vulnerability to foreign ideas and influence. The Communist political system and philosophy, and the. suspicion with which they view even the most loyal servitors-and the Soviet intellectuals are by and large loyal- therefore help explain the Soviet dilemma and resultant Soviet policies. The presence of Americans and other foreigners in Soviet universities, where the future elite are being trained; the published materials which they bring with them and on occasion share with their Soviet fellows; the conversations they have in their dormitories and in class; everything which Americans and others do in the Soviet Union is considered a threat. As one American expressed it: "We are propaganda, simply because of our presence here." In short, the very nature of the exchange program raises very difficult problems for the Soviet Union and places it on the horns of a fearful and continual dilemma. To obtain gains which it thinks important, even crucial, it must risk contamination of its intellectual elite and of the ideologi- cal future of the country. To obtain the advantages it seeks in the West, it must open up the Soviet Union to some degree to foreign scholars. To obtain scientific and technical and military information, and some political advantages, it must expose itself to criticism from Chinese Communists and at the same time to tolerate similar policies from the East European governments, which are even more interested than the Soviet Union in exchanges with the United States. In sum- Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 16 INTERNATIONAL NEGOTIATIONT nary, just- as the Department of State and the universities ever ponder the wisdom of continuing to endure the inequities and hazards created by the Soviet govermment, so the Soviet rulers constantly discuss the balance between the advantages they acquire and the "infections" which may constitute the price. Most of the adt anta;,res and the disadvtuitages academic exchanges provide are clear, but perhaps some of the achievements of the past twelve or fifteen years should be emphasized because they are not visible. One important accomplishment. is the simple survival of pro- grauis between two suspicious and hostile states, through a series of international crises, at a time when failure, cancellation, or a breach of one kind or another might have produced it great crisis. American iaastit utiolis involved have demonstrated great skill and wisdom in the election of mature and able young men and women and have ignored t lie occasional dramatic. calls for sending massive numbers. The universities have retained their responsibility and control in it pro- gratah which must be of. by. and for the universities if it is to be ,neces_s!ul and if they are Co survive as free institutions. Thev haave honored themselves and their traditions in the way* in which they have treated all Soviet scholars on their campuses. At the same time. they have successfully avoided art taint of relationship with the Cent sal litt_ll or any other intelligence organization, they have skillfully avoided taking direct part in political warfare between tine rh%o countries, and they have escaped such Iragie affairs it, that of `arttelot. The Departihtent of State has shown the same degree of wisdom, restraint. and skill iii its work with the universities and .,chobirs, who are acutely sensitive concerning their rights find re,spun- ,ihilit.ies. and with the Soviet Mini_,try of Foreign Affairs and of-her Soy let government agencies, which have been vigorous and deniand- tuuz iii pursuit of what they consider Soviet interests. At- the same time, the exchange programs in ninny ways hay a been a failure. We are following die principles and working within the franttenork established in 1958 and are now more than ever committed to a program which is Lite antithesis of the way in which Americans believe research in other countries should be arranged. Soviet scholars :utd other Soviet citizens are no more free to obtain Aiiierican and other Western publications than they were when the exchanges began. Ill fact, we have made no prog ?ess towards the hopes which Ainba,- saalor Lacy expressed in 1947 for "removing, barriers currently ob- st rnrtiug the free flow of information tabu idea," and providing benefit to hot.h people -of free discussion, criticism, awl debate lilt the vital issues of the day." We have not succeeded in exchanging teachers, eveu teachers of language-; there are no joint research projects, even fill subjects of common, concern, such i-, air poollution: the exchange of radio and television programs is extremely limited and directly con- [rolled by the Soviet government, and all American proposals for espunding the exchange program even iii the present framework, such it, through summer study and summer seminars, have been bratsduely rejected by the Soviet government-. Indeed, the programs in progress in 1969- 1970 are just half as large its those the American universities Declassified in Part- Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 INTERNATIONAL NEGOTIATION 17 anticipated when they made their budget estimates for 1065-1970 in the spring of 1964. In short, there has been more continuity than change in Soviet policy and practice. The stone wall of the closed society still exists, even though the powerful magnet of Western ideas and Western progress still attracts, perhaps more strongly than ever, the Soviet intellectuals still isolated behind those barriers. Even so, the exchanges on balance have been an advantage to us, and we should continue them. In fact, both we and the Soviet Union have little choice but to continue, because ending them now would be such a dreadful blow at a time of high crisis. They constitute, in fact, a valuable opportunity to continue to work with the Soviet government and to reach Soviet citizens. We should rejoice over this opportunity, particularly because the exchange involves ideas and information, and therefore a kind. of competition with the Soviet Union on grounds congenial or favorable to us in areas where freedom has given us great advantages it, cultural vitality. However, we should also appreciate the new and to some degree dangerous role the American university and scholars now occupy. For those who believe that the work of the college should be "rele- vant," American educational institutions in this case at least have placed themselves on the firing line. This shift places a very heavy responsibility on the universities and on all those who wish them to accept such a role. The experience of the past fifteen years suggests that the American universities and the American government together have identified the correct principles for administering scholarly exchange programs with governments which have different ideologies and philosophies. Ad- ministrators and scholars in particular must ensure that universities remain centers of free inquiry; that they maintain the clear distinction between scholarship and political warfare and espionage; and that they be eternally vigilant in their relations with our government and with other governments as well. Above all, they should insist that our scholars are treated with the decency and dignity all men and women deserve, especially when they are guests in another country. We can achieve no great purpose by tolerating procedures which undermine the principles for which we stand. Moreover, the role of the university, and of the scholars, scientists and. artists, should be preeminent in those fields in which they have particular concern and responsibility; academic quality should be the primary factor in the selection process; the Americans selected for study in a Communist country should be men and women of maturity and stability; the selection process should be on a national basis, with recognized and competent scholars making the decisions and with scholars and graduate students in all fields of knowledge encouraged to participate. At the same time, we have learned that academic exchange programs of this kind require the reorganization of individual universities and increased cooperative efforts among educational institutions. Uni- versity administrators and scholars must maintain a high degree of sophistication if programs like this are to be successful. We must pay more attention to educating the American public concerning the sig- nificance of academic exchanges and the problems which they in- Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 IS INTERNATIONAL NEGOTIATION evitably raise, if the public is to understand them and provide the necessary support in the long future. Above all, we should have learned that the universities, the other scholarly organizations involved, and the government should work together to create a new kind of organization of public and private institutions, including the foundations, to coordinate the work in- volved. Our resources for exchange programs with Communist countries are too scarce to allow us to continue in a kind of free-fur-all, highly competitive, and dangerous basis. Ideally, this "American ('ocuicil" should be a semi-public organization, with the Board of Directors composed of private citizens nominated by the President and approved by the Senate, and with funds contributed in part by the federal government. and in part by private organizations, such as foundations, universities, business and labor groups, and organizations especially interested in the arts and sciences. It should possess full authority for all cultural exchange programs with all countries ruled by Communists, and it should speak for the universities and other cultural organizations in its dealings with the Department of State and rith foreign governments. if it should prove impossible to establish such an organization--and recent unsuccessful efforts have identified a number of compliecitions-- the organizations involved in and responsible for such exchange pro- grains should at least form a loose federal organization to pool infor- ination, to consult concerning plans and programs, and to coordinate activities. After they have learned to cooperate and to work together, they should consider combining their operations and then coordinating American programs with those of other countries in an open way so as to persuade the Soviet Union that no conspiracy was beig directed against it. Such an organization and such a program should reduce the invisible costs which academic exchanges involve, eliminate some of the friction and tension among American organizations, and reflect the pluralistic approach which Americans traditionally adopt. At the same tinge, they should guarantee the necessary political sensitivity. Such an organization should also serve as a shock absorber, on one side for the universities, and on the other side for the federal government, reducing the pressures to which both are now subject. The long term goal of everyone involved in academic exchanges with the Soviet Union and with other Communist countries should remain, of course, the free movement of people and materials. In fact, the new coordinating organization should be established with the expressed hope and goal that it wither away when free movement becomes possible. China has isolated itself, and has in general been isolated from, the rest of the world for the twenty years during which Communists have had control over that enormous country. This isolation will end one clay, with new problems and new opportunities for the Chinese and for the rest of the world. Clearly, American scholars and American government officials should begin to phin now for that day, benefiting from the experiences provided by our exchanges with the Soviet Union. In particular, we should recognize that the first steps will be decisive, as they have been in our arrangements with the Soviet Union, because they will establish the structure, principles, and procedures which Communist rulers will be most reluctant to change. Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 INTERNATIONAL NEGOTIATION 19 We should, therefore, seek to ensure that all institutions and all fields of study be open to scholars of both countries, and that the entire area of both countries should be freely accessible. We should seek equity, not reciprocity. We should insist upon, or ,it least always retain the opportunity for, arrangements for exchanges of all kinds, short and long-term, of specialists and of teachers, of senior scholars and of graduate students. We should guarantee that scholars from both countries receive appropriate status and recognition, possess the right for study-related travel, and have the same access to research materials in libraries and laboratories as do natives. Finally, we should ensure that the academic exchanges not be restricted to men and women; the free flow of published materials between the two countries should be an integral part of the agreement. The nature of the world in which the Americans, the Chinese, and the Russians live suggests that relations among these states and their peoples will remain delicate and hazardous. We shall no doubt remain locked in a shrinking world, suspicious of and hostile towards each other, unable on one hand to conquer or overthrow the other but equally unable to disengage and flee into some kind of armed security. Cultural relations in this situation will remain of considerable im- portance, but can never be decisive. In such a position, we in the United States should maintain our economic, political, and spiritual vitality and our military strength, cooperate with other peoples who share our general goals and who are committed to peaceful progress, and continue to demonstrate that we are as resolute as in 1776 or in 1942 to defend our interests. At the same time, we should try further to define and understand the nature of the political and economic systems with which we are engaged, to persuade them of our goals and of the kind of world we seek, and to make effective use of cultural exchange, of trade, and of other peaceful instruments to bring these goals within reach. The situation we face is very much like the Eastern Question, devilishly complicated, deeply rooted in the past, involving numbers of peoples, and beyond easy or quick solution. Intellect and strength, grace and perseverance will both be required and expected of us. Scholarly exchanges in these circuiastanees provide us an opportunity to use some of our enduring strengths to assist our rivals and ourselves together to make a step towards peace. Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 (b)(3) Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000119MGM1-1 1)(5) FOIA Next 14 Page(s) In Document Denied Iq Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 :J, k. I J uZ 69 :i 0 iii A N i A KA^tUShEV ACTTINYTIES IN i 0BANIA REPORTED Katushev-Ceausescu ?ee'ring Bucharest AGERPttES International Service in English 1900 CMT 9 Aug 69 L [Text) Bucharest AGERFRES 9 August 1969--Nieclae Ceausescu, general secretary of the Central Committee of the Romanian Communist 'arty,/, received in the afternoon of August 9 K. F. Katushev, secretary of Central Co:ntittce of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, leader of the delegation of the Comurunist Party of the Soviet Union that participates in the proceedings of the 10th congress of the Romanian Communist Party. The talk held during the interview proceed in-.a warm, comradely atmosphere. Bucharest AGERPRES Iriternatlonal Service in English 1903 GMT 9 Aug 69 L [Excerpt] Bucharest AGERPRES 9 Aug 969--0n August 9, the delegation of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union led by K. ..::Katushev, secretary of the CC.. of the CPSU, visited the resorts on the Romania: 311-.e -Sea shore where they thm of construction, y were informed about the development of these local1 ies, the r'p and the prospects of the Littoral as an important tourist base of Romania. Machine-Tool Works VS.sit Bucharest AGERPRES international Service in English 201,15 GMT 8 Aug 69 L [Text] Bucharest, AGERPRES. 8 Aug 69. In the mo;;ing of August 8, the delegation of the Communist Party of the Soviet Unicr, lea by K. F. "i{acushev, secretary of the CC of the CPSU, now attending the 110th corLresv or the Romanian Communist Party, paid a visit to the machinem,tool and aggrag,.."te works in Bucharest., The ,members of the delegation were accompanied by Eng ",:sajot Almasan, member of the. CC of - the RCP, and by Dimitru Lazar, deputy heat. of :ye=n tion at the -CC of the RCP. During their visit, the guests conversed with "ae'Yus itoraers. The members of the delegation had a meeting with the workers of t-( Mice. Greeting the guests, Popa, secretary of the party co,-?mitts. uhe works briefly outlined the achievements of the works. "For us"--he said--"that is an opportunity tr.o note with satisfaction that lasting and many-sided links of friendship and Elate ,a1 cooperation are developing between the peoples of socialist Romania and of the Soviet Union. These relations are based on the community of social system, of the Marxist-Leninist ideology, on the unity of our fundamental aims and aspirati.o^.s in the strivinw for the building of socialism and communism, in the struggle against imperialism, in defense of peace." The secretary of the party committee of the works conveyed'a heartfelt message of fraternal friendship to the Soviet communists, the wor-irLg class and to the entire Soviet people. The K. F. Katushev addressed the audience. After cordially greeting the works,.. staff, and through it the entire working class, all working people of socialist Romania, K. F. Katushev stated that chic visit left a fine iwpreasirn upon t'?1:a Soviet delegation. Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Iv. 11 Aug 69 H 2 The fact that in Romania such modern enterprises are being built, is more tellingly illustrating than figures the successes recorded by the Romanian people, on its path towards socialism. The successes achieved in your country are the outcome of the selfless work of workers, peasants, intellectu&ls, of the fraternal alliance and cooperation of the socialist states, of the mutual assistance, that give the opportunity to the fraternal peoples to speed up the progress of the entire socialist camp. Showing that 25 years ago when the working class became a ruling class in a series of countries, the first problem it faced was the ensuring of state independence, without which the revolutionary changes could not be achieved, K.F. Katushev stressed that this problem was settled precisely due to the fact that the young socialist states, together with the first world socialist state--the Soviet Union-- created a lasting defensive alliance materialized in the Warsaw treaty, in bilateral friendship and mutual assistance treaties. It is precisely that alliance which ensured the state independence and sovereignty of the socialist countries against the imperialist plots, and it is precisely due to this fact that the peoples have acquired the possibility of working unhampered, changing the look of their countries, and building a new life. We can state the same about the economic problems. We have at our disposal a ratified mechanism of economic and technieo-scientific cooperation that allows for ampler and more complex problems to be put and solved, related to the development of the national economies and of culture in each of the socialist countries. Referring then to the economic links between the Soviet Union and Romania-, the, speaker pointed out that during this year the exchanges of goods will surpass 800 million roubles. This mutual advantageous cooperation, he said, will develop and deepen in the future, too, because it corresponds to the vital interests of our peoples., After speaking about some successes and present day preoccupations of the Soviet people on many fields, K.F. Katushev said: We hold dear the friendship uniting the communists, the working class, and all the working class, and all the working people of the Soviet Union and of Romania. Let this friendship. strengthen and develop to the welfare of our countries and of world socialism. The speeches delivered during this meeting were repeatedly punctuated by loud applause. K.F. Katushev handed over to the host the bust of V.I, Lenin and.a dummy of the Moscow television tower. The meeting of the members of the CPSU delegation with the workers of the Bucharest machine-tool and aggregate works was an enthusiastic manifestation of the friendship between the RCP and the CPSU, between the Socialist Republic of Romania and the Soviet Union, friendship which has deep roots in. the historic past of the two countries. Moscow in Romanian to Romania 1600 GMT 8 Aug 69 L [Speech delivered at the 7 August session of the 10th Romanian Communist Party Congress by CPSU delegation leader Konstantin Katushev--read by announcer and identified as full text] [Text] Dear comrades, the CPSU Central Committee has entrusted our delegation with the mission of gre'ting the 10th Congress of the Romanian Communist Party and conveying to all communists and working people of socialist.Romania?_thel~.fraternal --- ?o e., nnmm?nipt'A andT the Soviet neoDle. Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 ...v. 11 Aug, try The CPSU is linked with the Romanian Communast Party by decades of joint struggle against imperialism and fascism and for the ideals of the working class. Our countries are united by relations of alliance within the framework of the Warsaw Pact and CEMA. For the Soviet people the Romanian people are friends and comrades in arms in the lofty work of creating a new social order. Your congress, Konstantin Katushev added, is reviewing the results of party activity carried out with regard to the guidance of all spheres of the country?s life and to planning its future prospects. The work of the congress has revealed the multilateral activity unfolded by party organizations and the sustained labor of the working class, peasants, and intelligentsia in constructing the socialist society. After the liberation from the fascist yoke, Romanian working people have, in a short period, transformed their country into.a socialist state which possesses a developed industry and agriculture and advanced science and culture. The successes achieved by your country and by other socialist countries also represent a result of fraternal mutual assistance, of close cooperation in the political, economic, and military spheres. The friendship and collaboration of socialist countries protect the independence and sovereignty of each from any attempt made by imperialism, assuring them of all necessary conditions-for peaceful and constructive work, for rapid advancement along the road of socialism and communism. At present, the world socialist system exerts tremendous influence over the development of all mankind, representing the decisive force in the anti-imperialist struggle.- This fact was unanimously recognized once again at the recent inter- national meeting in Moscow of communist and workers parties. We all know what a fierce struggle the imperialists are waging against socialist countries on all fronts. in this fight our class adversariez do not hesitate to use any method beginning with the perfidious tactics of bridge-building, aimed at undermining the unity of socialist countries, at sowing discord among them, to overtly supporting all antisocialist forces and organizing counterrevolutionary plots, from attempts at economic penetration to direct armed intervention. By showing political vigilance and solidarity in defending socialist gains, the communist parties and working people from fraternal countries not only repulse these imperialist attacks, but also t+F'' heavy blows aimed at continuously increasing the balance of force in their favor. hi"~~ teaches us that the successes scored in the struggle against imperialism e ;i direct proportion to the unity of socialist countries, of the fraternal co,-!;In ,.i parties and of all progressive forces of our epoch. The example set by thy, iei:'oic Vietnamese people, who have inflicted defeats on the U.S. aggressors cu, them to come to the negotiation table, strikingly demonstrates that a peopI lung up to fight for their indepen- dence, and relying on the support of fratern:l socialist countries, on the solidarity of the world communist movement, are invincible. The communist and workers parties which toe.--,i. part in the international conference have resolutely stressed that the defense of socialism is an internationalist duty communists. Declassified in Part- Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 li7? 11 Aug 69 H 4 For communists from the socialist countries this primarily means the necessity to show major concern for continuous and close political and economic cooperation between socialist countries, for strengthening their collective defense potential. The efforts of the socialist states, members of the Warsaw Pact,. are particularly important in consolidating their defensive organization,, which dnsures.,the.,s,ecurity of o?ir countries in conditions of the existence of the,a.ggressive NATO bloc,in,;Which U.S. imperialism plays the main role,, in conditionw.of the intensification ofi mi1i.t~;rist circles and neofascist forces from the.Fedtial-Republic of Germany who want to revise the results of World War II. Our cohesion and unity of actionplay an extremely important role in supporting the national liberation movement, the just struggle waged by the Arab peoples against Israeli aggression, which is encouraged by international imperialism. The watchword, unity of action of all revolutionar.V,-ant.i...imperialist forceg,'' is 'the most militant, most topical slogan of our time. Precisely because of this the problem of unity represented the main theme at the international conference of communists, a remarkable event in the life of the world communist movement, an important stage in the work of cementing its ranks. The conference made possible a profound analysis of the present world situation, defined the methods of peoples, struggle against imperialism, for peace, democracy, and national and social progress. Comrades, Konstantin Katushev added, today, when socialist states have laid a strong foundation for multilateral economic development., they set themselves even greater tasks in the area of,continuous economic development, technical progress to increase the people's standard-of life, development of science and culture. To solve these problems, the decisions unanimously adopted at the 23d Special Session of CEMA are of particular importance. The complex program outlined by the session on developing mutually advantageous cooperation and socialist economic integration, based on principles of socialist internationalism, respect for the principle of free consent and state sovereignty, coincides with the fundamental interests of our peoples.. One can say with certainty that communist parties from the socialist countries, promoting a consistent Marxist-Leninist policy and approaching present problems from positions of strength, will further (?strengthen) the force of the world system of socialism and its impact on world events and will consolidate the unity of world communism. Closely rallied around the CPSU Central Committee, Soviet communists and working people warmly approve the results of the international communist meeting, the line promoted by our party in foreign policy and in the world communist movement. They unanimously support the statement made by Comrade Brezhnev, general secretary. of the CPSU Central Committee, who said that our party will spare no efforts in order to strengthen the unity of the communist movement and will fully carry out its international duty. The CPSU and all Soviet people concentrate their efforts on constructing communism, on maintaining and consolidating peace. Each step along this path lead to further realizing the development of the country's economy, for the real improvement of living conditions of Soviet people, the enhancing their cultural standard, and the accumulation of new scientific and art assets. Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 IV. 11 Aug 69 H 5 After reaching advanced positions concerning a -amber of important areas of scientific and technical development, our country is presently building the largest electric power systems in the world, unique electronic apparatuses, great nuclear power centers, and supersonic airliners, while realizing a vast program of space explora- tion. The industrial production of the USSR has more than doubled in the last'8 years, and agricultural production is more than a third greater. The system of 5 work days and 2 days off has been introduced in the country. Over 10 million people are moving into new flats each year, improving their housing conditions, Nearly 1.5 million specialists graduate yearly from Soviet teaching establishments, after higher and medium studies. While exerting leadership over the construction of communism, the CPSU attaches great importance to problems concerning the continuous development of socialist democracy, bringing the broad people's masses into the country's management, consistently insuring the principle of comradeship in work and of other Leninist rules regarding party life, development, ani: strengthening the brotherly friendship between peoples of our country, educating working people in the spirit of socialist internationalism and attachment of communism. At present, our party and all Soviet people develop their activity under the sign of preparations for the birth centenary of Lenin, the founder of our party and state, the leader of the international communist movement. The Lenin centenary will be' greeted with fresh realizations in the construction of communism. We consider attach- ment to glorious Lenin's teaching, the realization of Lenin's teachings as a guarantee for remarkable victories in the struggle for the cause of peace, democracy, national independence, and socialism. In conclusion, Comrade Konstantin Katushev read the text of the CPSU Central Committee message to the 10th Romanian Communist 1[ arty Congress. The message reads: The CPSU Central Committee, on behalf of Soviet communists and all Soviet people, conveys to the delegates to the 10th Romanian Communist Party Congress, and through you to the communists and working people of the Socialist Republic of Romania, fraternal greetings ana good wishes for success in the work of the congress. .In a short historic period, within the framework of the fraternal family of the people of the socialist states, the Rcmanftar, working people have achieved remarkable successes in constructing the new life. Currently the 10th Romanian Communist Party Congress is discussing a program for the continuous and multilateral development of socialist society. We are certain that the Romanian Communist Party' and all Romanian people, consistently guided by the glorious Marxist-Leninist teaching, will succeed in achieving new victories in completing the construction of socialism, in. the development of economy, science, and culture, in the continuous development of the material well-being of the working people. The present international situation, the aggressive schemes of imperialist circles, the intensification of the'arms race, and the activities of imperialist blocs,'the sharpening of the ideological struggle in the international arena, all this requires .a well-defined class stand, the strengthening of the cohesion and unity of action of socialist caauntries, of the communist movement, and of all anti-imperialist forces. Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 The international meeting of communist and workers parties played an important .mobilizing role in strengthening this militant, international cooperation. The conference documents contain a program for a deployed struggle, at the present stage, against imperialism, for peace, democracy, national independence, and socialism.. The collective experience of the fraternal parties shows in a telling manner that the combination of national tasks and international development of brotherly cooperation and mutual assistance, within the.Warsaw Pact and CE?A; increase the forces of each socialist country, contribute to the general consolidation of the positions of socialism in Europe .and.the world. The USSR consistently promotes a policy toward developing relations of friendship with the Romanian people. The strengthening of ties between the CPSU and Romanian Communist Party and the continuous development of mutually advantageous multilateral cooperation between the USSR and Socialist Republic of Romania coincide with the fundamental interests of our peoples. Guided by Leninist principles of proletarian internationalism, Soviet communists are constantly militating for deepening and developing fraternal relations between our parties, for the good of the Soviet and Romanian peoples, in the interest of the great .cause of socialism and communism. We wish Romanian communists new successes in the construction of socialism, in assuring a peaceful and happy life for the Romanian people. Long live the unity and cohesion of the socialist carp of the international communist and workers movement! Long live Marxism-Leninisml signed: the CPSU Central Committee. CEAUSESCU ACCEPTS IRAN'S INVITATION TO VISIT Bucharest AGERPRES International Service in English 1902 GMT 10 Aug 69 L [Text] Bucharest AGERPRES 10 Aug 69--Taking into consideration the relations of friendship between Romania and Iran, His Imperial Majesty Slhahinshah Aryamehr and Her Majesty the Empress of Iran have invited Nicolae: Ceausescu, president of the State Council of the Socialist Republic of Romania, with his wife, to pay a formal visit to Iran. The President of the State Council of the Socialist Republic of Romania and his wife have accepted with pleasure-the invitation. The Iranian visit will proceed' between 1 ani. 8 September 1969. CEAUSESCU MEETS ITALIAN PARTY LEADER PAJETTA Bucharest Domestic-Service-in Romanian 14.00 GMT-. 9 Aug 69 [Text] Comrade Nicolae Ceausescu, secretary general of the Romanian Communist Party Central Committee, this morning received Comrade Giancarlo Pajetta, mewber of the Politburo and ,of the Directione of the Italian Communist Party Central Committee, leader.of the Italian Communist Party delegation to the 10th Romanian Communist Party Congress. The talks which took place on this occasion were held in a warm and comradely atmosphere. Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 (b)(3) Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 (b)(5) OGC/LEGL FOIA Next 2 Page(s) In Document Denied Q0' Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 A 3' USSR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Those parties in power devote ixnceasirg attention to increasing the efficiency of the economy and to developing the scientific-technical revolution. In ;, resolutions adopted by the 23d CEMA session, socialist countries reaffirm that they -consider the pooling of their efforts and economic,integration necessary for increasing the efficiency of the people's economy and for developing the economic strength of the entire socialist community. As an analysis of the latest American concepts for East Europe (?shows), the United States is not giving up its attempts to weaken the socialist community. .In their own interests, the imperialists are using--and continue to try using-- even the smallest difficulties which appear,in the development of individual countries or the entire world socialist system. At the same time they ignore that socialism has deep roots in East Europe and that relations between socialist countries are firm and indissoluble. IZVESTIYA ARTICLE LAUDS BRATISLAVA STATEMENT Moscow TASS International Service in Russian 1626 GMT 4 Aug 69 L on 3 August 1968 in Bratislava, was "an important step along the road to strengthening the unity and cohesion of the socialist countries. and a considerable contribution to the struggle for reinforcing the positions of socialism and against the undermining activity of imperialism." The author stresses that the participants of the Bratislava conference expressed the will of the peoples of the socialist countries'for a further rallying.of their ranks for the sake of the triumph of the great cause--the building of a new and just society on earth. conference of representatives of communist and workers parties from Bulgaria, Hungary, the GDR, Poland, the Soviet Union, and Czechoslovakia, which took place ...'[Text] Aloscow--.Nikolay Novikov, writing in IZVESTIYA today, says that the The spirit of Bratislava, the article says, is socialist internationalism in action. It is the effective political cooperation of socialist states and a lofty responsibility for the destinies of socialism in not just their own countries but also throughout the world. Recalling that in Bratislava the six fraternal. -parties called for a further development of the economic cooperation of socialist countries on a bilateral and multilateral. basis and for an improvement in CEMAos activity, Novikov says that "the Soviet Union and other socialist states have achieved historic successes ,in their economic and political development thanks mainly to mutual aid and cooperation." The participants of the Bratislava meeting, the article continues, ,stressed in their statement that the present situation requires unrelenting effort to raise the defense capacity of each socialist state and the entire socialist community and to strengthen political and military cooperation within the Warsaw Pact. This question became a subject of particularly close scrutiny at the meeting of the Warsaw Pact Political Consultative Committee in March 1969 in Budapest. The communist and workers parties that participated in the Bratislava conference and signed the statement, Novikov says, regarded as their paramount task implementation of all conditions contained in the unanimously adopted document. Consistent and unswerving implementation of these conditions is aimed at a still greater strengthening of the positions of socialism in each country and in the entire socialist community. This was convincingly borne out by the recent events in Czechoslovakia. Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 T:I.I. 5 Aug 69 A 4 USSR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIR. The author notes that the correctness of the assessments and conclusions made at the Bratislava conference by the six fraternal parties has been confirmed by subsequent developments. The Bratislava statement has been supported by communist and workers parties. The experience of the struggle and a realistic appraisal of the situation in the world, Novikov concludes, clearly show that the communists and the peoples of fraternal social countries?carry,high above their heads the banner of socialist internationalism and con stantly strenghthen cohesion and solidarity of the countries of the socialist community the raople61 reliable bulwark in the struggle against imperialism and for peace, democr; and socialism.. Moscow TASS International Service in English 0717 GMT 5 Aug 69 L [Text] Moscow, August 5, TASS--A delegation of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union led by Secretary of the Central Committee of the Soviet Communist Party Konstantin Katushev left Moscow today by air for Bucharest. The delegation went,to.Romaria at the invitation of the Central Committee of the Romanian Communist Party to attend the party's 10th congress. Moscow Domestic Service in Russian 0800 GMT 4 August 69 L [Text] A delegation of the Prague national committee has ended its visit to the Soviet Union. The delegation, led by Prague Mayor Ludvik Cerny, stayed in our country at the invitation of the Moscow Gorispolkom. They left for home today. The week we spent in the Soviet Union was interesting and eventful, Comrade Cerny stated before his departure- We acquainted ourselves with the work of the Moscow and Volograd gorispolkoms. Volograc a city of valor and heroism, made a great impression on us. Our visit to the USSR was very useful and the experience of Moscow construction workers has been very valuable fog us. Here high-quality construction is being carried out and construction work is being widely industrialized. We are grateful to the Muscovites for their fraternal assistance in solving a number of problems and inparticular to the specialist who are helping us to construct the Prague subway. Close fraternal relations between the capitals of our countries are successfully developing., NIXON TRIP FAILS TO RESOVE VIETNAM IMPASSE Moscow in English to the United Kingdom 2100 GMT 4 Aug 69 L [Text] The parliamentary paper IZVESTIYA calls President Nixon's Asian tour disal pointing. It revealed that Washington's course aims at hammering together aggressive .communities that differ in no way from the old pacts, and at continuing the military venture in Vietnam. The paper says that in Saigon, the President did not take a single. step towards a real peace settlement. The paper stresses that this course has no future. It adds that the- only way to break the deadlock is to accept the proposals advanced by the National Liberation Front and the Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Republic of South Vietnam. These proposals are dictated by the actual situation' in. Vietnam and by common- sense, and the United States should. heed them, the paper advises. Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 III. 5 Aug 69 SOCIALIST COUNTRIES' STRUGGLE DEMANDS UNITY USSR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Moscow PRAVDA 3. Aug 69 p 4 L (Editorial article: "The Defense of Socialism Ids the International' Duty of Communists") [Text] The peoples of the socialist community under the leadership of the Marxist-Leninist communist and workers parties are confidently creating a new society. By their labor and their glorious achievements they are steadily multiplying the socialist countries' gains in developing the economy, science, and culture, improving the people's standard of living, and strengthening the state order. The Polish People's Republic has just celebrated the 25th anniversary of the establishment of the new power. The Bulgarian People's Republic and the Socialist Republic of Romania are preparing to meet the jubilee of the 25th anniversary of their entry onto the socialist road of development. The GDR. :: is preparing for the 20th anniversary of the proclamation of the first worker-peasant state on German soil. In a short period these countries, like the other fraternal states,. have,gained important victories in all fields of.building a new life. During these years, these European socialist countries have created a mighty industry, implemented important reforms in the countryside, and insured the flourishing of national.. culture and a continual increase in the people's well-being. In the last 10 years alone,,., the national income of the countries belonging to CEMA has increased by 93 percent. The CEMA countries occupy only 18 percent of the earth's territory and only 10 percent of the,. world's population; live in them, yet they produce roughly one-third of world industrial output. These victories are eloquent proof of the inexhaustible life forces of the STATOTHR socialist order and the. triumph of Marxist-Leninist teaching. The socialist order is the advantages of its ec- full y becoming increasingly more mature and reveals ever more onomic and socio-pol.itical organization and the true democratism inherent in it. The socialist countries international authority and their role in resolving the fundamental questions of world politics are continually growing. The Soviet Union and the other socialist states, by their example, are inspiring the working people of the capitalist world to struggle for their rights and a bright future. The historic successes of the socialist countries are the result of the heroic efforts and selfless labor of millions of workers, peasants, and intellectuals, the communist and workers parties' skillful direction of the processes of socialist building, and the t 1 lementation of Marxist-Leninist teaching in the concrete conditions of consl.s en mp each country. At the same time, it is the result of the fraternal countries, comprehen- rinciples of mutual aid and sup the t i ' p on l is being bu sive fruitful cooperation which port and principles of socialist internationalism. This cooperation, embracing all as- pects of life, facilitiates the resolution of important issues and helps the fraternal peoples to better fulfill the tasks set before them. The achievements of each socialist country are the common property of the whole social- ist system and each people's concrete contribution to strngthening the positions of world socialism.. The support, consolidation, and defense of these gains is the international duty of all socialist countries. This conclusion, dictated by life and steming from the interests of each socialist state and the entire socialist community, permeates the whole content of the statement of the socialist countries',oommunist and workers parties.,, adopted a year ago at the Bratislava conference. ~.E Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 III. 5 Aug 69 A 25 The representatives of the conmunist and workers parties of Bulgaria, Hungary, the GDR, Poland, the Soviet Union, and Czechoslovakia, in convening the Bratislava conference, proceeded from fact that-the complex international situation and imperialism's subversive activities directied against the people's peace and security and the cause of socialism demanded the further unity of the countries of the socialist s$rstem. They also took into consideration the fact that the development of socialism raises new problems, the solution of which requries the unification of the socialist states efforts. The participants in the meeting expressed the inflexible determination to develop and defehd socialist achievements in their countries and to achieve new sucesses in strenghthening of socialism's positions and rebuffing imperialism's intrigues is steadfast loyalty to Marxism-Leninism, education of the masses in the spirit of socialist ideas, proletarian internationalism, and an uncompromising struggle with the bourgeois ideology and all antisocialist forces. The Bratislava statement says: "The fraternal parties firmly and decisively oppose their unbrea"able solidarity and high vigilance to any attempts by imperialism all other anticommunit forces to weaken the leading role of the working class and the communist parties. They will not permit anyone anywhere to drive a wedge between the socialist states and to undermine the bases of the socialist social system. The fraternal friendship and cohesion in this direction meet the vital interests of our peoples and form a reliable basis on which to resolve the socioeconomic and political tasks, on which our countries communist patties are working." The entire development of events in the world this past year has shown us the vitality and importance of the conclusions drawn in that document and their great theoretical, political, and practical significance. Time has quite manifestly confirmed that the measures being implemented by the fraternal countries for strengthening the positions of socialism and for collective defense of socialist achievements are absolutely correct and timely. Imperialist reaction has again been convincingly taught that the peoples of the fraternal countries are standing firmly on guard of socialist achievements and that any intrigues by the enemies of socialism are doomed to failure. iSpeaking at the celebrations in Warsaw, CPSU Central Committee Genral Secretary L.I. Brezhnev said: "Let our class enemies harbor no illusions about finding an opportunity of cancelling out the historical. achievements of socialism. Such a thing will not happen! The guarantee of this is the ~'(.creative,) conscious labor of the peoples of the socialist countries, their majestic plans, and their general determination to develop their fraternal cooperation in all spheres, and to strengthen the Warsaw Pact which reliably insures the sovereignty of its participants and the security and inviolability of the frontiers of socialism in Europe. . . ." The fraternal parties are doing great work to strengthen the might of the countries of socialism and for the broad, comprehensive coordination of efforts directed toward resolving tasks facing them and for utilizing all the capabilities contained in the new social system. The development of the countries of socialism is characterized by an increase in the political activity of the working class, the peasantry, the intelligentsia, and all the working people; by the comprehensive progress of the socialist social system; by the further development of socialist democracy; and by the improvement of the style and methods of party, state, and economic works. Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 ITT. 5 Aug 69 A 26 USSR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS The leading role of the working class and its vanguard--the communist and workers parties--is growing stronger in the fraternal countries. The socialist.countries' deepening and improvement of economic cooperation on a bilateral and multilateral basis is continuing. These questions were widely discussed at the 23d a9 cial CEMA session, in which the leaders of the communist and workers parties and tt,:,e heads of government of the CEMA moimber countries participated. Its decisions aimed at further widening comprehensive economic cooperation have great significance in strengthening the might of each country and the entire socialist system, in consolidating the positions of the socialist'countries,'and in strengthening the unity of the socialist community. The socialist countries' close fraternal ties also find expression in their foreign -o'.icy cooperation, in the collective examination of the key problems of international .life. The Budapest conference of the Warsaw Pact member states, Political Con- sultative Committee represented a major contribution to the struggle for peace and security. The appeal adopted in Budapest to all European countries concerning the preparation and conducting of a general European. conference on',questions of security and cooperation is receiving understanding and support among broad circles of the public on our continent. The Budapest conference decisions are carving a path for the settlement of urgent international problems in the interests of insuring peace and security in Europe and throughout the world. Socialism's enormous contribution toward accelerating historical progress and to the. common cause of the anti-imperialist forces received a high evaluation at the internation; conference of communist and workers parties. The conference noted that the world socialist system is the decisive force in the anti-imperialist struggle. Every liberation struggle finds absolutely irreplaceable support from the world socialist system, primarily from the Soviet Union. Relying upon its,own constantly growing economic and defense might, the world socialist system is fettering imperialism and restricting its opportunities for exporting counterrevolution. In fulfilling their international duty, the socialist countries are rendering increasing assistance to the peoples struggling for freedom and independence and are strengthening peace and international security. The emergence and development of the. world socialist system is part of the class battles in the international arena. The victories of all revolutionary forces and the new wrorld's successful opposition to the old depend to a decisive extent upon the further achievements of the socialist system upon its cohesion, and upon the ability and capacity of the ruling parties of the socialist countries to utilize the opportunities built into the new social system. Hence, it follows that concern for strengthening the world system of socialism is simultaneously a concern for the world revolutionary process' development and concern for an effective struggle against imperialism. The conference confirmed that the chief orientation in the cause of the socialist system's cohesion is represented by the unswerving implementation of the principles of socialist internationalism, the correct combination of the socialist states' national and international tasks, and the development of. fraternal mutual assistance and support. Life is demonstrating with the utmost clarity the ever-increasing significance of the principles of socialist internationalism which lie at the..basis of relations between the countries of.the socialist community. an integralandorganic Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 111. 5 Aug 69 A 27 USSR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS The enemies of the new system are not ceasing their attempts to undermine the bases of popular state power in the socialist countries, to frustrate the cause of the socialist transformation of society, and to reestablish their dominion. Thus, the conference stressed with all force that the defense of socialism is the communists' international duty. A break with internationalism, rejection of the socialist countries' coordinated actions, and a retreat from Marxism-Leninism are all inflicting harm upon the cause of socialism and upon the interests of the revolutionary struggle. The policy of the present CCP leadership is ari example of this. The Mao Tse-tung group's splitting, great-power chauvinist activities on the international arena give voice to the fact that China's foreign policy has to all intents and purposes broken with proletarian internationalism and has lost its class socialist content. This ruinous .course by the Mao group is meeting with a decisive rebuff by the overwhelming majority of fraternal communist and workers parties. The establishment of the new type of international relations and the development of the socialist states' fraternal alliance is a complex historical process during which difficulties and differences can arise. The communists believe that these difficulties and differences must not break the socialist states' united front in the struggle against imperialism. The socialist system is founded upon the community of socioeconomic system and upon the coincidence of the fundamental interests and aims of the countries belonging to it. This community is the guarantee of overcoming existing difficulties and the further strengthening of the socialist system's unity on Marxist-Leninist and proletarian internationalist principles. Our Leninist party, .our country, and our people have always been true to their international duty. As the CPSU Central Committee June plenum stressed, the USSR's foreign policy is playing and will continue to play a most important role in the common struggle by the anti-imperialist ..forces and in strengthening the might and cohesion of the community of socialist countries. It will serve as an effective instrument for frustrating imperialism's aggressive plans, preserving peace, confirming the principles of the peaceful cooperation of states with different social systems, and for supporting the peoples' liberation struggle. Socialism's successes, its influence upon the course of world events, and the effectiveness of its struggle against imperialist aggression depend to a considerable degree upon the socialist countries' cohesion. The socialist countries' unity of action is an important factor for the cohesion of all anti-imperialist forces. Our party and the Soviet state have exerted and are exerting all efforts to insure that socialism's achievements are strong and inviolable, that the cause of socialism is consolidated and developed, and that the successes of the revolutionary forces and of the entire anti-imperialist front in the struggle for peace, democracy, national independence,.and social progress, are multiplied. MAO CONTROLS ALL FIELDS OF LIFE IN CHINA People's Inspection Units Moscow Radio Peace and Progress in Mandarin to China 1430 GMT 3 Aug 69 T ["Comment on China Events"] [Text] Dear listeners, of course, you understand clearly that the upper echelon in Peking is untiringly bragging about the results and achievements of the so-called cultural revolution. Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 (b)(3) Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 1)(5) OGC/LEGL FOIA Next 8 Page(s) In Document Denied Iq Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 25X1 DIRECTORATE OF INTELLIGENCE Intelligence Memorandum The Results of the World Communist Conference Secret 9 No. 1579/69 26 June 1969 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 -,Xi CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY Directorate of Intelligence 26 June 1969 INTELLIGENCE MEMORANDUM The Results of the World Communist Conference Summary, If the final outcome of the world Communist con- ference came near to satisfying Soviet goals, it was only because those goals had been progressively re- duced throughout the years of haggling that preceded the conference. In the end, Moscow probably hoped to achieve little more than to convene a conference, to gain a high attendance of parties, to obtain con- demnation of the Chinese, and to produce a document that would serve as a new doctrinal "reference" point and demonstrate the ideological unity of the world's Communist parties. The conference failed, however, to infuse a new sense of discipline into world Communism or to chart a coherent course of action for the national. parties. The conference record and the conference documents can and will be quoted in support of views that remain divergent. Note: This memorandum has been produced solely by CIA. It has been prepared by the Office of Current Intelligence and coordinated with the Office of Na- tional Estimates and the Clandestine Services. Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 25X1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Convening the Conference* 1. Many parties had feared from the beginning that Moscow would manipulate the China issue to re- strict their independence at a conference, and these misgivings increased following the invasion of Czech- oslovakia The Soviets, however, did what was re- quired to bring the conference off. In November 1967, as the campaign to organize a consultative meeting was getting under way, they publicly disclaimed any inten- tion of condemning China. At the consultative meeting in Budapest in February 1968 they further buried the China issue by rallying the parties to the single theme of "anti-imperialism," which might be expected to unify them if nothing else could. In the effort to prevent the issue from beclouding preparations for the conference, Moscow went so far-as to propose a new method for working out a conference document. The document was to be formulated and approved by the parties before the conference took place. 2. These tactics might have made it possible for the Soviets to convene the conference as planned, on 25 November, despite the golden opportunity given certain parties to protract the process by criticizing Soviet-approved drafts of the document, had it not been for the invasion of Czechoslovakia. The adverse reaction of the western European parties, chiefly Italy and France, caused the conference to be post- poned twice until it was finally set for 5 June at a meeting in late March. Romania took a particularly dim view of the doctrine of "limited sovereignty" promulgated by the Soviets to justify the invasion. The Soviet Union sought to counter the reaction in Europe by applying financial and other pressures where it could, These measures worked, and the con- ference was assured. *See Intelligence Memorandum 1570/69, 4 June 1969, "The Road to the World Communist Conference," for a fuller treatment of thZs subject. Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 5X1 A High Attendance 3. From the outset, it was clear that Chinese participation in the conference was out of the ques- tion In March 1965, when the 26 original drafters of the 1960 conference document were called to Mos- cow to organize a new conference, the Soviet Commu- nist party might well have judged from the incomplete response that Albania, North Vietnam, Indonesia, Japan, North Korea and possibly Romania would be non- participants. Yugoslavia, which had been condemned at the 1960 conference, was undoubtedly written off by the Soviets early in their calculations. Cuba failed to respond to the next organizing call to the same 26 parties in November 1967, and was added to the list. As a result of the preparatory meetings in 1968, to which all parties were invited, it ap- peared that Romania would be a likely participant, but it became virtually certain that China's satel- lite parties (Burma, Cambodia, Malaysia and Thailand) would not be represented in Moscow. This meant that there were around 80 parties left that Moscow could hope to attract to the conference. 4. Ultimately, 75 parties officially partici- pated, including Cuba and Sweden, which sent observers, and two "underground parties," reportedly Nepal and the Philippines. The appearance of Cuba gave a de- cided boost to the Soviets. The only significant nonruling parties that did not attend were Japan and the Netherlands. Although the Soviet party un- successfully sought the participation of North Viet- nam and North Korea, the number of parties on hand was probably satisfactory from the Soviet point of view. Asia was underrepresented, but otherwise the gather- ing was truly world-wide. Attendance by the absent parties would only have further strained the already shaky facade of unity. Condemnation of China 5. During the years of increasing difficulty with China, the Soviets have sought by various means to get a condemnation of China and an expression of solidarity from other parties. They realized, however, their ef- forts to humble China aroused fears in other parties Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 25X1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 for their own independence. It was also apparent that any attempt formally to expel China from the movement would cost Moscow a meaningful interna- tional conference. 6. By late March the Soviets were in a posi- tion to take a realistic reading of the strength of the opposition. Up to that time dissent had been expressed mainly over the wording of the draft docu- ment, notably by the Italians and Romanians. The French party, previously a pleader for its independ- ent status, had caved in by the March preparatory meeting, when it not only supported but also report- edly had a hand in formulating the draft of the docu- ment that emerged from that meeting. Smaller par- ties in opposition to the draft document were Great Britain, Austria, Belgium, Switzerland, Sweden, San Marino, Mexico, Dominican Republic and Reunion. The opposition of the smaller parties on an issue like China was obviously of little concern to the Soviets, but that of Italy and Romania was more serious. 7. By the time of the final May preparatory meeting, growing tension on the Sino-Soviet border and the conclusion of the Chinese party congress led Moscow to introduce the China issue on the floor of the conference, 8. Brezhnev's keynote speech of 7 June included a major section devoted to the China question, and placed Moscow's anger with China on the conference record, In a rough box score of speeches by the 75 delegates, some 51, including the Italians, condemned the Chinese leadership explicitly; two, including Romania, adopted a neutral stance; and 19 avoided the issue, though several alluded to it by condemning "left opportunism." This was probably the single most important issue of the conference for the Soviets, and they received the show of solidarity they sought. The Czechoslovak Issue 9. Moscow hoped to avoid discussion of the inva- sion altogether, and shortly before the conference the Czechoslovak party went on record urging that the matter not be raised. Nevertheless, ten parties ex- plicitly criticized the Soviet-led invasion. Presumably 25X1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 at at Soviet instigation, four parties responded by de- fending the action, and some 60 parties did not men- tion it. Although this minimized what could have been a very embarrassing situation for the Soviets Moscow was forced to water down references in the conference documents to the international responsibilities of individual parties. The Conference Record and Documents 10. The conference of 75 parties ran 13 days, 5 to 17 June. Except for the main conference docu- ment, other documents on the centenary of Lenin's birth, Vietnam, peace, Israeli aggression and soli- darity with Communists under repression, ran into little opposition. The conference, apparently de- ferring to the insistence of parties like the French, Italian and Romanian, adopted a proposal to explore the holding of a broad-based world "anti-imperialist" congress, but significantly did not specify a target date. The main document on the imperialist threat and the "unity" of the Communist world, which had been the subject of controversy for over a year, under- went revision up to the final days of the conference. Its language was generalized and made vague enough to permit the parties to find in it words or phrases to support differing views. 11. The main conference document was adopted on the last day of the conference. The Dominican Republic delegate did not support the document as a whole, and did not sign. The Cuban and Swedish parties, as observers, also did not sign. The Brit- ish and Norwegian delegates withheld their signatures, referring the decision whether to sign or not to their central committees, The parties of Australia, Italy and San Marino agreed to sign only one of the four sections of the document, the section in anti-imperial- ism. The parties of Switzerland, Sudan, Romania, Spain, Morocco and Reunion are reported to have signed with reservations, 12. Section one of the main document is a lengthy indictment of "imperialism," with the United States singled out for special condemnation. Section two de- scribes the three forces of world revolution: the Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 -~X1 Communist countries, national liberation movements, and the international working force. The third section calls on the parties to struggle against imperialism, which it describes as especially rampant in Vietnam. It also names those familiar "imperialist threats": NATO, West Germany and Israel. In the context of "the struggle for peace," however, this section en- dorses the principle of "peaceful coexistence" which permits a wide range of activity by the militants and more peacefully oriented parties. As it did in Khru- shchev's formulation, the principle does not contradict the right of any oppressed people to fight for its liberation "by any means it considers necessary." At the same time, "peaceful coexistence" allows for the development of "fruitful" economic, scientific, and technical cooperation with non-Communist countries; and requires support of disarmament measures and the nuclear nonproliferation treaty, 13. The final section of the document on the relationship among the Communist parties is the short- est, but it proved to be the most controversial in the drafting process. It argues that the community of Communist nations, especially the Soviet Union, is the decisive factor in the "anti-imperialist strug- gle." It stresses that cohesion of the Communist coun- tries will largely determine the progress of Communism and the effectiveness of its efforts to combat "im- perialist aggression." Above all others, this section shows the effect of many committee redrafting sessions. It defends the need for "proletarian internationalism," mutual assistance and support, but it also speaks of the need for equality, sovereignty and noninterference in the affairs of other parties. While it is explicitly stated that there is at present no leading center in the international Communist movement, special praise nevertheless is directed to the Soviet union as the main force of the movement and for its efforts on be- half of the Communist cause, Conclusion 14. Given the scaled-down objectives of the So- viets,, they probably can take satisfaction in having brought together 75 parties, in having produced a Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 25 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 final document elastic enough to be signed by the great majority of participants, and in having put on the record a series of speeches that can be cited as evidence of "overwhelming" support for Soviet views, especially on China. Moscow cannot escape the fact, however, that the conference show of unity is marred by the absence of most Asian parties, and that the 61 parties that signed the main document without reservations represent only about one third of the estimated number of party members in the world. Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 25 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Action Taken on the Main Document by Attending Parties Signed without reservations (61): Signed with reservations (6): Austria Algeria Argentina Belgium West Berlin Bolivia Brazil Bulgaria Hungary Venezuela Haiti Guyana Guadeloupe Guatemala West Germany East Germany Honduras Greece Denmark Israel India Paraguay Morocco Jordan Peru Reunion** Iraq Poland Romania Iran Portugal Spain N. Ireland Puerto Rico Sudan Ireland Salvador Switzerland Canada Syria Cyprus Soviet Union Colombia United States Costa Rica Tunisia Lesotho Turkey Lebanon Uruguay Luxembourg Finland Martinique France Mexico Ceylon Mongolia Czechoslovakia Nigeria Chile Nicaragua Ecuador E. Pakistan S. Africa Panama Nepal* Philippines* Signed only part (3): Did not sign at all (5): Australia Dominican Republic (ideological) Italy Cuba (observer) San Marino Sweden (observer) Great Britain (referred to CC) Norway (referred to CC) * Apparently the two parties not officially identified, but carried as "underground" parties in the list of participants. ** First reported as signing only section three of the document. Non-attending (18): Ruling parties: Non-ruling parties Non-ruling parties (Asia) : (other) : Albania Burma China Cambodia North Korea Indonesia North Vietnam Japan Yugoslavia Laos Malaysia Iceland New Zealand Malagasy Thailand Mauritius The Netherlands Senegal Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Secret Secret Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 (b)(3) Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 1)(5) OGC/LEGL FOIA 25X1 25X1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 17 June 1969 MEMORANDUM SUBJECT: The Effect of the Cuban Missile Crisis on Soviet Strategic Force Planning 1. In October 1962 the leaders of the USSR were faced by a substantial US superiority in operational intercontinental strategic strike force and the pro- spect that the margin of superiority probably would continue to grow for at least another two or three years. 2. Earlier--perhaps a year or more before--the Soviet political and military leaders had probably come to the view that the limited capabilities of their intercontinental strategic forces compared with those of the US would, if not redressed, provide the US with a potential first strike capability. Soviet defense planners in making a prudent assessment of the strategic balance had probably concluded that, although the considerable Soviet strategic forces targetted against western Europe provided some measure of deter- rence, the USSR would have no assured retaliatory capability with respect to the US until about 1966. By the fall of 1962, the Soviet leaders were also aware that US intelligence collection capabilities ruled out reliance on bluff and bluster. 3. These factors probably caused deep concern in the Kremlin. From the Soviet point of view, the US strategic posture not only posed a serious potential threat to the national security of the USSR, but also severely circumscribed Soviet foreign policy options ,throughout the world. Khrushchev probably viewed the emplacement in Cuba of strategic systems capable of reaching the US as the quickest way of redressing at least partially the strategic imbalance. Successfully carried out, it could have other immediate political returns as well. Khrushchev's Berlin objectives were probably closely intertwined with the over-all strategic goals. SI]s5a~$ii:w ii Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 8. The comparisons of forces outlined above illustrate the vastly inferior strategic position of the USSR which probably provided the major motivation for Khrushchev`s decision to place nuclear strike forces in Cuba in 1962. It seems likely that the Soviets de- cided not to deploy their second generation ICBM systems-- the SS-7 and SS-8--on a large scale not only because of the shortcomings of these systems, but also because a crash program probably would have delayed the deployment of their third generation ICBM systems--the SS-9 and SS-11. Thus, it appears that Khrushchev decided to de- ploy existing medium range systems in Cuba as a stop-gap measure which would quickly and cheaply improve the re- lative strategic position of the USSR. 9. The attempt to convert Cuba into a Soviet stra- tegic nuclear base can be interpreted as an admission of the inadequacy of the Soviet strategic deterrent and as a measure of the Soviet concern about the possible mili- tary and political consequences of this inadequacy. By 1961 the USSR probably was aware of the growing US capa- bility to detect and monitor Soviet strategic force deployments and knew that it could no longer represent its strategic capability as being much.greater than it actually was. 10. In addition to causing genuine apprehensions about the security of the USSR, the US superiority pro- bably was viewed by Khrushchev as a restriction on his political flexibility in international relations--e.g., in resolving the Berlin question. The failure of his bold move probably reinforced the Soviet conviction that the USSR could not afford the military risks and political penalties of, not competing with the US in a strategic arms race. . Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Gai,~.$ti Y 4. The confrontation with US strategic power in the Cuban crisis probably confirmed the Soviet belief that anything less than a rough strategic equality with the US would leave them vulnerable both political- ly and militarily. Apparently the experience also persuaded the Soviet leaders that in order to avoid another period of strategic inferiority they would have to react more rapidly to future US plans for force im- provements. 5. The failure of Kirushchev `s gamble in Cuba probably did not alter the Soviet goal of achieving and maintaining a credible deterrent, but it may well have ,been an important factor in determining the pace, timing, and dimensions of the Soviet effort to build a strong strategic offensive capability. The Cuban experience un- doubtedly provided strong support for those in the Kremlin who advocated large scale deployments of the SS-9, SS-i1 25X1 and new SLBM strategic systems then under development in the USSR. Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 f4 . , v-, M_I 11. A review of military programs and expenditures indicates that there was no abrupt redirection of Soviet effort immediately following the Cuban missile crisis. The relative stability in expenditures for strategic and general purpose force programs (excluding research and development expenditures) during the 1963-1965 period suggests that the Soviets decided to wait until the ad- vanced systems then in development--e.g., the SS-9, the SS-11, and Y-class SLBM systems--would be available for large scale deployment to.redress the strategic imbal- ance . The general size of the deployment for these systems probably was determined during this period. Continuation of the rapid rise in expenditures for re- search and development programs--which began in the 1950's--is an indication of the Soviet determination to pay the price of running a strategic arms race with the US. The large R&D programs undoubtedly were designed to provide the Soviet leadership with sufficient flexi- bility to fulfill their requirements for strategic forces under any foreseeable contingencies. 12. The Cuban missile crisis may have provided the USSR with an important lesson on the nature of a strate- gic.arms race. The US reacted to the "missile gap" of the late 1950's with plans for major strategic programs, principally Minuteman and Polaris. The USSR, however, did not immediately respond to the US force improvement plans so that by the fall of 1962 it found itself in a worsening strategic position. Since the Cuban crisis, it appears that the USSR has attempted to anticipate the deployment of new US weapons systems and moved to offset them. l 13. The expressed Soviet interest in discussing strategic arms limitation is probably prompted at least in part by their desire to preserve their current stra- tegic position in the face of US improvements in stra- tegic capabilities planned for the Seventies. Extension of SS-9 and SS-11 deployment and continued Soviet ABM testing may represent other-Soviet responses to US plans I for the deployment of MIRVs and an ABM system. J of Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 (b)(3) S1 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 1)(5) Q Next 12 Page(s) In Document Denied OGC/LEGL FOIA STATI NTL STATI NTL Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 BOO364ROOO1OO23OOO1-1 9 May 69 A 11 USSR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Moscow i Vietnamesocto Vietnam 2230 GMT 8 May 69 B [Text] Spe king at yesterday's session of the Paris talks on Vietnam, Tran Buu Kiem, head of the LSV delegation at the conference, pointed out new realistic proposals aimed at sebtl ng the Vietnam problem. Once more, h~ sup orted the proposal to form a provisional coalition government which will include repre ntatives of all the strata of the people. The chief of the NFLS delegation expressed hope that, during the lapse of the time from the restoration of eace to the holding of the elections, neither party will carry out measures aimed t forcing the people to Follow its own political platform. Tran Buu Kiem declared that he provisional government should carry out a policy based on the principles of pe eful coexistence. This means that this government should establish diplomatic, ec nomic, and cultural relations with many nations in the USSR, EGYPT FAVOR 1967 UN MIDEAST REUTION Malik\UN Letter Moscow TASS International Service in Englis'K 0801 GMT-'9 May 69 L [Text] New York May 9 TASS--The permanent sov t representative at the United Nations Ya;.A;;Malikpresented to the U.N. Secretary Gene3~4l U Thant a letter in connection with his report to ,the Security Council on the situati6,p in the Suez Canal zone. The. letter runs, among other things: The of the situation in the Middle East cannot be the cause of serious concern and anxiet The situation was aggravated Underlying this policy is their, striving to prevent a peace ul settlement in the Middle East, calked for by the Security Council's resolution of Nov ber 22, 1967. The top Israeli leaders are known to declare openly that the co ultations of our powers--permanent members of the Security Council--in a bid to fi d ways and means to help reach a political settlement in this area do not at all suit em. The SoVIet Union believes that these consultations may become an effi ent means of putting into life the Security Council resolution of Novemberr:22, 1967. Owing; the consultations we are ready to exert every effort to have a political set ement in the M.rdax ^- e st What is now required is to eliminate obstacles, raised on the road towards a and durable peace in the Middle East. The interests of normalisation of the si uation in th t a part of the world also call, undoubtedly, for strict compliance with the .....9Y Y.... -.. ___ n_ _. a e. __ The Soviet representative asked to circulate this letter as an official:'document of the Security Council. Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 BOO364ROOO1OO23OOO1-1 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 BOO364ROOO1OO23OOO1-1 III. 9 May 69 A 12 I Moscow TASS International Service ir. English ;725 GMT 9 May 69 L [Text`kMoscow May 9 TASS--"The Israeli extremists May Pay through the nose for their underesjmation of the changes which took place in the Middle East and the world over in the pa~two years. The Israeli extremists are trying tc wreck just peaceful settlement ih the Middle East which would take into account the interests of all peoples In that area," PRAVDA Cairo correspondent Ysvgeniy Primakov writes today. The correspondent p)a,tnts out: Analysing the i-creased aggressiveness of the Israeli military and the succ sful counteraction of the Egyptian defense, one of repre- sentatives of the top tiara circles told him that the United Arab-Republic realizes the danger of and estimation of the e-em y forces and will allow to draw it- self into no ventures. Actid* defence actions should by no means be mixed up with this. The Arabs intend to buildup their active eefence, giving up no possibility to Israel to consolidate its positi6tp on the ..ccupi~,d land." The favcurable response in the Cairo press to the statement of the U.N. Secretary General U Thant is indicative of the United Arab Republic's continued-efforts in a bid to find a political settlement of thb~,,crisis. Primakov point out; U Thant again reaffirmed that he did not intend to withd y U.N. observers from the Suez Canal Zone. The correspondent stresses that settlement of t Middle East problem depends on the Israeli leadership, first of all. In this connectkon, Primakov recalls President sasir's statement at a May Day meeting in Cairo. Tits, president stressed that "if the U.N. Security Council's resolution of November 22,` 967, was complied with, and ~ie rights of the Palestinians ensured in keeping with o er U.N. resolutions, there would be no more outstanding problems." `. PODGORNYY TO MEET CPR REPRESENTATIVE IN DPRK Seoul Domestic Service in Korean 0600 GMT 9 May 69 B This will be the 'r-. visit by a top leader of the Soviet Union to Pyongyang since P-emier Kosygin v 4':ed Pyongyang in 1965 an route to Hanoi. -fonwyang, on the Sino-Soviet boarder conflict, according to a source from Mos ov yesterday. [Ef arpt] Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR Poddorny will corner with the CPR ambassador to Pyongyang or a special envoy, who will be ent to KOMMUNIST EDITORIAL ON MARXISM-LENINISM Moscow KOMMUNIST No 6, Signed to Press 21 Apr 69 pp 3-14 L [Editorial: "A Great International Teaching"; words in slantlines published in italics] [Text] Leninism is the scientific, theoretical expression of the fundamental, universal interests of the working class and of all workers in the modern era. Continuing and developing the eaus- of ti-- founders of the scientific ideology of the proletariat, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engel?, Leninism consistently expresses the cherished hopes of the working class and of working people and corresponds profoundly and comprehensively to the chief questions dictated by life and modern historical development. The cause of the revolutionary renewal of the world and the theory and practice of socialism in our day are inseparable from the name of Valdimir Ilich Lenin. Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 BOO364ROOO1OO23OOO1-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 One of the widespread methods of struggle against Leninism is denial of its international character and international significance and the portrayal of Leninism as particularly "Russian," phenomenon, as a teaching allegedly corresponding only to Russian conditions. This slander of the bourgeois ideologists against scientific communism has acquired the force of a rooted prejudice among them; it is even shared to this or that extent by certain figures callil-ir themselves socialists and even Marxists. For example, Ernst Fischer's latest booklet, "What Marx Really Said," which is graphic proof of the author's revisionist positions and of the coincidence of his views with the ideas of traditional bourgeois, anti-Marxist pr paganda, asserts that Lenin, "proceeding from Marxist considerations,` only "adapted t I" ieory of revolution to the problems of tsarist Russia" (E. Fischer, "Was Marx;i_rklich Sagte." Vienna, 1968, page 157). This book defines Leninism as the sum of the views "of that group (Bolsheviks) which was led by Lenin within Russian social democracy and under the leadership of which the 1917 October revolution occurred." (Ibid, r1Re 158). Thus, Fischer propounds the ideas of the applicability of Leninism only in the background countries of the East with a predominance of peasant population and a>pir s to depict Leninism as one of the varieties and one of the trends of Marxism. It is common knowledge that Leninism is the Marxism:. our day, the creative development of Marxist teaching applicable to the hi:s...,rical cc_,,..tions of the period of imperialism and the transition from capitalism to socialism on a universal scale, the theory of the revolutionary activity of the communist parties: in the modern era, and the theory of building socialism and communism. Leninism is becoming increasingly widespread. Ruling the consciousness of the masses. It is difficult to find a place on the globe now where the name of Lenin would not be known--the name of the ,eat continuer of the cause of Marx and Engels--where one would not see in the prir: iples of his teaching and in the Leninist method the key to the solution of the ur;o-nt problems of social development. The international content of Marxist-Leninist teaching is determined primarily by the fact that it represents a theoretical generalization of the experience of the revolutionary struggle of the international working class and the workers of the entire world and of the achievements of progressive science, and that it reveals the general patterns of social development and arms the working class and all workers of the globe with a mighty weapon of struggle for the victory of socialism and communism, It would be absurd to consider Marxism "a West European doctrine" simply because its founders lived in West Europe. Naturally, in creating their theory of social development, the founders of scientific socialism --lied primarily on the experience of the most advanced countries of the 19th century from the ew of the level of social life and the revolutionary process. At the sam time, Ivforx and Engels made a profound study of and generalized universal history and the aggregate international experience of the revolutionary movement and took the gains of progressive science and culture into consideration. This made it possible forthem to accomplish an extremely great change in man's social consciousness and to reveal the objective laws of the historical process, outside which it is impossible to understand the specific features of the development of individual countries. Russia, to where the center of the revolutionary movement was transferred at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries by force of objective causes, became the motherland of Leninism. However, it would be absurd to consider Leninism a peculiarly "Russian" teaching on this basis. In creatively developing Marxism, V.I. Lenin was -bided by profound research into social relations not only in Russia but in the dove_:oped capitalist countries of West Europe and. the United States, and he studied and generalized the new processes in the Asian countries and the experience of the international working class and national liberation movements and the achievements of progressive science. Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Leninist ideas exert the most profound influence on the entire course of world develop- ment. Lenin's name has become the symbol of proletarian revolutions and of socialism and progress and the symbol of the communist transformation of the world. In the struggle for the victory of communism, and constantly imbibing strength to inspiration from Leninist ideas, the communist parties,--loyal to the principles of proletarian internationalism-- the workers of all countries and continents and the working people of all nations and peoples, color of skin, and race express feelings of boundless love and respect for Ilich and ascribe their best thoughts and aspirations to him. The theory and method of Leninism has been confirmed comprehensively by historical practice. Consideration of Marxist-Leninist teaching, comprehensive generalization of the practical experience of the revolutionary struggle and socialist building and of the achievements of modern scientific knowledge, and on this basis further creative development of theory--this is the law of action of all true revolutionaries and all Marxist-Leninists. Leninism, which has an international dharacter--the ideological foundation of inter- national unity and the brotherhood of the workers and their joint struggle against imperialism and for socialism and communism--obliges all communists to give a crushing rebuff to any revisionist sallies in whatever form and wherever they may manifest themselves. This is natural, for when it is a question of the principles of Marxism- Leninism, of the international ideological property of the working class, and re- volutionary theory, there are no and cannot be any "indifferent" communists. The meaning and significance of any philosophical teaching and of any sociopolitical doctrine are determined by their contribution to the general progressive development -f knowledge and by the extent and nature of their influence on social life. Leninism bias passed a comprehensive historical test in the very midst of mass historical movements, firmly entering the consciousness and the flesh and blood of the peoples and of hundreds of millions of people. The most outstanding revolutionary achievements ?f the 20th century are connected with Leninism.--the Great October Socialist Revolution, which marked a fundamental change in the history of mankind, the complete and conclusive victory of socialism in the USSR. the formation of the world socialist system, and the magnificent social and national liberation battles and victories over capitalism won by the working class and the workers. Marxism-Leninism has become the ruler of the minds of all progressive mankind and the reliable compass of scientific knowledge and the revolutionary confirmation of the new, higher forms of social order. For this very reason the bourgeois and the rlghtwing socialist ideologists are aspiring to belittle and emasculate the scientific content of Leninism and to put. their own "interpretation" on it. The anticommunists are aware that in the middle of the e')th century it is no longer possible to reject scientific sociili`sm'out of hand and t oppose Marxist-Leninist teaching openly. Hence their attempts to find "contradictions" in the integral theory of Marxism-Leninism, to split up Its component parts and various -rages of development artifically and to counterpose them to one another. A ..~nsiderable army of bourgeois ideologists--from the Trotskiyite S. Hook and the professional. anticommunist A. Meyer to the official American sociologist W. Rostow, Gather J. Bochenski, and the Jesuit A. (Shambra) as transliterated 3--are concerned c?~unterpose Marx to Lenin. They are leaning over backward, attempting to "prove" f-nat the ideology of modern communism is not only not related to the authentic views ;.f Marx, but is a "radical distortion of true Marxism." Revisionists of various stripes have chimed in actively in this numerically strong choir of outspoken` bourgeois ideologists. Acting on behalf of "true scientific communism," they are preverting and discrediting the great Marxist-Leninist teaching, theory, and practice of scientific communism. Here the enemies of scientific communism are concentrating tie fire of their criticism against Lenin and against Leninism. Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Marxist-Lenin1sts there can be no doubting the truth of the fact that the defense of the fundamental principles of the proletariat's scientific ideology and its subse- quent, development in accordance with r'ew historical conditions represents a single process. The very formulation of the question of the possibility of breaking down this process--ovren more so that of the counterposition of its elements--is a false and artificial problem. Unfortunately, a number of authors who consider themselves Marxists are .conducting an extremely fauitless discussion as to what is most important the preservation of the purity of theory, or its development. One has only to submit to this metapkbys'.cal formulation of the question, and any answer to it is ddomed in advance to one-sidedness fraught with incorrect political and theoretical. conclusions. historical. expel,:':ince shows that any underestimation of the necessity to observe the principles of revolutionary theory, the ngcessity to protect them against any distortions, loads to a "ccreative" development of Marxism-Leninism in which its very essence is emasculated. Te,principles and, method of scientific communism have been verified and corroborated by historical expos'iences, In emphasis zing the se*ientIfic substantiation of Marxist teaching, as far back as the ehd of the last centuryV.I. Lenin said that this had been demonstrated strikingly since the time of the appearance of "Dams Kapital," when on the basis of the dialectical materialist method a profound scientific analysis of tie structure and development of the capitalist formation was made. Now the correctness of scientific communism has been confirmed by the entire experience of the period of ~;c:>ansition from capitalism to socialism and the experience of the development of the world socialist system and the new socioeco- nomt:c formation. Al]. the successes of the world communist movement were made possible by the fact that its path was illumina,id by proven Maracjst-Leninist, theory, reliably guarding against a possible descent to the positions of reformism and leftist revolut.ionar?,im. The great Lenin taught that without revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary movement. Xn all their activity the QP,SU and the fraternal parties, adhering to the principles of proleta.?ian international ism, are guided by the single doctrine of Marxism-Leninism. Marxism-Leninism represents an integrated and harmonious system of scientific principles and conclusions; it is a monolithic teaching which must constantly guard itself both against attempts at reformist "softening" and against nationalist and "leftwing"-opportunist, dogmatic distortion. Marxism's theoretical principles, which constitute the indestructible bads of the entire domestic and foreign policies of the communist party and the socialist state and the scientific foundation of socialism and communism, were defended indefatigably by V.I. Lenin. Let us recall, for example, his ardent speech against the Second International's opportunist theoreti- eaLans? who distorted the Marxist ideas on the state, revolution, 4n he dictatorship of the proletariat, and against the Trc tskiyites and rightwing opportuni$ts in our countr^yo The necessity for the defense of the fundamental principles of Leninism is felt particularly sharply now. Many extrenvily important theoretical tenets of scientific communism--on the+-proletariat's historic mission, on the dictatorship of the proletar- iat and the communist party's leading a',l(, In the revolution and socialist building, on proletarian internationalism, on the content and tethods of building a new society, and others--have become the object of persistent attacks by bourgeois and revisionist ideologists, endeavoring in one way or another to emasculate the very principles of Marxism-Leninism. In these attacks the reformist ideologists generally speculate on the natural necessity to take new conditions into consideration, although it is perfectly obvig)us that a comprehensive generalizatioia of new phenomena of scientific knowledge and accial practiat is only possible tro Marxist-Leninist positions. Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 III. 9 May 69 A 15 All this explains why Leninism, which took shape in the bitter struggle on the international scene against the dogma:: of the theoreticians of the Second International and against rigntwing and "leftwinf,? opportunism, became the banner of the world working class movement in the era of the downfall of capita-ism and ti.e transition to socialism and communism. V.I. Lenin studied the development of capita-is.: not only in Russia, although by analyzing the contradictions of Russian reality he showed that their characteristic features are in principle inherent in the entire capitalist system. On the basis of a profound study of the trends of social development on a universal scale and of an analysis and generalization of the enormous factual material of the leading bourgeois countries, V.I. Lenin revealed the essence of imperialism as the highest and final stage of capitalism and also its features and natural patterns. Guided by the ideas of Marx and Engels and the practical experience of the Soviet state, V.I. Lenin: gave a Comprehensive substantiation to the p-tterns of the formation of the communist socioeconomic formation. Leninism is a new, higher stage in the development of Marxism and all its integral parts: Its philosophy, political economy, and scientific communism. V.I. Lenin developed and specified the most important ideas of Marxism on the leading role of the working class and its revolutionary port and on the dictatorship of the proletariat. V.I. Lenin enriched and specified the Marxist theory of revolution, drew a conclusion about the possibility of the victory of socialism initially in a few or even in one country alone, formulated the theory of the development of the bourgeois-democratic revolution into a socialist revolution, and developed the idea of the combination of the proletarian revolution with the national liberation struggle. V.I. Lenin revealed the natural patterns and principal features of the transitional period from capitalism to socialism and formulated the principal problems of building socialism and communism. Leninism is the property not of a single country, but of the entire international liberation movement, Under the banner of an enormous period of world development has passed which cannot be ignored and even less, excluded from world history. In their time Kautsky, 0. Bauer, and other socialist renegades in the West and the Trotskiyites in Russia mode fierce attacks on Leninism, attempting to represent it as a product of Russian "backwardness" and peasant narrowmindedness, as a theory allegedly unsuitable for the developed capitalist countries. In opposition tothe socia- reformist and Trotsklyite views, and in the course of a principled ideological struggle with them, the world communist movement has provided comprehensive grounds showing that the proletariat's scientific world outlook is a single, integral teaching formulated by Marx and Engels and subsequently developed comprehensively under the new historical conditions by V.I. Lenin. In our day scientific communism is being developed creatively by the CPSU and the other Marxist-Leninist parties. Leninism today is the combat banner and the guide to action of hundreds of millions of people creating a new life and fighting for peace, freedom, Independence, and socialism. Marxism-Leninism is the inexhaustible ideological wealth of the present-day communist movement. At the same time Marxist-Leninists do not regard their teaching as something invariable and ossified. The creative essence of Marxism-:.,eninism and its revolutionary core--dialectics--are aimed atta timely comprehension of new phenomena and processes in accordance with changing objective conditions. The further creative enrichment of Leninism is effected by the collective efforts of the world communist movement. However, this development does not proceed apart from the fundamental principles of Marxism-Leninism, but is accomplished on their pasis. Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 III. 9 May 69 A 18 USSR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS awareness into the workers of the socialist society. The CPSU is making an important contribution to resolving the urgent problems of present-day world development and of the international communist and workers movement. One example of the struggle against Leninism in our time is the slanderous accusation that it is of a "dogmatic" character. Those who hold these views propose that the "closed" (they have in mind class and party) character of Leninism must be overcome and transformed into some kind of "opek" or "general" (that is, supraclass]doctrine. Bourgeois and revisionist ideologists are of" the opinion that only this kind of manipulation is capable or insuring the so:_;,ific character and authenticity of the proletariat's ideology, Although there certain differences in the views of propagandists of "opene? Marxism-Leninism, they are united in. their offensive againtt'the fundamental principles of Marxism-LEEninism.and against its precise class bases. Communist Party spirit is a most important princlpl~ of Marxist-Leninist ideology, a principle that conditions its strength and effect ness. Scientific communism appeals directly and immediately to the working cla. and to all workers, expresses their real interests, and shows the way to the revo., ionary transformation of society. To what other social forces must elarxism-".. nism be "opened?" It is politi- cally naive to count on symiithy from the exploiter ola.sses. The popularity of and the degree to which an ideological system is speead among this or that social group or class depend primarily on the ideology=s social meaning and objectives and on how completely it expresses their real interests. Mai?xism-Leniniapc is the militant revolutionary teaching of the working class and of ~.ll worker~ll and its whole existence is aimed at the revolutbtonary overthrow of the bourgeoisiets domination and at the destruction of each and every kind of e,eploitation and repression. On the other hand the ideology of the exploiter classes is siarply directed at Sup- pression of the working masses and it serves the cause of justifying exploiatation, Here is its scoial purpose, its class objective, and its party spirit, Therefore, th clash between communist and bourgois ideologies is an expression of ,the elassbtrugg e in the world arena and of the struggle by the proletariat and all working people for the liquidation of exploiter relationships, the struggle for the social and national liberation of the peoples. As it is impossible to reconcile opposing classes and eliminate the antagonism between them, so too it is impossible to effect a synthesis of mutually opposed classes. Since the struggle for the minds and hearts of men is one of the basic forms of the class struggle, there can be no compromise, V.I. Lenin wrote, "People always have !en ,,z always will be the foolish victims of deceit and self-deception until they .ieu,:i to seek out the interests of this or that class are behind the moral, religious, political, and social phrases, statements, and promises" (Complete Collected Works, Vol 23, p 47). The class interests of the present-day imperialist bourgeoisie condition the tendentious, false, and mystifying character of its ideology. The fundamental divergence between the interests of the bourgeoisie--a historically doomed class-- and the objective requirements of social progress prompt the theoreticians of imperialism to misinterpret reality and distort the real trends of its development. On the other hand Marxism-Leninism is the scientific ideology of the working class, which is interested in a strictly object: 1e analysis of reality, in the liquidation of an form of social injustice, and in t::v cohesion of all democratic forces for a bright future. Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Marxist-Leninists are enjoined to defend and protect these positions and to guard revolutionary theory resolutely and uncompromisingly against revisionist, reformist, and dogmatic distortions and the incorporation into it of all kinds of ideological substitutes purporting to be the "latest achievements" of scientific thought. The stanch defense of Marxist-Leninist principles inherently entails the need and ability to apply and develop revolutionary theory creatively. V/I. Lenin's activity represents a model of the genuinely creative enrichment of theory Lenin liked to say that K. Marx's principal work, "Das Kapital," was the result of the study of real processes, of a wealth of facts; the same can also be said Of other 4orks by Marxism's founders. Indeed, this applies fully to the works of V:I. Lenin, who relied constantly on a meticulous analysis of social reality, the generalization of revolutionary practice in the imperialist period, and the practice of socialist building. Leninism's Strictly scientific method is profoundly hostile to the revisionists' constructions which are divorced from life, a distortion of reality, and speculative. "irelessly struggling to preserve Marxism's purity and liberating it from foul -;ppcrtunism, V.I. Lenin not only reinstated Marx's and Engels' true views, but also developed them creatively in complete accordance with the new, specific conditions and with the achievements of science and social practice. It was precisely in this way that he formulated the integrated teaching of the new type of proletarian party, enriched the Marxist theory of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the socialist state, and developed the teaching on the strategy and tactics of the proletariat's class struggle on the alliance between the working class and the peasantry in the revolutionary struggle; the ways of creating a socialist economy; the content and .-r.ethods of the cultural revolution; and the ways of building socialism and communism. Marxist-Leninist ideology is linked inseparably with life, with the practice of build- ing socialism and communism, and with the struggle of the international working class -ra =f all workers and oppressed peoples for their social and national liberation. :.pity of theory and practice, a creative appraoch to theory, consideration of changing circumstances, and the ability to generalize new phenomena--herein lie the fundamental -haracteristics of Leninism--the theoretical basis for the solution of the most complex questions of the revolutionary struggle and the building of a new society. The CPSU Central Committee resolutions on the preparations for Vladimir Ilich Lenin's birth centenary" emphasises that "the unfading active force of V.I. Lenin's ideas consists precisely In his creative development of Marxism. The Leninist attitude to theory combined in itself revolutionary creativity and loyalty to the principles of Marxism and the connection of theory With life and revolutionary practice." This Leninist tradition is continued by all Marxist-Leninists. Taking into account oa specific character of the different countries, Marxist-Leninists throughout the t,.or-ld are developing and improving collectively a single and integral Marxist-Leninist theory. r?ollawing Lenin's principles and creatively generalizing Marxist-Leninist theory, the CPSU shows the Soviet people the way to the victory of communism. In revealing the regu.;ar law-governed development from socialism to communism, the party has ubstantiated the primary significance of creating the material-technical base -f communism which insures the victory or the new system, has developed scientific t.r-incipiaS for the organization and control of the national economy at Its present stage tr- development, and has theoretically substantiated specific paths for the gradual ,teveloument of socialist statehood into a communist social self-governing state and ls: potrts for improving socialist social relationships and instilling a communist Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 The anti-Marxist fabrication that Leninism is only suitable for economically undeveloped countries is refuted graphically by life. These days any unprejudiced person can see that Leninism, its revolutionary theory, its strategy, and its tactical principles are suitable andobligatory for the fraternal parties of all countries, taking their specific conditions into account. It is well known that communists are --!ways in favor of the comprehensive consideration of the specific circumstances of one country or another and of their social, economic, and cultural traditions and conditions and against the mechanical transference of the experience of certain countries to others. It stands to reason that one cannot replace this Marxist-Leninist attitude with the idea of the necessity fdr creating "a new variant of Marxism" for this or that country, for Marxism-Leninism is a single system of scientific views expressing laws of social development which are common to all countries and peoples and the whole of mankind. There cannot be Chinese, Russian, or Yugoslav Marxism. To assert such a thing would mean surrendering to oblivion theinternational essence of Marxism-Leninism and the universal significance of Marxist-Leninist theory and adopting the position of nationalistic ideology. Let us remember how passionately V.I. Lenin opposed those who strove to "tear" socialism "asunder" into "national compartments" and how hewarned against nationalistic distortions which cause colossal damage to the interests of the world socialist revolution. The following fact is graphic evidence of the pertinence of these warnings of Lenin1s. As everyone knows, Mao Tse-tung began with the absolutization and dogmatization of Chinese experience, counterposing it to the revolutionary experience of other peoples. Thus he tried to give substantiation to Chinas particular path to revolution and to its ideological expression--"Sinicized Marxism." It could be shown originally that it was a question of applying Marxism to specific Chinese conditions. However, with the passage of time it became clear that under the flag of "Sinicized Marxism" Mao Tse-tung and his group had embarked on the road of anti-Sovietism and great-power chauvinism. Matters even reached the point of armed provocations by the Chinese authorities on the Soviet-Chinese border, which seriously damage the cause of socialism. andpeace, the common front of the anti- imper-alist struggle, and the. friendship of the Soviet and Chinese peoples. Our people constantly nurture feelings of respect and friendship for the great Chinese people. They are firmly convinced that in the final analysis the difficulties in Soviet-Chinese .r.1atons will be overcome. The Soviet people are confident of the very great power o.L pr.,le.tarian internationalism, which expresses the vital interests of the peoples of a_i countries. Naturally, every couhtry'whieh is guided by a Marxist-Leninist par :y will contribute something new to the forms and methods of socialist transformations. The practice of the socialist countries has enriched and specified the concept of the general natural laws, forms, and methods of socialist building and has shown the rich, complex, and multiform nature of the formation and development of a new system under one set or another of historically- specific conditions. The time taken for solvine:socialist'tasks and especially for the formation of mature socialism having the appropriate material and technical base and developed social relationships is not uniform for different countries; it depends considerably upon the socioeconomic level at which the socialist transformations begin. But the basic natural laws for building and organ izing socialist life are common to all. This is acknowledged by all Marxist-Leninists and is recorded in the declaration and statement of the 1957 and 1960 conferences of representatives of communist and workers parties. Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 I-I. 9 May 69 A 19 USSR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS The very nature of the working class--the wave of the future--a class whose interests coincide completely with the objective course of social development--conditions its interests in a true, all-round, and deep recognition of reality and in accelerating social progress. Only with a scientific understanding of the objective laws of history is It possible to implement the worldwide historic mission of the working class--the overthrow of the final exploiter system and the building of a new society on wise and just principles--and to direct grandiose construction consciously in all spheres of human activity under socialism and communism. Thus, any attempt to find social truth outside Leninism is a fruitless undertaking that has nothing in common with the interests of working people or of socialism and communism. The theoretical treasure house of Marxism-Leninism as a single international teaching is open to all the modern achievements of progressive scientific thought and to all Marxist-Leninist parties, each one of which makes its own theoretical contribution on the basis of its own experience in the revolutionary struggle. However, there are bourgeois and revisionist theoreticians who by hiding behind their demands for "openness" in Leninism, try to change it into a conglomeration of different ideas and concepts borrowed from the antiscientific social and philosophical doctrines that exist in our time. Those who love to introduce into Marxism-Leninism views and proposals alien to it suppose that in this way they are insuring the "up-to-dateness" of Leninism, Of course, Marxist-Leninists are constantly analyzing 'theoretically and generalizing the greatest achievements of science and technology and the process of present-day social development. Marxist-Leninists also reveal what new phenomena of social science and practice are being subjected to analysis and, moreover, falsification by the bourgeois thinkers. Here Marxist-Leninists have waged and are waging an implacable struggle against the attempts of revisionist authors to replace Marxism-Leninism with an eclectic hodge-podge made up of the latest "achievements" of reactionary bourgeois philosophy, sociology, political economy, and legal and other concepts. And the attempts in this direction are being undertaken relatively intrusively by the revisionists. Periodically schemes are proposed which are calculated to cause a sensation among people who are unexacting in the theoretical and political sense: To "supplement" Marxism-Leninism with abstract humanism, to replace the materialistic understanding of history with a "systemo-structural approach," to uncritically introduce into scientific communism sociological concepts, methods, and research principles, and so forth which have been borrowed from bourgeois theoreticians. Such an interpretation of the "openness" of the theory is rejected resolutely by Marxist-Leninists; the theory of Marxism-Leninism is /closed,/ categorically and forever, to all enemies of Leninism, whether they stand openly on the bourgeoisie's positions, or whether they hide behind socialist phraseology. Any weakening, any yielding to the ideological enemies of scientific socialism would be fraught with losses for Leninist revolutionary theory--the greatest ideological asset of the international working class. These days even many bourgeois figures have been forced to admit that socialism, created on the foundation of Marxist-Leninist theory insures accelerated economic and cultural development for all countries which embarked on its path, regardless of whether in the past they were at the stage of capitalism or precapitalism. All this, in its turn, predetermined the enormous effect of world socialism on the course of social development and the growth of the communist, workers, and national liberation movements. And now the veritable nature of the theory of Marxism-Leninism has been proved in the experience of many nations, large and small, living in various parts of the earth and the general natural laws governing the formation and development of socialist society have been elucidated. Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 111. 9 May 69 A 22 USSR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Those actions were directed toward defense of socialist Czechoslovakia's national sovereignty and against the encroachments of internal and foreign enemies on the social and national achievements of a fraternal people and toward insuring the conditions for the free development of a sovereign socialist country. The strength of the international communist and workers movement lies in its unity. The effectiveness of the struggle against the common enemy of all peoples- imperialism-- depends on the cohesive actions of all present-day revolutionary forces. Marxist-, the L?nix#i. t 99 Weir i tI.r tonal duty i.n defending ani ptpCp of world socialism and in waging a 4ptermined struggle against imperialism and on behalf of the basic interests of the working people. The international conference of communist and workers parties, which opens in. Moscow on 5 June, is destined to be an important milestone in the mobilization of the popular masses for a more active and effective struggle against imperial .sm. The recent session of the working group for preparation of the draft documents for the forthcoming conference and discussion in the preparatory commission of the draft of the main document for the conference showed the firm desire of communists of all continents for comradely cooperation and again demonstrated the growing aspiration of the communist and workers parties toward cohesiveness in the struggle against imperi-alism and on behalf of common aims on the principled basis of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism. The course of preparations for the forthcoming conference shows that, given a sincere striving toward cooperation, even the most ,,omplex questions can be solved, and this is what the vital interests of the broadest popular masses imperatively demand. The objective community of interests of the communist parties and all ranks of the world revolutionary movement are stronger than those factors causing disagreement and divergence. The condition for the coming victory of the international communist movement is loyalty to Marxism-Leninism and to the ideas of the recognized leader of the world proletariat, V.I. Lenin, who made a enormous contribut on. to formulating the communist movement's strategy and tacti-,s. Lenin raised high the banner of internationalism and educated communists and all working people in the spirit of ,international solidarity. With his characteristic revolutionary passion V.I. Lenin fought opportunism, adventurism, and narion.lism in the international workers move- ment and warned the communist parties of the danger of nationalist and revisionist ideology and policy for the fate of the revolution and socialism. Recalling their leader's behests, Marxieit-Leninists of all countries are striving to strengthen the 'unity of their ranks on the basis of proletarian internationalism. Objective-preconditions of the necessity for unity are to be seen in the fact that the ;. 27 -2Ft1. .L.seph Stalin, Mar:eam and the 3 ational Question, pp. 104-105. 10 V. I. Lenin, Selected Works, Vol. 8. li. 284. 1. Te?nin? soehineaiyy0. 3d ed., Foi. 26. ?. I1. "V- F. I. Lenin, Selected Works, Vol. 8. p. 321. Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 THE SOVIET APPROACH TO NEGOTIATION 15 2. When an attempt by the enemy, or by the Party, to advance by violent means has failed, the. conditions for an effective agreement between the Party and the enemy come into existence. In 1920, Lenin said : . . . every attempt to start war on us will mean for the states resorting to war that the terms they will get after and as a result of the war will be worse than those that they could have got with- out war or before war. This bas been proved in the case of several states. . . And thanks to this our relations with neighboring states are steadily improving.. . . Peace on such a basis has every chance of being . . . durable. . .. e 3. The Party must always expect outside groups to violate agree- men ts. In 1920, Lenin said about the policy of granting economic "concessions" to foreign entrepreneurs: Of course, the capitalists will not fulfill the agreements, say the comrades who fear concessions. That is a matter of course, one must absolutely not hope that the capitalists will fulfill the agree- ments?? These attitudes imply that a "settlement" with the Western Powers- that is, an agreement sharply reducing the threat of mutual annihila- tion-is inconceivable to the Politburo, although arrangements with them, codifying the momentary relationship of forces, are always considered. 16 V. I. Lenin, Selected Works, Vol. 8, p. 230. 20 V. I. Lenin, Sochinenipa, 3d ed., Vol. 20, p. 22. Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 From Chapter 10 by Philip F. Mos('ly in Rnyniond t enm?tt and Joseph L. Johnson I eds.). Xcgotiating With the Iturtxianx. ('opyrigbt Q 11151 by World 1'ta(-e i"ouu- tbu ion. Reprinted by Ix-rmi ion of the author. I SOME SOVIET TECHNIQUES OF NEGOTIATION* By Philip E. Mosely (I'roft'ssr,r of International Relations and Director of the Yurnpean Institute. ('ohunbiat University, former Ulrexetor, Rus~:ian Institute. Columbia university) There is a deep-seated tradition in western diplomacy that an Wee- the diploluatt, should he a two-way interpreter. Ile must present his own ,roves?nmellt's policy forcefully to the government to which he is accredited and defend the essential interests of his country. If he is to give intelligent advice to his government. he must also develop it keen insight into the policies of the government witth which he deals and become skilled in distinguishing basic interests and sentiments which it cannot disregard from secondary ones which it may adjust or limit for the broader purpose of reaching agreement. Occasionally, as in- stanced by Woodrow Wilson's criticism of Walter Mines Page, it has seemed as if individual ambassadors become too much penetrated by the viewpoint and interests of the country to which they were sent and less able to press contrary views of their own governiiients. No such problem of delicate balance in functions arises to plague the Soviet negotiator. This has been especially true since the great purge of the Commissariat of Foreign Affairs in 19:8-:9 and the replacement of Litvinov by .lfolotov in 1939. The new foreign affairs stall' was recruited among the iniddle ranks of Soviet officials, whose entire training had been based on rigid adherence to centralized deei- sions and who had rarely had inforliial contacts with life outside the Soviet, Union. The present-day Soviet representative can hardly be called a ``negotiator" in the custoniarv sense. Ile is rather treated is a nteclianical mouthpiece for views and demands formulated centrally in 'Nlostxv, and is deliberately isolated from the impact of views, in- terests and sentiments which influence foreign governments anti peo- ples. Probably the Soviet representative abroad, through fear of heinrr accnsetl of "frilling captive to imperialist and cosmopolitan influences," serves as a block to the transmission of foreign views and sentiments, rather than as a channel for coniniunit?ating them to his igoverli- m eat.... ?\nTP. aY Sracnatxlr'r STAFF.-Wrlttt?n in 19:.n- this elnenlc article deacrlbes exnert- enera with the Soviets hetww'n 1942 and 191:1. Though dated in some rc=~ncrt1. much of the analysts Is still relevant. For example: While Sovlet diplomacy has ecrtainiv become better Informed abort the nntsi le world, the rnntinutug effects of dogmatism on education. on the view of the no tside world. and on inter-tM?ronnol aril inter-national relations remain a Ms. tinetive feantre of Soviet holler making and Sorlet negottaIIon. prom 1942 t.. 11146 Mr. 31osply serve.i ns an nffi??er of flip nruartmrnt nr Stete In ealarittes inc-ading that of Advisor to the t'nited States Delegation at the Jinsenw (',in- ference, 194.1 : PallIleal Advisor to the Ameri van Dclerttlion oa the Rurnoean Advisory misslon. 1944-1945: at the Potsulam Confer.?nce. 1945: and at the meetings of the t'ound- of For-lm Ministers at London and Parts In 194 and 194G. TT,- was the T nit.'d States Representative on the Commission for the Investigattmt of the Yugoslav-itatlan Itonndarv n 1946. Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 THE SOVIET APPIIOACIf TO NEGOTIATION 13 revolution, during which our objective is the overthrow of the international bourgeoisie. . . We shah witness a succession of ebbs and flows in the revolutionary tide. For the time being the international revolutionary movement is in the declining phase; but . . . this decline will yield . to an upward surge which may in the victory of the world proletariat. If, however, it should not end in victory, another decline will set in, to be followed in its turn by yet another revolutionary surge. Our defeatists main- tain that the present ebb in 1 he revolutionary tide marks the end of the revolution. They are iiuistaken now just as heretofore . . . the revolution does not develop along a straight, continuous and upwardly aspiring line but along a zigzag path . . . an ebb and flow in the tide, . . .1i In 1927, Stalin said: The fact that the Chinese revolution has not resulted in direct victory over imperialism, this fact cannot have decisive signifi- cance for the perspective of the revolution. Great popular revolu- tions never win through to the end on their first appearance. They grow and strengthen these elves by ebbs and flow. So it was everywhere, and in Russia too. So it will be in China'' That is, major successes are often preceded by repeated failures: "We know that the transition front capitalism to socialism involves an extremely difficult struggle. But we are prepared. . . . to make a thou- sand attempts : having made a thousand attempts we shall go on to the next attempt." ". . we shall act as we did in the Red Army: they may beat us a hundred times, but the hundred and first time we shall beat them all." "Not one of the problems that we have had to solve could be solved at one stroke; we had to make repeated attempts to solve them. Having suffered defeat, we tried again.. . . " 2. It is not possible to predict how strong an "ebb" will be, and how long it will last. 3. To achieve a major advance or final victory requires a length of time commensurate to the historical importance of these events : " the aim . . . [of the Party I is radically to transform the con- ditions of life of the whole of humanity, and . .. for that reason it, is not permissible to be 'disturbed' by the question of the duration of the work." 4. A Bolshevik must always control any tendency to act inexpedi- ently after a setback : ". . a Marxist must be able to reckon with the most complicated and fantastic zigzag leaps of history. . . ." "Whatever the . . . vicissitudes of the struggle may be, however many partial zigzags it may be necessary to overcome (and there will be very many of them-we see from experience what tremendous twists the history of the revolution is making . . .), in order not to get lost in these zigzags and twists of history . . . in the periods of retreat, retirement or temporary defeat,, or when history, or the enemy, throws us back . . . the . . . correct tiling is not to cast out the old basic programs.". . . 1. The Party must never show "adventurism" in its attempts to advance; that is, it must never risk already conquered major positions for the sake of uncertain further gal us. 1s Joseph Stalin, Leninism, Vol. 1, pp. 220-222. It Joseph Stalin, Sochineniya, Vol. 10, p. 283. Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 14 THE SOVIET APPROACH TO NEGOTIATION On January 20, 1918, Len in said: It would be a quite Impermissible tactic to risk the already begun socialist revolution in Russia simply because of the hope that the German revolution will break out in a very short time. in a few weeks. Such a tactic would be adventurist. We have no right to assume such a risk.'" On January 24, 1918, Lenin discussed the proposal that war against Germany should be resumed in order to maximize the chances of the German revolution : But Germany is still only pregnant with revolution, while with us a perfectly healthy child has already seen the light of the world. a child which we may kill by beginning the war." .. . 1. 'Mastery in the skill of retreating is as necessary as mastery in the skill of advancing. In 1922, Lenin said: When It was necessary-according to the objective situation in Russia as well as the whole world-to advance, to attack the enemy with supreme boldness, rapidity, decisiveness, we did so attack. When it will be necessary, we will know how to do this again and again. . . . And when, in the spring of 1021, it appeared that the advance guard of the revolution was threatened by the danger of becoming isolated from the mass of the people ... then we resolved unanimously and firmly to retreat. And for the past year we have in general retreated In revolutionary order. Proletarian revolutions will not be able to fulfill their tasks without combining the skill in ... attack with the skill in retreating in revolutionary order.'. .. . 1. Any agreements between the Party and outside groups must. be regarded as aiding the future liquidation of these groups and as bar- riers a ainst the liquidation of the Party by them. Thus," 'Reformism,' ,the policy of agreenietit' and ` particular agreements' are different mat- ters . . . with the Mew -s agreements are transformed into a system, into a policy of agreement, while with the Bolsheviks only; particular concrete agreements are acceptable, and are not made into a policy of agreement." Thereforethere is no essential difference between coming to an osten- sibly amicable arrangement with an outside group or using Violence against, it; they are both tactics in an over-all strategy of attack. In 1920, Lenin said, with reference to Soviet plans for granting economic "concessions" to foreign entrepre- neurs: The major theme of my speech will be the proof of two points, namely, first, that every war is the continuation of the policy con- ducted in peace, only by other means; second, that the conces- sions which we grant, which we are forced to grant, are the con- tinuation of war in another force, by other means. . . It would be a great mistake to believe that a peaceful agreement about concessions is-a peaceful agreement with capitalists. This agree- ment is equivalent to war... . u V. L Lenin, Sachineniya, 4th ed., Vol. 26, p. 407. M rbid., 3d ed., Vol. 22, lpr. 201. 'I V. 1. Lenin, Sochineniya, 3d ed., Vol. 27, p. 271. V. I. Lenin, Sochincniya, 3d ed., Vol. 26, p. 6. Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 In opening negotiations with any Soviet representatives except Stalin the first problem is to discover whether the representatives have any instructions at all. To discover ii-hat those instructions, if any, are requires sitting out the whole course of the negotiation, with its de- mands, insults, and rigidities and its always uncertain outcome . .. . Soviet experts and diplomats caimot participate in an informal day- to-day exchange of information, comments and tentative recommenda- tions concerning policy. Until Moscow has sent. instructions they can say nothing at all., for they may ia-il to express the exact nuance of thinking or intention which has not. yet been formulated at the center, and transmitted to them. After Moscow has spoken they can only repeat the exact formulation given- to them, and no variation may be introduced into it unless Moscow has sent the necessary further in- structions. The "western" habit of continuous negotiation is baffling to the Soviet diplomats, who cannot undFarstand that their western col- leagues have both the opportunity and the responsibility for present- ing and even advocating policies within their own governmental operations and that, within a broadly agreed pattern of interests and purposes, they have considerable leeway in finding the most effective, and usually informal, methods of influencing their "opposite num- bers" in foreign. ministries or ernb~cssies .. . . The important network of in Formal communication among the "western" powers, as well as the moderate latitude given to their repre- sentatives, makes for a swift pace of negotiation which arouses bewil- derment and suspicion among their Soviet colleagues. Since western foreign ministries are receiving daily a flow of confidential comment on foreign views and intentions, they are forearmed with current anal- yses and can often ive necessary decisions rapidly. "Western" diplo- mats also have a substantial latitude to work out agreed positions and drafts, at least on secondary and procedural matters. Thus, their minor differences are often resolved with wh at seems to their Soviet colleagues like suspicious speed. Not believing in or not unders#andi n g the system of informal com- munication and limited individual latitude, the Soviet representatives readily fall back on the theory of "A merican dictation." It is easier for then to assert that the United States government has exerted political, military and financial pressure to force its will upon other governments than to take the trouble to analyze the. complex and, to them, unfamiliar and unbelievable system of informal communication which usually lies behind the "automatic majorities" assembled around United States proposals. They are incredible when told that such pressure is exerted only rarely and that more often agreement is reached through give- and-take of views, by which no side gets its full position and each gets a part of it. Sometimes the sole instructions with which a Soviet delegation en- ters a conference are that it is not to commit itself to anything or sign anything. . . . In some negotiations it became clear, after delivery by it of numerous charges and accusations, that the Soviet delegation had no instructions except to "report back." . . . Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 is THE SOVIET APPROACH TO NEGOTIATION Ilti far the most frequent situation is one in which the Soviet negotia- tors are bound by detailed instructions rigidly pressed. Each point. at issue, large or small, then becomes a test of will and nerves. Instead of striving t4i reduce the number of points of friction and to isolate and diminish the major conflicts of interest, the Soviet negotiator often appears to his exasperated "western" colleague to take pride in finding the maximum number of disputes and in dwelling; on each of them to the full. Even during the wartime period of relative cooperation it was noticeable that each decision to convene a three-power conference was followed by the piling up of disputes and grievances, as well as by the rapid fabrication of Soviet accomplished facts. Thus the decision to hold the Yalta Conference was followed swiftly by the unilateral Soviet recognition of the Lublin Committee as the legitimate govern- ment of Poland. While arrangements were being made to hold the Potsdam Conference, at which Poland's territorial gains in the west would presumably be determined by three-power decision, the Soviet goarernnient proceeded to turn over to Polish administration a large part of the Soviet zone This action was, of course, all assertion of the Soviet Union's exclusive role in eastern Europe, in disregard of a political agreement to determine the western boundary of Poland jointly, and in violation of the three-power agreement defining the zones of occupation in Germany. The closely related technique of playing up grievances was also well illustrated at Potsdam. Bitter and prolonged Soviet attacks upon the presence of British troops in Greece, the Dodecanese, Syria and Leb- auaon took up much time and energy. When the western negotiators had been worn down by these wrangles the Soviet negotiators could fare with greater equanimity the American and especially the British protests against the brutal assertion of Soviet hegemony in IIungary, Rumania and Bulgaria. By their tactics the Soviet, leaders had encour- aged their militant supporters in Greene, had upheld their reputation for hostility to "colonialism- in the 'Middle East, and had fought off any coordinated western program for loosening their grip on the three satellites.. . The treasuring of grievances, real or imaginary, within a cycle of themes for negotiation is paralleled within the individual negotiation by the use of disconcerting ripostes and of accusations of bad-faith. One of the most important issues which confronted the Moscow Con- ference of Foreign Ministers in October 1943 was whether the Czecho- slovak Government-in-Exile should conclude a twenty-year defensive alliance with the Soviet Union alone, or whether the building of any regional systems of postwar guarantees against a revival of German aggression should be postponed until the three major allies could re- solve the problem by joint decision. . . . Early in the discussion a con- crete issue of fact arose between Eden and Molotov. In a conciliatory fashion Eden began by saying, "I may be mistaken, but ..." Before lie could complete his sentence Molotov broke in harshly, "You are mis- taken," His abrupt riposte was effective. Eden's presentation was dis- rupted. By this tactic, and by constant accusations that the western powers were trying to rebuild a cordon Ranitaire in Eastern Europe, Molotov succeeded in evading any probing discussion of the nature and Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 THE SOVIET APPROACH TO NEGOTIATION 19 purpose of the Soviet program of building up .a security belt of its own and won British approval and American acquiescence for the first step, the conclusion of the Soviet-Czechoslovak alliance, which was signed at Moscow two months later. During the course of negotiation it is often clear that the Soviet nego- tiators are under compulsion to try for a certain number of times to se- cure each Soviet point, no matter how minor. After trying up to a cer- tain point and finding that the. demand cannot be put through the Soviet representative has often given in, only to turn to the next itein in dispute, over which a similarly prolonged period of deadlock ensues. What is not clear, however, is whether the number or duration of these tries has been prescribed in advance by instruction or whether it is left to the judgment of the individual Soviet negotiator to decide when he has built up a sufficiently impressive and protective record of having beat his head against a stone wall,. A good example of the "head-against-stone-wall" technique de- veloped rather early in the ilegot i atioris of 1945-46 over the Yugoslav- Italian boundary. At the first meeting of the Council of Foreign Ministers, held at London in September 1945, almost the only item of agreement was a brief instruction to the Deputies to the effect that the boundary "should be in the main the ethnic line leaving a minimum under alien rule,." When the Deputies began their work at Lancaster House, in January 1946, the Soviet delegation began a strong cam- paign, lasting for some six weeks of almost daily argument, to re- move the words, "in the main." The issue was fought over in long meetings of the four-power Commission for the Investigation of the Yugoslav-Italian Boundary, and from there it was carried into long, numerous and even more tense meetings of the Deputies. The three words which aroused Soviet ire were extremely impor- tant. If the boundary was to follow "the ethnic line" it would reach the sea between Monfalcone and Trieste, leaving Trieste with its large Italian majority and the coastal strip of Western Istria within Yugo- slavia. In the triangle Monfalcone-Gorizia-Trieste the ethnic boundary between Italian and Slovene villages is clearly marked and has hardly varied in several hundreds of years. On the other hand, if the bound- ary was to be "in the main the ethnic line," the Commission would have to give considerable weight to the claims of the Italian majorities in Trieste and in the coastal strip of Istria, offsetting against them the Slovene national character of several small villages in the coastal strip between Monfalcone and Trieste. If the words "in the main" were omitted it was hardly necessary to send out an investigating commis- sion at all, with its attendant. wave of turbulence, terrorization, kid- nappings and murders, and the "ethnic line", pure-and-simple, could be drawn in Lancaster House. During the weeks of intensive debate tension mounted around the green-topped table. As usual, Soviet intransigence turned the dispute into % test of staying-power. In view of the fact that public opinion still continued to regard any failure to reach speedy agreement with the Soviet government as primarily the fault of American or British "reac- tionaries," rather than attributing any part of it to the "all-or-nothing" Soviet attitude, it was not clear how long the western delegations would Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 20 THE SOVIET APPROACH TO 'NEGOTIATION hold out against the Soviet demand that the boundary issue be pre- judged one-hundred-percent in favor of the Soviet position. In an effort to win the Soviet delegation over to a compromise the Western delegations offered to remove from the purview of the boundary com- mission Fiume, the islands of the Quarnero and the primarily Yugo- slav-inhabited parts of Venezia Giulia; they did insist that the formula "in the main" be retained and that the commission be free to investigate the Italian and mixed areas within the region. Finally, "enough was enough," even for Soviet negotiators enamored of indefinite repetition, and the Deputies suspended their meetings without agreement on the terns of reference. Now, at last, the Soviet delegation had, reluctantly, to inform Mos- cow that the Western Deputies refused to budo-e on this basic issue of rewriting the formula which had been aapprovec by the Council of For- eig'rn Ministers. This put up to the Soviet government the question of taking the responsibility for an indefinite deadlock in the negotiation of the peace treaties. After two days of marking timethe Soviet delega- tion asked to have a meeting of the Deputies and proceeded, without outward resentment., to a )prove the final western-backed version of the commission's terns of reference, retaining the key words, "in the main the ethnic line." One basic factor in the Soviet decision to recede from its stubbornly pressed demand must have been that Anglo-American forces were stationed in Trieste, Pala and the Isonzo valley. If 1 ugo- slav or Soviet forces had been in possession the deadlock would prob- ably have been allowed to continue indefinitely... . One of the. main pitfalls in wartime Anglo-American negotiations with the Soviet. Union was the tendency to rely upon reaching an "agreement in principle," without: spelling out in sufficient detail all the steps in its execution. After long and strenuous debates, studded with charges, accusations and suspicions, it was undoubtedly it great relief to reach a somewhat generally worded agreement and to go home. Prodded by manifold public and party duties, anxious to prove to thernselves and to their people that current agreements and post- war cooperation with the Soviet Government were genuinely possible, faring "deadliness" with respect, to the expectations of legislatures and of public opinion, flit' western leaders often approached these negotia- tions under serious disadvantages. Wooed rather than the wooer, able to deal at leisure with the manipulation of their public opinion at bonne. faring no deadlines, the Soviet leaders had many advantages. In this situation the western powers sometimes gained the "principle" of their hopes, only to find that "in practice" the Soviet government continued to pursue its original aims. At Yalta the Soviet Government agreed, after very lengthy argu- ment and stubborn resistance, to participate in a reconstruction of the Polish Government which would, it appeared, permit the survival of some political freedom for the great non-Communist majority of the people. By delays and (]uibblings over the execution of the "agree- ment in principle" during the next few months, the Soviet. Govern- merit secured about ninety percent of the original position with which it had come to Yalta and thus strengthened beyond challenge the small Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 THE SOVIET APPROAC?3 TO NEGOTIATION 21 Communist minority in its dominant control of the country. At Yalta the Soviet Government also agreed, in return for sweeping territorial and other concessions, to deal only with the Chinese National Govern- ment as the representative of China. By turning over territory, ad- ministration and Japanese arms to Chinese Communist forces, the Russians nullified, in the areas where their forces were dominant, the principal and vital quid pro quo which they had promised at Yalta. When British, Canadian and A merican negotiators come to an "agree- ment in principle" they often haggle to a fare-thee-well over the implementation of an arrangement which may still be distasteful to each of them. However, they remain within the framework of the principle to which they have agreed, or else they frankly ask to reopen the agreement in principle and to renegotiate it on the grounds that further consideration has shown that they cannot carry it out. It has remained for the Soviet representatives to assert that they are carry- ing out "an agreement in principle" by doing just the reverse "in practice." .. . In numerous instances Soviet negotiators, even when under some pressure to reach agreement, have shown that they are in mortal terror of violating any part, minor or major, of their instructions, and are extremely reluctant to report to Moscow that they cannot get every point and every wording in their own drafts. Making recommenda- tions for even slight changes in their instructions exposes them to serious risks. It means that they consider their own superiors slightly less than omniscient. It may mean that they can be accused of giving undue weight to the viewpoint of another government and thus of "falling captive to imperialist insinuations." The result is that, even when, in a given question, the Soviet negotiator is committed to the desirability of achieving agreement, lie is unable to take any initiative in finding a reasonable meet,i n,g~ ground of viewpoints and he is usually extremely reluctant even to present to his own government suggestions for compromise or reconciliation of differences which originate in other delegations. A widespread lack of ease in using Eno-lish or French commonly adds a good deal to the difficulties of the ?oviet negotiator. One of the difficulties of Soviet-Russian vocabulary is that the word "compromise" is not of native origin and carries with it no favorable empathy. It is habitually used only in combination with the adjective "putrid." "Compromise for the sake of getting on with the job" is natural to American and British people, but it is alien to the Bolshevist way of thinking and to the discipline which the Communist Party has striven to inculcate in its members. To give up a demand once presented, even a very minor or formalistic point, makes a Bolshevik- trained negotiator feel that he is losing control of his own will and is becoming subject to an alien will. Therefore any point which has finally to be abandoned must be given up only after a most terrific struggle. The Soviet negotiator must first prove to himself and his superiors that he is up against an immovable force. Only then is lie justified in abandoning a point which plainly cannot be gained and in moving on to the next item, which will again be debated in an equally bitter tug-of-wills... . Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 22 THE SOVIET APPROACH TO NEGOTIATION The western negotiator is usually able to envisage a series of minor shifts in his own and other positions. Ile is "pluralistic" in his ap- proach to a solution, in the adjustments of democratic decision-making at home and in seeking adjustments of interests and views among na- tions. The Soviet negotiator is worried, puzzled, scornful, and sus- picious when the western negotiator tries out a series of minor varia- tions to see if the opposing positions cannot be brought closer together. To him it means only that the western representative was "not serious" in the first. place. If'he is willing to shift so quickly from his original position it must mean that he did not hold it in earnest. to begin with and than he can eventually be forced all the way over to the Soviet posi- tion, provided the Soviet negotiator will only display "principled steadfastness" long enough and vigorously enough. The western representative tends to assume that a minor concession here or there will facilitate achieving the common aim of cooperative action. He does not necessarily look for an immediate quid pro quo for each minor concession. At a later stage in the negotiation his partner will remember the facilitating concession and will yield something in turn. To him "goodwill" is both a lubricant of the negotiating process and a valuable intangible by-product. The Soviet negotiator takes a minor concession as a sign that his principles are stronger and his will is firmer than those of his opponent. He does not believe in "goodwill." Ile is trained to assume the ill-will of the "capitalist environment." If an "imperialist" negotiator asserts his will for peace, it means, at the best, that he is consciously in favor of peace but is unconsciously a tool of uncontrollable forces which work for war and for the final clash be- tween "two worlds." At the worst., it means that he is trying to deceive and gain time while mouthing words of "peace." To a Bolshevik even a momentary "loss of vigilance" may have fatal consequences. The So- viet diplomat feels himself like a traveler by night in the forest who must be constantly on the watch for the smallest sound or sight of treachery. He must be unceasingly on guard against his own human tendency to "fall into complacency" and thus to underestimate the dangers which surround both him and the regime which he serves. Soviet diplomacy is also monolithic in its method of operation and in its reactions to outside events or internal changes of stress. 'lime American practice is to subdivide authority extensirveiy, both it home and in foreign dealings.:' military mission in Moscow, trying to work out plans for military coordination, would have nothing to say about the arrangements or conditions for lend-lease.. political negotiation, aiming to preserve the freedom of choice for an East European nation, would have no relation to another mission which might be deciding which German ships should be transferred to the Soviet Union, and all of them would have no relation to a decision concerning military and economic aid to China. No such autonomy or fragmentation of authority is felt in the Soviet conduct of its foreign policy. While it is probable that little background information on policy is comimini- cated by Moscow to its representatives abroad, beyond that which they need individually in order to carry out their instruemions. it is pretty clear that underlying attitudes are communicated rapidly to them. Thus, a negotiation over the statute of Tangier bogs down in Paris: this may be a repercussion cf a crisis which has arisen in Vienna or of a note delivered in Warsaw. Bolshevist mythology is full of "chain- Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 reaction" concepts of causality. With the clumsy force of centralized wisdom it attempts to meet this .assumed universal causal interdepend- ence ("nothing is accidental") with its confidence in its own ability to manipulate events in accordance with its own Leninist-Stalinist dia- lectic, which it regards as a unique instrument for both foreseeing and bringing about the future. This is a grim picture. The Soviet negotiator is tight as a spring, deeply suspicious, always trying to exert the Soviet will-power out- ward and to avoid reflecting non-Soviet facts and aspirations inward, a rigid agent knowing only the segment of policy which he must carry out with mechanical precision. Does this mean that "negotiation" in any real sense of the term is impossible? Admitting that negotiation under these conditions is a very limited affair and very difficult and unrewarding, it may still be both possible and essential. But it requires a special approach. Naturally, a knowledge of Russian in its Soviet nuances is important. It is equally important to understand the role of the Soviet negotiator in relation to his own government and to its ideology. The Department of State has carried on a farsighted policy of equipping a substantial number of its representatives through lan- guage and area training and through service in missions in the Soviet- dominated areas to deal with Soviet problems, and as these young men mature in experience they will fill an important need. The Army and Air Force have also done a good deal along this line. In the absence of informal channels of communication with Soviet representatives it is important for an American delegation to be able to determine whether the Soviet negotiators have no instructions, have definite instructions, or merely have instructions to build up a propa- ganda position. A well equipped negotiator can go much more thor- oughly into the range of Soviet intentions if he follows the discussion in the original, without being handicapped by the opaque veil of trans- lation. In addition he should review each document exchanged or each statement made in the light of its clear rendering into Russian. It is unfortunate, for example, that many American public figures con- tinually speak of the need for an "aggressive policy" to counteract Soviet pressures, when they mean an "energetic" or "vigorous" policy. In Russian "aggressive" means only "intending to commit or engaged in committing aggression," and the colloquial American use of "ag- gressive" inevitably receives a sinister meaning in Russian translation, which is the form in which documents must be utilized by all but a handful of Soviet negotiators and policy-makers. In conducting negotiations with Soviet representatives it is impor- tant to adopt in the beginning a single clear position, one which can be upheld logically and politically during long discussions. The Soviet delegation will not report this position as the final and strongly held one until they have had a chance to attack it from all sides. Indefinite repetition of arguments must be accepted as an inevitable preparation to negotiate. The American negotiator is inclined to male a single presentation and then to become impatient when the Soviet response makes it plain that the Soviet representative either has not understood it or does not believe it. The Soviet negotiator, of course, does not be= lieve what he hears, but he listens for undertones of firmness or un- Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 24 THE SOVIET APPROACH TO NEGOTIATION certainty which tell him whether or not he is slinking the determina- tion of his adversary. Strong but controlled feeling, rather than im- patience or anger, is an effective way of giving him his answer to this question. 1lrlren a position is firmly established it is often advantageous to prepare a. special inemorandtlru, accompanied by a clear and iclio niatic translation into Russian, in Order to be sure that one's Own posi- tion is adequately reported to Moscow, the only spot at which new instructions are likely to be initiated. Oral statements of position may or may not be r-ejxn?te(l, but it is probable that every bit of written material is carefully transmitted. If some part of the' English nienio- randunr does not lend itself to clear rendering into, Russian, it is useful to rewrite the English version until it can he rendered without am- biguity, for while Russian can express any thought, it, does not lend itself flexibly to a literal rendering of ill English concept or phrase. Once a position has been worked out, the iron-Soviet negotiator must. be prepared to uphold it in detail, and for a long time. The technique of constantly trying out variant, versions, which works well in the western style of negotiation, only confuses the Soviet representative, who suspects some new trick in each new variant and must. subject each in turn to exhaustive interpretation. Constantly modifying one's posi- tion of- the way in which it is expressed menus also that. the Soviet negotiator is at a loss to know what version is based on bed-rock and should therefore be reportedto Moscow. Even slight shifts in position or wording increase his belief that the adversary's position is a shaky one and thus encourage him to hold out that much longer for the full Soviet position. Western negotiators are usually in a position to accept slight adaptations, but even the slightest variation must be reported back to Moscow for decision there. Since western negotiators are generally free, in the light of previous instructions and their knowledge of their governments' overall policies, to comment at once on new proposals or statements made during the course of negotiation, they often assume that Soviet negotiators have a similar latitude and accordingly press them to express their views. When so pressed, the Soviet negotiator is always free to raise innuiner- able objections and criticisers. He is not free to express concordance with any part of a proposal on which lie has not received instructions from Moscow. Even the "program statements" of Soviet negotiators must be reviewed or written in Moscow before they can be delivered, and therefore Soviet statements at conferences often seem to have little relation to the immediately preceding statements of other delegations. When It negotiation is actually under way, it is useful to avoid press- ing the Soviet delegation to commit itself on a new proposal or draft. During the active negotiations carried on in the European Advisory Commission. whenever a new proposal or even a redraft was first, pre- sented, it was my habit to ask questions which would clarify its mean- iirg and implications and then to take the Initiative. even if I had adequate instructions, in saying that, I would have to consult my gov- ernment before commenting on it, thus relieving the Soviet delegation of the onus of either declining to comment on it or else of building up a whole series of negative statements against. the proposal. Then, out occasions when I had instructions on the new point at issue, I would go at once to the Soviet delegation and inform its members in detail of the American position. This meant that .Moscow had before it, at the: Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 TIIE SOVIET APPPOACI TO NEGOTIATION 25 same time, the proposal and the American position on it. When there was a certain underlying desire to reach agreements, this procedure was often effective, or so it seemed, in reducing the number of diver- gences by providing full. background on the problem before Moscow had taken a firm position, which could later be modified only by a long and exhausting tug-of-wills. Such informal discussions, conducted in Russian, also offered an occasion for learning or sensing the often un- foreseen Russian objections and suspicions and for attempting to remove or alleviate them at an early stage. When stating a position it is well to be sparing in the use of gen- eral or broadly stated principles, and when such principles are an essential part of the position it is necessary to remember that they are not shared by the Soviet negotia+tor. Broad statements of prin- ciple can, however, be effectively anchored in the historic experience of one's own people and, expladiied in that setting, they can have a certain impact on Soviet thinking. Soviet policy-makers may then accept them as a fact which mu,4 be taken into account, even though they do not believe in them or share theirs. Wherever possible it is more useful to state one's position in terms of a definite material interest, is in the case of the question of Bul- garia's obligation to provide reparation to Greece and Yugoslavia. Soviet-trained negotiators pride themselves on identifying material interests and can therefore more readily visualize them as facts to which a certain adjustment can be made.. . . Is it worthwhile to dwell - on these experiences or to talk about negotiating at all? Even during the wartime alliance against the common menaces of Germany and Japan negotiations with the Soviet government were extremely dif tcult and frustrating, and, aside from the advantage of having established the United Nations, even before the end of the war, as a "forum for the opinions of mankind," none of the wartime agreements on postwar cooperation has worked out as was hoped, even against hope. Since the war the Soviet govern- ment has striven by all the means in its extensive arsenal to gain and retain every advantage for its sidle, regardless of the fact that thereby it quickly dissipated a very large reservoir of good-will and aroused the deep alarm of all nations which lay beyond its direct control. In a period of Soviet expansion and of hope for further expansion, negotiation could have only the purpose of confusing and dividing the nations which opposed its pressure, and since the war the Soviet purpose in negotiating has not been to reach agreements with strong opponents but to intimidate weaker and adjacent countries and to undermine the stamina of its principal potential adversaries. Protected by two oceans and remote from the direct origins of previous world wars, Americans have been accustomed to ignore the rising storm and then, once it had burst upon them, to work solely for victory over the immediate menace. Thus, they tend to feel a sharp dichotomy between "war" and "peace." When at peace they are reluctant to think of the possibility of war. When at war they concentrate solely on winning the war, as if it were a grim football match, and refuse to worry about the peace which is the goal of war. Through Lenin and Stalin Soviet thinking has fully absorbed the Clausewitz maxims that ivitional strength and strong alliances determine the effectiveness of national policy in peace, and that in Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 26 THE SOVIET APPROACH TO NEGOTIATION war one must never lose sight of the aims of policy for which it is waged. To the Soviet -way of thinking, conflict is inherent in the development. of "capitalist." society, and cannot be wished out of exist- ence byy "subjective good-will." within this ongoin * history of conflict, however, Soviet tactics and techniques are not inflexible. Soviet policy towards the outside world has varied markedly during the past thirty-four years. True, the out- ward pressure of Soviet power has marked and !;eared the post-194-5) Sears and the building of a reliable counterforee is only now under way in Europe. The outline of It similar counterforce cannot yet be discerned in Asia. In western policy the building of "positions of strength" and the use of negotiation must go hand-in-hand. Building of strength and negotiating cannot be regarded as alternatives or as opposites. They must be teamed. Negotiation without strength and determination behind it is frustrating, dangerous and may be suicidal. On the other hand, when strength has been built, refusal to negotiate may precipitate a colossal struggle, which would be fought as it cruel civil war in many parts of the world.-the very conflict which western strength is beinm fashioned to avert. For the tinie%eing negotiation of those issues which are negotiable between the Soviet Union and the west is, generally speaking, in abeyance. But the art of policy will be to recognize, from a position of strength, future potentialities of negotiation, not with an expectation of bringing about a lasting or worldwide relaxation of Soviet ambitions, but as a means of alleviating individual sources of tension and thus of strengthening the free world. And if negotiation must go in harness with consistent and purposeful building o? strength, the art and to_ch- nique of international dealings must also he broadened to take full account of the peculiar character of the Soviet approach to negotiation. Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 [From Sketches From Life Of Men I Have Known. Copyright Q 1959, 1961 by Dean Acheson. Harper and Brothers ; and from "On Dealing With Russia : An Inside View," The New York Times Magazine, April 12, 1959. Copyright Qo by The New York Times Company. Reprinted by permission.] ON DEALING WITH RUSSIA By Dean Acheson (Former Secretary of State) ROLE OF NEGOTIATION IN SOVIET STRATEGY* Why is it that so many of us who have dealt with Russian officials find that personal recollections are pretty much restricted to anecdotes, sardonic or ridiculous, to discussions, frustrating and boring ? It is, I think, because no real personal relations are possible. Either those Russians with whom we have had to deal do not dare open their minds, or those who dare have nothing in them to disclose. Sir William Hayter, formerly British Ambassador in Moscow, has come to the same conclusion. With individual Russians, he has written in the London Observer (October 2, 1960), it is not "possible to estab- lish any kind of lasting or genuine personal relationship," and with "the real rulers of Russia ... it was the distressing experience of all Ambassadors that these great men had no more to say in private than in public; the same series of gramophone records was played on every occasion; nothing emerged from these private conversations that could not just as well be gleaned from the pages of Pravda." It seems almost as though Russians going abroad went to a school of dialectics, where naturally coarse manners were made intentionally offensive, and where the students were trained in a technique of in- tellectual deviousness designed to frustrate any discussion. For in- stance, if one is inexperienced enough to be involved in discussion of the merits of free thought, free expression, and a free press, the riposte is that our information media are owned and used by the imperialist- monopolists to poison and misinform the masses. How much better the wise parent who forces his children to speak the truth by punishing them when they tell falsehoods. Even better, we are told, is the Soviet government which makes the truth so abundantly available to all citizens that there is no need or place for private versions and perver- sions of it. This same pattern of thought can be applied to elections, in which the same benevolent Soviet system safeguards the ingenuous elector from the misguidance of self-interested and ambitious men, by permitting only one candidate--- -in other words "the best man." After a few evenings of this sort of talk, anything is preferable. In official negotiations the methods employed have a common root. My discovery of it, and consequent saving of my sanity, I owe to Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 28 THE SOVIET APPROACH TO NEGOTIATION Averell Harriman. Toward the end of the war I found myself the head of an American group negotiating with a Russian group for the delivery and payment of some war surplus property when hostilities should sto . After the third meeting it dawned on me that the Russians were merely repeating the same things and that we were getting no- where. I disclosed m ? frustration to Averell, our Ambassador then to Moscow, who was in Washington for consultation. "Take a few days' recess,"-he advised, "then meet., give them a paper with your proposal, explain it, and recess again. This will enable them to cable Moscow and get instructions." Ile explained that none of our oral proposals had been sent to Moscow, since to have done so would have opened the sender to charges of being impressed by what we said, but that a written proposal was another thing. This had to be reported. To suppress it would be to assume responsibility which also could lead to criticism. This advice worked. The negotiations got nowhere ; but they ended, of which there had seemed to be no possibility before. Mr. Vyshinsky was not a formidable opponent. He was not equip ed, as is Khrushchev to use debate, discussion, and negotiation for their chief function in Soviet strategy. Unfortunately what this function is, is ill understood in non-Communist countries. I have heard people who should know better, including a head of government, say happily. "As long as we keep them talking, they're not fighting." Nothing could be more untrue: they are fighting. They are adopting a tactic specifically prescribed by Lenin to delay the crises while demoralizing and weak- ening the enemy. To our minds international conferences and interna- tional negotiations are so completely means for ending conflict that we are blind to the fact that they may be and, in the hands of experts, are equally adapted to continuing it. In the present century the Soviet state s perfected the use of negotiation, including negotiation by mass conference, as a method of warfare. this use long antedates the Communists. A classic example is the negotiation conducted at Canton by the Chinese with Lord Napier of Merchiston, representing the British government, in the 1830's, as brilliantly told by Maurice Collis in Foreign Mud.' The similar use of negotiation by the Communists at Brest-Litovsk in 1917-1918 and Panmunjom in 1951-1953 was worthy of the model. negotiation, in the classic diplomatic sense, assumes parties more anxious to agree than to disagree; parties who are, therefore, willing to make concessions in determining what shall be agreed upon. But, as a friend put. it, Americans in recent. years have come to see three ele- ments in the process of negotiation. There is the element of the high school debate, in which the judges are the newspaper columnists and the Asian and African leaders are the audience. In other words, this element stresses the impression made by the negotiation, often a con- trived impression, as in the Geneva Summit Meeting of 1955, rather than its outcome. The second element is the Yankee horsetrade. Here the emphasis is on outmaneuvering the opponent, on the game, rather than on any importance of the game. The third element is the evangelical one of a revival meeting. Take the sawdust trail to salvation or suffer damnation in the fires of a nu- clear hell. "There is no alternative to negotiations with the Russians'' Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 THE SOVIET APPROACH TO NEGOTIATION 29 is the constant theme of a well-known columnist and a prominent polir- tician in this country and of a large section of the British Labour party. This is, of course, silly. For if there is no alternative, and if the Russians will only negotiate, as is now the case on their own terms, then there is no alternative to surrender. But there plainly is an al ternative, which is by action to change the attitude of the other party. Negotiation should not be, as some conceive it, mere talk apart from action. Negotiation and action are parts of one whole. Action is often the best form of negotiation.. It affects the environment, which in large part is likely to determine the outcome of negotiation. The sputniks were powerful moves in negot.ialion; so was the Marshall Plan. Mr. Khrushchev at the 1960 Paris Summit Meeting, as at the New York General Assembly, was affecting the environment of international rela- tions. He was using conference and the forms of negotiation as an instrument of war. True negotiation with the Russians, when and how it can occur, has been admirably summed up by Sir William Ilayter in the excellent article already mentioned : Negotiation with the Russians does occur, from time to time, but it requires no particular skill. The Russians are not to be persuaded by eloquence or convinced by rea- soned arguments. They rely on what Stalin used to call the proper basis of international policy, the calculation of forces. So no case, however skilfully deployed, however clearly demonstrated as irrefutable, will move them from doing what they have previously decided to do; the only way of changing their purpose is to demonstrate that they have no advantageou alternative, that what they want to do is not possible. Negotiations with the Russians are therefore very mechanical ; and they are probably bet- ter conducted on paper than by word of mouth. POSSIBLE PITFALLS ON TtFE WAY TO TIIE SUMMIT * There is a good deal of folklore, about on the subject of negotiating with the Russians... . We are told, for instance, that since only Mr. Khrushchev can make decisions for the Russian Government, meetings at lower levels are foredoomed to failure; therefore, on to the summit. Again, that "the tragic experience of Geneva in. 1955" came from "a grandstand con- ference," and that this summer's meeting should be held in private. . . Is it true that the only way to work anything outwith the Soviet Government is by conference with the. top man and his staff? The answer is that it depends on what one is trying to work out. Mat- ters as complex as the concerting of military and supply operations on a vast scale during a world war did require this method. Yet the method, as method, contributed nothing to real agreement on the solution of Eastern European questions. On the other hand, in 1949, arrangements for the ending of the blockade of Berlin were agreed to without meetings at any level. It depends on what the Russians. find it in their interests to do. Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 30 THE SOVIET APPROACH TO NEGOTIATION Let us have a closer look at the events of 1949. After the coup in Czechoslovakia, Stalin had decided in Khrushchev's later phrase, to cut out the "cancer" of Berlin. So, ?ollowin the reform of Vest. Ger- man currency, a serious problem for East Germany, the blockade of Berlin began in 1948. The United States r ponded with the airlift (which probably would not work today) and by a counter-blockade of East Germany. The Russians became the losers both in Germany and in their general propaganda position. Then, at the end of January, 1949, the Soviet Government published answers by Stalin to questions submitted by a newspaper correspond- ent. One of these questions and its answer were most interesting. The question was whether the Soviet Government would raise the block- ade if the Western powers agreed to postpone the formation of a West German state. pending a meeting of Foreign Ministers to consider the problem of Germany as a whole. The answer given to this is worth quoting in full : Provided the United States of America, Great Britain and France observe the conditions set forth in the third question, the Soviet Government. sees no obstacles to lift- ing the transport restrictions on the understanding, how- ever, that transport and trade restrictions introduced by the three powers should be lifted simultaneously. Officers in the State Department believed that this might be a signal that the Soviet Government was ready to discuss an end to the blockade and counter-blockade. It was decided that the Secretary of State, in a press conference, should give a signal back. This took the form of a bland discussion of the questions and answers in the Stalin interview. No great importance was attributed to them. It was pointed out that the formation of a West German Government could hardly be a cause of the blockade since it had not been thought. of when the blockade was imposed and was not immi- nent at the time. Certainly the measures taken in response to the blockade would end when it did. Finally, there were these two para- graphs : There are many ways in which a serious proposal by the Soviet Government to restore normal interzonal communications and communications with and within Berlin could be made. All channels are open for any sug- gestions to that. end. The United States, together with the other Western occupying powers, wold, of course, con- sider carefully any proposal made to solve the Berlin problem consistent with their rights, their duties, their obligations as occupying powers. As I say, all of the normal channels are open. I hope you will not take it amiss if I point out that if I on my part were seeking to give assurance of seriousness of pur- pose, I would choose some other channel than the channel of a press interview. At the same time, a senior diplomatic officer attending a United Nations meeting was instructed to say quite casually to a senior Rus- sian officer at the same meeting that he had been interested in the Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 THE SOVIET APPROACH TO NEGOTIATION 31 answers recently in the press and wondered whether they suggested anything more than the strict words of the text. The Russian officer had no information; but if he learned anything he would pass it on. In a week he did, equally casually. The answer had been very carefully prepared in Moscow. If the American officer had any specific question the Russian would do his best to get an answer. Thus began a protracted and highly secret negotiation. The very fact that secrecy was preserved was to each of the parties a sign of the good faith of the other. In the end, it was agreed that the blockade measures on both sides would be ended, a Foreign Ministers meeting convened on the German problem, and no obligation incurred to post- pone action on a West German Cove?nment since there was plenty of time for the meeting to be held before, in the normal course of events, any further steps would be taken. As the negotiations finished, other parties were brought in; they approved the plan and joined in the announcement. The conference of Foreign Ministers which followed took weeks and accomplished almost nothing. It was an exercise in propaganda over Germany. The Russians had exhausted their capacity for adjust- ment, and further progress must -await the development of new realities.. . This brings us to the second of the illusions we have mentioned about negotiating with the Russians. This is contained within the be- lief that it is possible to have "private" and not "grandstand" confer- ences of heads of governments. President Eisenhower does not share this illusion. "It is rather dif- ficult," lie said recently, "to visualize such a thing. If you meet with a group of world leaders, it is rather hard to keep the spotlight off of it." And how does one talk informally with "batteries of interpreters and recorders and all that sort of thing? It would almost inevitably change, I think, into something rather formal." The illusion, however, goes deeper than the belief that it is possible to keep these meetings private and out of the spotlight. It goes to a misconception of the role of these meetings in the Russians' strategy of negotiation. The purpose of these meetings to them is not, through discussion of a subject, to reach a resolution of it or an accommodation regarding it. These meetings are acts in themselves which are intended to affect the relative positions of the parties. The Soviets negotiate by acts and not by debate, offer and counter- offer. Their purpose may be to separate allies, or to undermine gov- ernments with their people, or to win over uncommitted peoples. Or it may be, as in "the tragic experience of Geneva in 1955," to bring a sense of relaxation, goodwill and security, before some energetic of- fensive such as Soviet intervention in the Middle East. Publicity is the lifeblood of such an operation. It is not merely, as President Eisenhower thinks, that a meeting of world leaders attracts the spotlight. It is that the purposes of the Russian leaders demand the spotlight, for the spotlight makes an act out of a speech. Here, too, the Soviet leaders have built-in advantage, for the spot- light shines brilliantly throughout the Free World and stops at the Iron Curtain which rings their own. Their opponents and all who may support or sympathize with them are open and eager to be worked upon. But the Communist people are immune from any counteroffen- Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 32 THE SOVIET APPROACH TO NEGOTIATION sine, and hear only what their rulers wish them to hear. The dice are loaded in this game. The conclusion is not, of course, that the Western powers must not go to these conferences. But it is an illusion to expect much from them, or to identify them with the process of negotiation. in the usual sense of the word. They should be recognized for what they are: dangerous and highly mobile adversary operations .. . We can and should be ready, as we have been on occasions in the past. to use ingenuity in devising ways to give the Soviet Union rea- sonable assurance. of its own security and demonstrate our willingness to remove causes of anxiety, if an, there really are. The [arms con- trol) negotiations at Geneva over the past years have had this purpose. But one thing we should never do. That is to undermine the security of Western Europe-and with. it the best hope we have for avoiding resort to nuclear war-by destroying the possibility of developing such a strong defensive position on the ground in Europe that any aggressor contemplating a move against it must contemplate an at- tack on so large a scale that nuclear war would almost certainly re- sult. Only such a situation makes strategic nuclear power a credible threat and an effective deterrent.... Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 [From Soviet Policy Towards International Control of Atomic Energy. Copy- right ? 1961 by University of Notre Dame Press. Reprinted by permission.] THE GAMESMANSHIP OF INTERNATIONAL NEGOTIATION By Joseph L. Nogee (Professor of Political Science, University of Houston) The problem of international control of atomic energy is distinctly propitious as a case study in Soviet diplomacy. Not ony is it a prob- lem that is now a closed subject, but it is one which permits examina- tion of Kremlin policy on a vital issue from beginning to end. The choice between a national or international atom, so important in the middle and late 1940s, was a dead issue in the early years of the next decade : Soviet science and the cold war had permanently nationalized the atom. Secondly, the topic is one that contains more than its share of the drama that is inherent in any problem of such magnitude. The Baruch Plan was almost as revolutionary in its political implications as the plan for controlled atomic fission-a formidable challenge which had to be faced. Whatever course of action Premier Stalin followed in- evitably portended momentous consequences in view of the key position of the Soviet Union in world affairs. Thirdly, a relatively complete body of documentary evidence on this subject is both available and accessible to the scholar at the present time.. . One of the most important features of Soviet policy toward inter- national control of atomic energy was its duration and consistency. Given the deep-rooted nature of the Soviet aversion to internationaliz- ing any segment of Russia's economy, it remains a question why the Soviet Government did not reject the proposals in toto in 1946 instead of engaging in an eight-year debate with the object of defeating the proposals? In other words, why was the Soviet rejection of interna- tional control of atomic energy an indirect instead of a direct one? To broaden the question, of what importance was the prolonged series of negotiations in the Atomic Energy Commission, General Assembly and Disarmament Commission in the promotion of Russian national interests? Along with the leaders of every major nation, the Soviet elite recog- nized the world-wide pressure of public opinion for some form of control against use of atomic bombs. Premier Stalin himself com- mented that "the desires and conscience of people demand that the use of atomic energy for war-like purposes be prohibited." 1 Andrei Gromyko gave expression to this same force in his opening speech be- fore the Atomic Energy Commission when he said : Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 34 THE SOVIET APPROACH TO NEGOTIATION If we continue to use these discoveries for the production of weapons of macs destruction we may intensify mistrust between states and keep the people of the world in continual anxiety and mistrust. Such a position would work against the aspirations of the pace-loving peoples who are thirsting for the establishment of a solid peace and who are making every effort to endure that their aspirations shall be transformed into reality.' The Soviet Union, which purported to bare its foreign policy upon popular aspirations for peace and security could no more afl'or(l to neglect world opinion on this subject than could any other major nation. At the very least it had to pay lip service to this popular ex- pression. . The negotiating techniques of the Soviet Union in the United Na- tions were, however, considerably more complex than merely paying lip service to a universally accepted ideal. And Soviet objectives in negotiating control of atomic energy were more ambitious than solely digging the grave for international control. Considerable. attention, in fact, was given by the Soviet Government to the United Nations debate to promote Soviet interests. While Soviet atomic energy policy did vacillate at times and appeared at moments confused and inconsistent. there was a broad pattern of objectives and tactics which over the eight-year period of atomic energy negotiations was both consistent. and positive. Over the past decade, as negotiations for disarmament replaced negotiations for international control of atomic enery, these same objectives and tactics have dominated Soviet diplomacy'-' The over-all motivation of Soviet behavior in atomic energy negotia- tions was to mobilize world public opinion favorable toward the Soviet Union. For their purposes the Soviet leadership divided world opinion into roughly three segments : the communist world, the Western world and that segment not encompassed by either, which can be labeled neutral public opinion. Each segment, of course, required the use of a different set of tactics, or more accurately, a stress of one particular technique over another to meet the requirements of the different objec- tives for the communist, Western and neutralist segments. Broadly speaking, the Soviet objective in atomic energy negotia- tions vis-a-vis the communist world was to reinforce anti-Western feeling by emphasizing the aggressive intention of the United Stites and England. Toward the Western nations the Soviet representatives were more. concerned with using the negotiations to put pressure on the United States to renounce use of the bomb. Soviet efforts to in- fluence the neutralist nations were primarily aimed at justifying the Soviet proposals and seeking United Nations approval-at least in principle-of Soviet atomic energy policy. Some of these objectives and the tactics used to achieve them were incompatible and there were times when Soviet policy did not seem to be consistently seeking any recognizable objective. For example, many of Miolotov's or Vyshinsky's vitriolic speeches, which were directed primarily to the ears of the pro-communist world, so irritated the vast. majority of United Nations representatives that some neutralist na- tions which might have given some support to the Russian proposals were alienated ; and, some of the Soviet propaganda eharzes against the United States were so palpably untrue that they had the effect of discrediting some of the more reasonable Soviet claims. Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 THE SOVIET APPROACH TO NEGOTIATION Jv The major proposals advanced by_the Soviet Government were not meant to be taken literally. They were too extreme to be accepted by the majority. They exceeded even Soviet expectations. Their purpose was to put the Soviet Union in a position from which it could bar- gain-i.e., in a position from which it could gain concessions by offer- ing concessions. Many of the Soviet resolutions and speeches had no relevance at all to negotiating in the conventional sense of a give-and- take in negotiation. These were designed only to convey and reiterate a propagandistic theme-e.g., that the Soviet Union stood for the absolute prohibition of atomic weapons or that the United States was planning to attack the Soviet Union. The Soviet representatives were not directly concerned about the truth or falsity of their statements before the various United Nations commissions and committees. What concerned them was the effect of what. they said on the attainment of their objectives. They were interested in creating attitudes. They were not interested in sounding out the extent of Western demands and then attempting to reconcile these demands with those of the Soviet Government. The distinction between communist, Western and neutralist areas of opinion which the Soviet representatives sought to influence is par- tially arbitrary. Rarely were Soviet propaganda efforts at any one time directed at only one area. The differing demands of each area had tobe met continuously in every organ of the United Nations where international control of atomic energy was under debate. One of the important features of the way Soviet atomic policy in the United Nations was carried out was the general uniformity of presentation before all the various orggans where the subject was de- bated. In general, there were no significant differences in the content and tone of Soviet speeches made before the General Assembly and its committees, the Security Council or the Atomic Energy Commission and Disarmament Commission and their various working committees. One might have expected a difference in approach to correspond with the different functions of the various United Nations bodies. The smaller working committees of the Atomic Energy Commission and Disarmament Commission, for example, were designed to facilitate an exchange of information and to reconcile conflicting points of view. When issues came before the larger United Nations organs-including the Atomic Energy Commission and Disarmament Commission-these objectives ordinarily gave way to attempts to enlist general support for or to justify a nation's policy. However, the general procedure for the Soviet representatives was to present the same kind of speeches before every body, large or small. Wherever they had the opportunity, the Soviet representatives utilized the smaller working groups to give the same long, tendentious, and hostile speeches that they gave before the Security Council or General Assembly. It is, therefore, possible to analyze the over-all objectives sought by the Soviet representatives without identifying these objectives with a particular United Nations body or limiting them to a particular period of time. Soviet representatives used the atomic energy negotiations principally for the attainment of five objectives. They were: (1) To reject the American atomic energy proposals without appearing to do so. Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 36 THE SOVIET APPROACH TO NEGOTIATION (2) To link Soviet policy with popular aspirations throughout the world. (3) To portray the policies of the Western bloc-and the United States in particular-as aggressive. (4) To prevent the United States Government from using its atomic superiority to gain political advantages. (5) To stall for time. ' oward the attainment of each of the objectives the Soviet repre- sentatives utilized a specific set of tactics which they considered most relevant. Often one particular tactic served more gran one objective. One such case was the Soviet use of parliamentary tactics of diversion which served not only to stall for time, but fitted in with the Soviet goal of rejecting proposals without appearing to do so. As noted above, some of the taut ics designed to facilitate one particular objec- tive hindered the attainment of other objectives. . These five objectives constituted the esoteric goals of Soviet atomic energy negotiators in contrast to the exoteric 3 goals stated on the face of the Soviet proposals. It is not likely that these objectives were for- mulated at one time in any systematic manner; but the postwar record of atomic energy negotiations reveals that the Soviet representatives worked priniarify and consistently toward these ends. Moreover, it is quite clear that These same tactics have been an integral clement of all Soviet disarmament negotiations over the past fifteen years. With the changing subject matter of course, some goals have changed. No longer, for example, do the Soviets need to stall for time to build an atomic stockpile. New objectives have replaced some of the old. More recently Soviet negotiations have been directed toward a weakening of the NATO alliance system by encouraging dissension among the Western powers and by preventing the arming of NATO forces with nuclear weapons. It is clear that the lessons of the first eight postwar years apply to the east decade and a half. "Gamesmanship' is perhaps too facetious a term to describe the intensely serious contest in propaganda and psychological warfare that. characterized Soviet-Western negotiations toward international control of atomic energy. But it does serve to emphasize several ele- ments of this contest. Like most contests atomic energy negotiations were undertaken for stakes. In this case the stakes were political gain. Also like most contests there were certain rules to the game. . . . Un- like most contests, the rules by which this diplomatic contest was carried on were rarely-if ever-publicly delineated. Nor were the Soviet objectives ever publicly described. If the Soviet Union had announced that its primary objectives were not prohibition and international control of atomic energy, but a re- jection of control proposals, a discrediting of the United states and a stall for time, the attainment of these unexpressed goals would have Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 [From No J. Lederer (ed.), Russian Foreign Policy: Essays in Historical Per- spective. Yale University Press. Copyright ? 1962 by Yale University. Re- printed by permission.] TECHNIQUES OF NEGOTIATION By Gordon A. Craig (Professor of History, Stanford University) Despite the relative lateness of their admission to the Western dip- lomatic community, Russian rulers and their ministers were not slow in appreciating the importance of negotiation and mastering its tech- niques. Thera is no entirely satisfactory history of the origins and early evolution of Russian diplomat .y ; but it is clear from what accounts we possess that at an early stage the court of Muscovy carried on negotiations with the khans of Asia and the caliphs of Bagdad; and in the time of Ivan III diplomacy was as frequently used as war in adjusting Russia's relations with the Golden Horde* and the Tartars of the Crimea. That prince was, ilideed, engaged throughout his reign in continuous negotiation, not only with his nearest neighbors but also with the papacy, the Hapsburgs, the king of Bohemia, and the Danish court, and he was reputed to be skillful in negotiation with ambas- sadors from abroad, a reputation supported by the successes of his diplomacy.' Russian relations with the West in this early period were inter- mittent but of increasing scope; and by the middle of the sixteenth century the court of Moscow found it expedient to coordinate the activities of the many Greek, Italian, and other agents working for it in the West by establishing a primitive foreign office, the Bureau of Ambassadors. As the ambitions of the rulers grew, and as their eyes began to turn to areas dominated by the Turks and the Swedes, they availed themselves of those coalition-making capabilities of negotia- tion of which Callieres was later to write, and sent envoys to seek alliances and other forms of aid in Vienna and Berlin, in Venice and Madrid, and in London, Paris, and the Hague.2 Before the seventeenth century was over, the obvious advantages of continuous contact with foreign courts had led to the establishment of the first permanent missions abroad,3 and this process was pushed further by Peter the Great and by Catherine, whose policy was oriented to the West and who participated actively and profitably in the complex play of dip- lomatic maneuver that filled the eighteenth century... . ' J. L. I. Fennell, "Russia, 1462-1583," New Cambridge Modern History, 2 (Cambridge, 1958), 5361!. 2Histoire do la Diplomatie, ppublide sous le direction de M. Potlemkine [Potemkin] de I'Acaddmle des Sciences de l'U.R.S.S., trans. from Russian, 3 vols. (Paris, 1946), 1, 220 f. S Otto Krauske, Die Entwickelung der etiindigen. Diplomatic vom 15. Jahrhundert big zu den Beechiilseen von 1815 and 1818 (Leipzig. 1885), p. 144. Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 been jeopardized.4 The Soviet "game" then, was for the most part subtly played. It had to be subtle to be convincing. Where Soviet tac- tics were not subtle, they risked exposure and thus the defeat of the Soviet objectives. ? An incident reported by Frederick Osborn. concerning America's atomic energy negotia- tions during 1947-1949, provides an interesting example of the Soviet attitude toward atomic energy negotiations. Before Andrei Gromyko was scheduled to return to Moscow In 1949, Osborn asked him if the two of them could not sit down together and go over atomic energy matters before Gromyko left, in order to break the deadlock that had developed over the past few years. The American representative expressed the opinion that Gromyyko was sincere in his desire to find a solution and that the Soviet representative trusted Osborn's sincerity. Together, said Osborn they might be better able to explore both their govern- ments' positions than in the public debates on the Atomic Energy Commission. Gromyko looked at Mr. Osborn quietly for a moment and replied, "Mr. Osborn, you may be sincere, but governments are never sincere." They never had their talk. Osborn "Negotiating on Atomic Energy, 1946-1947," in Negotiating With the Russians, 1951, p. 236. Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 39 The characteristics and negotiating techniques of Russia's diplo- matists in the early years of this association were a source of contempt, amusement, or exasperation to Western statesmen. The first Russians who visited Western countries as, special envoys struck at least one observer as very little more than "baptized bears." 4 Certainly they comported themselves as something less than human, and they made Muscovite grossness proverbial in the West by ruining the apartments assigned to them, breaking the furniture, and "leaving behind them unsupportable odors and indescribable filth." 5 When Peter the Great led his "Great Embassy" to the West in 1697-98, his suite virtually destroyed the house in which they were quartered in London. The floors were left covered with grease and ink; the curtains, quilts, and bed linen were torn to rags; fifty chairs were broken or had disap- peared entirely ; twenty fine pictures were slashed and the frames destroyed; and 300 window panes were broken..6 Damage of this nature could not be attributed wholly to inadvertence or to lack of breeding. Much of it appeared to be a deliberate flouting of Western convention in order to demonstrate Russian superiority. It accorded with other unpleasing traits of these first embassies: rudeness in matters of protocol, scornful disregard for the laws of the land to which they were accredited, and studied incivilities in their relations with their opposite numbers.' Negotiation with the Russians was always a difficult and indeed tedi- ous business. Envoys sent abroad were provided with detailed instruc- tions prescribing how they should act, what they should say, what tone they should use, what persons they were authorized to meet, and much more. They were never given full powers and could decide noth- ing without reference to higher authority. The introduction of new subjects into the course of a negotiation in train, or a suggestion that the discussion be turned to a differeiit level, invariably led to interrup- tions while the Russian representative sought new instructions. Nor was the tempo of negotiation appreciably faster in Moscow on those occasions when foreign envoys were given an opportunity to deal with the tsar through his chief ministers. All too often the envoys would learn, after interminable delays, that they were expected merely to accept fiats from the tsar; and demurrers on their part were met with pressures, menaces, and expulsions that showed little respect for the accepted code of diplomatic etiquette.,, Finally, negotiation with the Russians was hampered by certain char- acteristics of Russian intercourse that always delayed and sometimes defeated understandin. Perhaps because they had gone to school in Byzantium before they- established a firm relationship with the West,s the Russians retained Eastern habits of thought and discourse that were irritating to Western negotiators. What John Wheeler-Bennett has called "the incalculable capacity of the Slav for interminable con- versation" 10 tried their patienc.o to the utmost, while Russian arts of mystification often surrounded negotiations with impenetrable fogs ' Tan Grey, Peter the Great: Emperor of All Russia (New York, 1960), p. 101. P. Milloukov [Mi iukov], Charles Seignobos, and L. Eisenmann, Histoire de Russie (Paris, 1932-33),.T, 229. 6 Grey, Peter the Great, p. 117. 7 Potiemkine, Diplomatic, I, 226 1. Ib1A, 1, 228; wildner, Technik, pp. 29 f. wildner, Technik, pp. 28 f. 10 John W. Wheeler-Bennett, Brest-Litovsk: The Forgotten Peace, new ed. (London, 1956), pp. 138 f. Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 40 THE SOVIET APPROACH TO NEGOTIATION of confusion. Even such a pronounced Westerner as Peter believed that dust should be thrown in the eyes of his Western rivals and that obfuscation should be considered an important instrument of Russian Policy. Peter's servants followed this injunction. Of A. I. Ostermann it was said that foreign ministers could sometimes talk with him for two hours and, on leaving his cabinet, be no better informed than when they entered it... . It Russian diplomacy in the nineteenth century was virtually in- distinguishable in method and technique from that of the states with which it dealt; and the outstanding Russian diplomats could have been put to work in other services without causing the slightest. incon- venience or disruption and with no need for re-training in the instru- ments and techniques of their craft. Their values, their language, their methods, in a word, their style was that of Western diplomats in gen- eral.. . It may be noted that in the latter half of the nineteenth century the Tsarist regime had every reason to put a higher valuation upon nego- tiation than upon such other instruments of foreign policy as war and propaganda. If in other countries the complaint was sometimes heard that the diplomats were always surrendering what the soldiers had won, in Russia it often appeared that the main function of diplomats was to make good the mistakes of their military coll es, The skill- ful tactics of Orlov and Brunnow at the Paris conference of 1856 tempered the demands of the victors in the late war and freed Russia from a diplomatic isolation that might have been dangerous in the ensuing period. In 1878, the masterly diplomatic campaign conducted by Peter Shuvalov in London and Berlin extricated Russia from the insupportable position to which it had been brought by a Panslav ppoolicy. And in 1946, in the Portsmouth conference that ended the Itusso-Japanese War, Witte and Rosen won a success that few would have pr edreted before the negotiations be n... All in all, the conduct of Russian diplomacy in the nineteenth century was marked by competence and occasionally by brilliance, and, especially in conference negotiation, Russian m di ~oatists showed .c special talent for making the most of bad cases. There was, however, nothing particularly original or distinctive about Russian practice. It was reserved for the Soviet reggime to devise new techniques of negotia- tion, while at the same time challenging the patience and ingenuity of the West by the way in which it adapted the traditional techniques to its own purposes. The Bolshevik regime began its career by announcing, in effect, that it was withdrawing Russia from the Wrestern diplomatic community, that it intended to repudiate all legal ties made with other nations by the Tsarist. government, and that it would refuse henceforth to con- form to the rules and procedures that had obtained in international relations. All this was made clear to the world by the Bolshevik Decree; on Peace, passed by the second All-Russian Congress of Soviets on November 8, 1917,11 and by Trotsky's statement two weeks later, at the " Jane Degrag, ed., Soviet Dorlunenta on Foreign Polk-y, I (London. 1931). I-3. Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 THE SOVIET APPEOACH TO NEGOTIATION 41 time of the publication of the secret treaties, when he announced the abolition of the old diplomacy and "its intrigues, codes, and lies" and promised the inauguration of an "honest, popular, truly democratic foreign policy." 12 From now on, the Peace Decree stated, negotiation 11 would be conducted "absolutely openly before the entire people ; and it was implied that intergovernmental negotiation would be mini- mal, especially after the restoration of peace, and that the Bolshevik regime, as a people's government, would henceforth direct its appeals and its messages to peoples rather than to their rulers. This would presumably make even the old diplomatic apparatus unnecessary, which is probably what was in Trotsky's mind when he spoke of issuin "some revolutionary proclamations to the peoples and then [closing] up the joint [i.e., the Foreign OfTice].7 74 . . . Trotsky himself [later] became the most eloquent advocate of a resumption of normal relations with other powers, using his influence in 1921 to conclude a final peace with Poland and to settle the bound- aries of the Baltic countries and, as early as 1920, urging Lenin to conciliate Great Britain.15 To maintain contact with the bourgeois states seemed the best way of detecting, and even influencing, their intentions. Moreover, as long as Russia was an isolated power girded about by possible coalitions, it seemed expedient for Soviet diplomats to be versed in the methods of their adversaries. Before long, the classical handbooks on diplomacy and such modern studies as Satow's Guide to Diplomatic Practice and Jules Cambon's Le Diplomate were being translated and read in the Soviet Union; and at the Genoa Con- ference of 1922 and subsequent high-level meetings Soviet delegations demonstrated that they could, when they wished, be scrupulously cor- rect in matters of protocol and that they had also acquired considerable facility in the use of orthodox procedures and tactics. This return to normal methods paid dividends, as is shown by the fact that, although the Soviet Union often faced the possibility of complete isolation in the years following the Brest conference, it always escaped it. Between 1920 and 1924 it was able to establish its reputation for reliability sufficiently to win recognition from most of the Western powers, and this was accomplished in large part by patient negotiation and by the skillful use of the. techniques of classical diplomacy, especi- ally the art of playing upon the differences of the powers and appealing to their greed or their fears. At the same time, even in this defensive period of their diplomacy, the Soviets were hesitant to commit themselves entirely to the values and procedures of the bourgeois West. If they learned to play the tradi- tional game as well as their bourgeois colleagues, their methods were on occasion apt to be startlingly unorthodox. They frequently advanced their objectives not by direct talks with other governments but by means of their contacts with individuals and groups whose pressure might move the governments in question. Something new was certainly added to negotiating form when Karl Radek held levees for German soldiers, businessmen, and politicians in a cell in the Moabit prison in 12 Ibid., 8-9. 13 Ibid., 2. "Soviet Diplomacy : G. V. Chicherin " in The Diplomats, 14 Quoted in Theodore Von Laue , 1919-1939, ed. Gordon A. Craig and Felix Gilbert (Princeton, 1953) p. X35. 16 Deutseher, Prophet Armed, pp. 463 f.; and The Prophet Unarmed: Trotsky, 1921- 1929 (London, 1959), p. 56. Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 42 THE SOVIET APPROACH TO NEGOTIATION Berlin where he had been placed after the Spartacist rising of January 1919, and whence he sought to induce his guests to use their influence in favor of a Soviet-German entente. 18 and the Treaty of Rapallo, the revelation of which exploded the Genoa Conference. 'had been pre- pared by other talks like Radek's conducted by agents of Leon Trotsky in the previous two years.11 The tendency to avail itself of multiple channels of negotiation, some (like the various Comintern links) lead- ing to groups whose activities inside friendly states were clearly sub- versive in nature, was one of the characteristics of Soviet diplomacy after 1920; and in the late twenties this sometimes weakened or de- stroyed work patiently achieved by more orthodox approiv'hes. In its forma negotiations with bourgeois states, Soviet diplomacy in the interwar period bore some resemblance to Ru-sian diplomatic behavior in the sixteenth and venteenth cent:u ries. The Soviets had become participants in the affairs of the Western diplomatic com- munity reluctantly and only because it was in their interest to do so. but they never became members of it in any real sense. A British negotiator wrote in exasperation in 193:3 that one could get nowhere with the Soviets because they were "completely unable to see themselves in any other light than that of an a grieved Power struggling for their noble ideals against a world of political, financial and commercial conspirators." 18 In all of their dealings with Western powers, their attitude was one of inveterate suspicion-, which took various forms. As in the earliest period of Russian diplomacy, rigidity and legalism be- came hallmarks of Soviet negotiating technique, and Soviet, diplomats were as tightly bound to their instructions as were the envoys of Peter the Great anc his predecessors. Their suspicion was often extended even to the framework of the negotiations, and I have written elsewhere of the way in which the Soviet representative in talks on the possibility of resumption of diplomatic relations between Great Britain and the Soviet Union in 1929 stalled the negotiations until his own agenda was accepted instead of that. drawn up by the British Foreign Office, al- though the differences between the two seemed inconsequential even to the expert eye.19 Aside from this, the stoutness with which Soviet rep- resentatives held to their positions in negotiation became proverbial. They were far less inclined to make concessions to their opponents' point of view than their opponents were to theirs; and, indeed, when their opposite numbers made concessions, they viewed this with un- easiness and distrust, as showing that their adversaries had been in- sincere in adopting their original positions and were probably plotting some dark anti-Soviet stroke. In 1939, when the Western powers were seeking an agreement with the Soviet Union in order to check Hitler's march of aggres- sion, this attitude toward compromise proved an almost insupera- ble barrier to profitable exchange,. The Soviet negotiators in- variably stressed the necessity of Western concessions on the very points on which the West was most reluctant to yield; and attempts to conciliate them by giving way on lesser points merely encour- 14Ruth Fischer, Stalin and German Communism (Cambridge, Mass.. 1948), pp. 204-os. 17 Deutacher, Prophet Unarmed, pp. 66 f. ' Documents on British Foreign Pottccyy 1919-1939, ed. E. L. Woodward and iloban Butler (London. 1949 ff.). 2nd aeries, 7, 316.E It Gordon A. Craig, "Totalitarian Approaches to Diplomatic Negotiation." In Easaya on Diplomatic History in Honor of George Peabody Gooch, ed, A. 0. Sar isstan (London, 1961), Ch. 4. Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 THE SOVIET APPROACH TO NEGOTIATION 43 aged them to belive that, if they persisted, the West would give way on the major ones too.2e At one point in the negotiations, Lord Halifax, the British Foreign Secretary, asked the Soviet am- bassador "point-blank whether the Soviet Government wanted a treaty at all; to which M. Maisky said that of course they did, and why did I ask the question? Because, I replied, throughout the negotiations the Soviet Government had not budged a single inch and we had made all the advances and concessions ... Saying `No' to everything was not my idea of negotiation." 21 The difference between Soviet and Western negotiators here and on other occasions was not, of course, merely one of tactics or even of understanding. At the root of these difficulties of negotiation was a fundamental incompatibility of purpose, which the Soviets, as long as they needed economic aid or security from foreign intervention or assistance against National Socialism or material help in the Fascist war, were careful not to admit, and which the Western powers were reluctant to see. It was only after the Second World War, when the Soviet Union, confident in its mission as it had been in 1917 and conscious of its strength, once more announced its inflexible. opposition to bourgeois society, that the real difficulties of negotiation with the Soviet Union were appreciated in the West. In a melancholy survey of post-World War II diplomacy, the for- mer British Permanent Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs, Lord Vansittart, wrote a few years ago: "I have `done' many conferences in my life but never went into one without some hope of a fairly quick result. No one could say the same today. Results are often not expected, and often not even desirable." 22 One has no difficulty in admitting the relevance of these words to negotiations on major issues between the Soviet Union and the West since 1945. In these encounters the Soviet Union has very often appeared to be returning to the tactics that characterized its conduct of negotiations at Brest-Litovsk in 1918 and for much the same rea- sons that prompted its behavior there. Once more it has seemed to be confident that the victory of Communism on a world scale could not be long delayed and that all confrontations between Soviet and Western negotiators must be used to encourage the forces of revolution. Once more negotiation has been used not as a means of promoting agree- ment but as a weapon to discomfit enemies and reveal to the world their weaknesses, the falseness of their professions, and the injustice of their claims. Once more the very act of negotiation has been trans- formed into a dramatic performance designed to entertain and instruct a wider public with a spectacle of enlightened Soviet representatives battling manfully against the forces of capitalism and imperialism.. In promoting this kind of negotiation, the Soviet Union has shown a great diversity of effective tactics. Not the least important of these has been the practice of universalizing its own position in the hope that the peoples of colonial areas, the uncommitted world, and significant 20 An expression of Lord Strang's concern over the effectiveness of Soviet tactics is to be found in Documents of British Foreign Policy, 3rd ser., 6, No. 376. 21 Ibid., No. 135. 22 Lord Vansittart, "The Decline of Diplomacy," Foreign Affairs, 98 (1950). 184. 25-064-69-4 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 44 THE SOVIET APPROACH TO NEGOTIATION parts of the populations of Western nations would identify themselves with it. This is in accordance with the advice given by Marx and Engels in The German Ideolog t where it is written that, since "increasingly abstract ideas hold sway' in the modern world, the revolutionary class is compelled to "represent its interest as the common interest of all the members of society, put in an ideal form; it will give its ideas the form of universality, and represent them as the only rational, universally valid ones," and it will seek to speak "not as a class but as the represent- ative of the whole society." ' 23 The Soviet Union has carried this idea, over to the sphere of international politics and, by doing so, has sought to invest its views and proposals with infallibility. The diplomatic advantage of this posture is that it can be used to make the traditional approach of Western diplomacy-the assump- tion of a com.meree d'avis reciproque and the search for agreement through compromise--seem somehow morally reprehensible. At the outset of the negotiations of the foreignt ministers in Geneva in 1959, Premier Khrushchev made a speech in Tirana, Albania, commenting on the Western case before it was presented. This kind of intervention into negotiations that were supposed to he private would in itself have been considered extraordinary in an earlier age, but .what Khrushchev said was even more remarkable. The Western proposals, Khrushchev said, do not contain it single element for negotiation. These pro- posals are not based on a desire to find a correct solution with a view to achieving that relaxation of international tension which all peoples so anxiously await .. . The USSR sincerely wishes to come to an agreement. But we reject the principle that one party should force its conditions on the other party. Mr. Adenauer and his foreign minister, Mr. Brentano try to force such a prin- ciple on the foreign ministers. Thtey say, : "With the L SSR one must negotiate as follows: concession for concession !" But that is a huckster's approach ! . . . We do not have to make any concessions because our proposals have not been made for bartering. We act on the principle that sensible solutions must be found which would not damage any country . . . Those who really strive for peace must not use methods of petty bargaining in the talks.2 It is the studied inconsequence, of these statements that makes them so formidable. Our position is correct, Premier Khruslichev says, and is in the interest of people everywhere. To attempt to make us give up any part of our claims betrays both the false values of the bourgeois West (the mercantile rather than the statesmanlike approach) and its indifference to the cause of peace. Once formal negotiations get under way, .Soviet, tactics are de-- signed to keep the image of a virtuous TLS.S.R. contending with cynical and unscrupulous adversaries before the world audience. Since coming to grips with concrete issues is not vital to negotiators in- terested largely in the dramatic potentialities of a given meeting, Quoted in Arm. J. Mayer. Political Origins of the New Diplomacy, 1917--1915 (New Haven. 1959). P. 58. "Department of State, Foreign Ministers Meeting, May-August 1959, Geneva, Inter- national Organisation and Conference Serles 8 (Washington, 1659). p. 307. Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 THE SOVIET APPROACH TO NEGOTIATION 45 Soviet delegates disregard the spirit of Talleyrand's advice to ne- gotiators : "On s' arrange phcs facilement sur an fait que sur un pri:ncipe." 25 Instead, they keel) the conversations on the level of general principles just as long as possible, knowing that this makes for endless debate and gives fre}yIOIAHX pC111f- rH031ILIX 06L0AHHOHHi3 (n rpeipiu) HJIH K c03AAHUl0 60nee HJfH Menee mapomix HOJIBTU'OCKHX 06,LOAIIHOHH4i Ana 6opL- 61.1 C Hp0THBUHKOM H T. A. fttaito pa- 60BnaAenLgeCK00 06HjeCTBO He BbJpa- 6oTaJ10 Hit OAHI1006PA3HLIX 4IOPM opra- fII3a11HH AHltn. AOHTCnbHOCTH, IIH e;jH- uoo6paaHLIx MOTOAOB A. 11 ()COjlalLIIOM 060 OCTB0, ilanp. 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B OnpeAenn1ocH MOllollomill H 6ai 11011 I(aIIIITanIICT )UUHe1hU1I MoltOl Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30 : CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 lI0.In1Tn- .l(6v R;.r- )I it /1,. )kOMOnO- ITItn IunOrr 0771 ttTrr9Gar(rr0 1(07717, H-p1.11 ,T7. a6COJIIOTISaMa, 0FCa311.III C.I1y>i(3fJla IICnO('.pel(CTDCI1I100 if r7iy6oicoo BJlnnllna 1011 xrlpaTTep CO MICTO))OII. ?1111 , 31 3111'(711,0 Xapfl(TCp113y1OT A. a6 ua'COJIIO- TIICTCHIIX POCy7OPCTB CJIOJIyIOII(IIM1f 0 11 0 13 0 1(111: MaTpannIIBaTL napo)ua Jtpyr up. J)pyra, 1TCIIOJIb30D1Tb 07[1111 IlapoJ), J(nn yI'Herennn Jipyroro, 9To6bo TaHIIr o6pa30M IIpOJ(7I11Tb Cyr1(CCTDOB11IIIT0 a6- COJIIOTII0IS DnaCT11, - DOT IC 90My C130- J131.IIOCI, nCI(yCCTBO 11 A09TOJTLHOCTL BCCX CyI7)0CTDODaI31IIIIX 7(0(0700 IIpE1Dn- TCn011 11 11X J?IIIIIOMaTOB)) (H. MapICC it (1). 31Ir0JIbc, Co'I., T. 5, CTI>. 1611). 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COBCpO- HVIJIL111ICHIiX rOpOJ(CHi1X pecny6J1n1, o77lrrapx11'Iecxan BOpxyml(a H-pb1X 1307)11 o>IIOCTO'lC11IlyIO 6opb6y as Topro1Oo npco6oa7taIirc II IIOJInT11'7CCHy1O rorC- MOI1n10. 06 3TOii . 0711411 H3 ee BiI7)'j- HCIirHIIX Ji011T071011 H TeopCTHROD, Ma- 011aDC7IJT11, I'OBOprlJI, 'ITO CO 11CICyCCTBO COCTOIST B TOM, '1T06br (1CHpbIBaTb CJIO- B11M11 J(03SCT13IITOJIbnOCTL1i. MaHHaDC7i- 7III311 071171 IIOJI31Tn9eCH07'1 (`)Hnoco(J)neIi a6COJ11OTTLIX1MOHapx>nr, I(-pLle D 013011)1 )CiiCTDfTR I)yl(OBO)CTDOBOM)1Cb 7I0HT- p11n011 irocygapcTBOHHOrO IIIITODOCa?, Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/11/30: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000100230001-1 IiaK umemero BpMTepUH B 1.OJ'~'IT-1l;C, Hpeo6naAaion(0ro Isar' lipyri}.:u - afo- paHbHlaMlI, upaBOIIBMO it IBL - (81,1111 jjt uJI0.4aTLi ': OrO Ilt)U- MCHU 603 CTCCHC1il1H LT3LI13a::1LCL 0 ).1. Hate o6 I1CHyceTBC o6Maua. 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