THE MYSTERIOUS DOINGS OF CIA

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP74-00297R000601240029-1
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 5
• Document Creation Date: December 27, 2016
• Document Release Date: November 8, 2013
• Sequence Number: 29
• Publication Date: October 30, 1954
• Content Type: OPEN SOURCE

Declassified and Approved For Release @50-Yr 2013/11/08: CIA-RDP74-00297R000601240029-1
4.0 Li I to
THE SATURDAY
EVE NI NG
FLOYD MCCALL
Allen Dulles?CIA director and brother of the Secretary of State?in Denver last month for a National Security Council meeting called by the President.
AMERICA'S SECRET AGENTS:
The Mysterious 1 'oings o
By RICHARD and GLADYS HARKNESS
The Post presents its own exclusive report on America's
"silent service"? the supersecret Central Intelligence
Agency. Here, revealed for the first time, are its methods,
how it gets its operatives and its money, and its accom-
plishments?in Guatemala, Iran and behind the Iron Curtain.
PART
MAN with the plump pink cheeks and blue
eyes of a typical middle-class German sat
on the grassy hilltop overlooking the Red
port city of Stettin on the left bank of the
Oder River in communist-held Poland. As he had
done every seasonable day of last spring, he basked
in the warm April sun while washing down his lunch
of dry bread and sausage with a liter of white wine,
and watched the birds in the nearby trees through
his field glasses. Then, rising to leave, he swept his
glasses along the piers on the river front below, where
freighters were being loaded for the thirty-mile trip
northward along the Oder and into the open Baltic
Sea.
ONE
Returning to his small machine-tool works after
the noon hour, the businessman called in his secre-
tary to take dictation. The letter, addressed to a
French automobile-parts concern, was formal and
concise in the stiff manner of German commercial
houses. It cited precise specifications for presses his
firm was offering for sale to stamp out motorcar
fenders. The price was less than the British could
quote. The machines carried the official guarantee of
the Ministry of Machine Industry of the Polish
People's Republic. It was a letter that the local Red
commissar could approve ?and did.
But do the communists know even now, what the
letter really was? The "East German businessman"
-A
CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
2430-E ST N.W.
GPO STATE SERVICE OFFICE
ENTRANCE
REAR OF SOUTH BLDG.
HANS KNOPP
CIA headquarters in Washington. The agency has
unnumbered secret branches around the world.
19
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?\
IL
UNITED PRESS
Col ? Castillo Armas (left), whose American-armed
"freedom forces" drove out Guatemala's Reds.
and his pretty Nordic-type blond "secretary" were
plants of the United States' supersecret Central In-
telligence Agency. The innocent-appearing address
on the letter was, in reality, a CIA drop in Paris.
Once the letter from Stettin was in the hands of
America's espionage and counterespionage service, it
was rushed to a commonplace-looking shop in the
arty Montmartre section, where a sign on the win-
dow read SALON DE PHOTOGRAPHIE. Behind this
front of a simple photographic studio, a CIA micro-
film technician went to work. The agent, squinting
through a magnifying glass under. bright lights,
scraped at each " period " on the typewritten page
with a delicate, razor-sharp instrument. Finally, one
black dot came off. There, scarcely larger than the
point of a pin, was a tiny circle of microfilm which
had been pasted on the sheet of paper at the end of a
sentence. It had been disguised by the ink of the
secretary's typewriter ribbon back in Stettin as a
period. The agent, holding his breath lest he blow
away the minute speck, used tweezers to carry the
film to a photographic enlarger. When he emerged
from the darkroom, the blown-up message was the
size of a tea saucer. The words could be read as easily
as the words on this printed page.
In accordance with basic intelligence security, the
message was only gibberish to the CIA microfilm
expert. (Also in accordance with security, what ac-
tually happened in Stettin and Paris has been dis-
guised in this account.) The spy team in Stettin had
employed a code prearranged with CIA headquarters
in Washington. The microfilm was a cryptogram
based on a key in the twenty-second prayer of David
in the Book of Psalms; that mournful lamentation of
David which begins?appropriately, in view of the
fate of the Poles under the Russians? "My God, my
God, why hast Thou forsaken me?"
The next step in CIA procedure was to transmit
the unintelligible scramble to Washington by short-
wave radio under the cipher address: "For AWD's
eyes only." That meant: for the sole attention of
Allen Welsh Dulles, the Government's first civilian
director of the Central Intelligence Agency, and
younger brother of Secretary of State John Foster
Dulles.
The message, decoded by a cryptographic machine
and transcribed in CIA's purplish-blue ink, was
taken to Dulles in his office, where American and
CIA flags and a huge world stereoscopic projection
map dominate the room. Dulles worked with the
supervising case man on this Polish project, and the
full details of the report from Stettin are still classi-
fied top secret. But this much may be related: The
two agents confirmed the underground route they
planned to follow?successfully, it turned out ?in
leaving the Red port, threading their way across
eighty-four miles of communist-patrolled country-
side, and finding haven in a CIA "safe house" in
West Berlin. To this may be added: When Dulles
received the decoded message, he had information
20
UNITED PRESS
The Swedish freighter Alf hem, which delivered 1900 tons of Czech munitions to Red-dominated Guate-
mala five months ago. When. CIA agents reported the shipment, U.S. guns were flown to Colonel Armas.
which enabled CIA to pull off one of the most suc-
cessful intelligence coups of the entire cold war. He
was hot on the trail of proof that the communist-
dominated government of Guatemala was part and
parcel of a Red conspiracy, hatched in Moscow, to
give Russia a military toehold in Latin America hard
by the Panama Canal.
The message? broadly paraphrased to protect
code security ?said this: A freighter named the Alf-
hem and flying the flag of Sweden had tied up at the
dock at Stettin. More than 15,000 crates and boxes
had been lowered into her hold. The rumor along the
water front was that the cargo, which arrived by rail
from Czechoslovakia, consisted of munitions from
the communists' Skoda arms works.
Dulles alerted agents in Europe and in Africa.
From them, replies tracing the transaction were
rushed to Washington. Stockholm: The Alfhem was
owned by the Swedish shipping line, Angbats A. B.
The line had chartered the vessel to a shipping agent
in London, E. E. Dean. London: Terms of the
charter stipulated that Dean, a financial middleman,
should recharter the freighter to Alfred Christianson
in Stockholm. Stockholm: Christianson represented
the Alfhem as carrying optical-laboratory equip-
ment and optical glass for the French West African
port of Dakar.
The Secret of the Devious Freighter
OTHER reports came into Dulles' office. Two
? days out of Dakar, the captain received radio
orders to change his course for Trujillo, Honduras.
Two days out of Trujillo, the captain's orders were
countermanded again. The Alfhem was to proceed
and unload at Puerto Barrios, the Caribbean port
city of Red Guatemala.
For optical-laboratory equipment and optical
glass, the shipment received extraordinary atten-
tion. The Guatemalan Minister of Defense was on
hand to direct unloading of the cargo at Puerto
Barrios. Cordons of army troops sealed off the entire
dock area. Details of soldiers guarded the special
military trains which sped the freight to arsenals in
Guatemala City. Despite a junior-sized Iron Cur-
tain, Dulles again received a message: The 15,000
unmarked wooden boxes and crates were of a size
and weight to contain 1900 tons of small arms and
small-arms ammunition, plus light-artillery pieces.
Dulles called an emergency session of the Intelli-
gence Advisory Committee behind sealed doors in
CIA headquarters. Seated around the table were the
intelligence brains of the Federal Government ? the
heads of the Army, Navy and Air Force intelligence,
the intelligence officers of the Joint Chiefs of Staff,
the State Department and Atomic Energy Commis-
sion, and a representative of the Federal Bureau of
Investigation.
The committee, making the hours count, produced
a quick crash estimate of the Guatemalan situation.
Those 1900 tons of arms represented enough military
might in Latin America to enable the Guatemalan
Army to crush her neighbors, Honduras and El Sal-
vador, and to march across Nicaragua and Costa
Rica, to the Panama Canal.
Immediately, with no recommendation as to a
specific line of action, but with an emphatic warning
that action was urgent, Dulles laid the crash esti-
mate before the National Security Council. The first
evident result came two days later, on May seven-
teenth, when Secretary of State Dillies stripped the
communist arms plot bare for all the world to see.
The United States Government viewed the muni-
tions shipment with gravity, he said, because of its?
origin and quantity.
Then Washington lapsed into official silence for
a week. But, during the period ending May twenty-
fourth, the Department of Defense dispatched two
Air Force Globemasters over the Gulf of Mexico.
Each plane ferried twenty-five tons of rifles, pistols,
machine guns and ammunition to Honduras and
Nicaragua. Now events ? some public, some veiled ?
were moving rapidly.
Col. Carlos Castillo Armas, former officer of the
Guatemalan Army who was in exile in Honduras,
obtained sufficient guns and munitions to equip
each man in a force of fellow anticommunist refugees
with a burp gun, a pistol and a machete. As he sent
his troops across the Honduran-Guatemalan border
with an ultimatum to communist puppet Jacobo
Arbenz Guzman to capitulate, Castillo dispatched
his "air force" of two old World War II P-38 fighter
planes to buzz Guatemala City. The Arbenz air
force was the first to defect. The Guatemalan Army,
fearing that the 1900 tons of Red arms from Stettin
were actually intended for use by the communist-
dominated labor unions, refused to fight. An anti-
communist junta took over the country, and an
overt Russian threat to the Western Hemisphere
was averted, at least for the present.
Some American citizens may find it disturbing
and even noxious for their Government to engage in
such clandestine activity in faraway Stettin and
Puerto Barrios. In the live-and-let-live days after
World War I, the late Henry L. Stimson disbanded
the "lack Chamber" of State Department code
experts, because "gentlemen don't read other peo-
ple's mail." Today, in this period of cold war after
World War II, our Government is deeply involved
countering Red espionage as it threatens the West-
ern democracies.
On assignment by The Saturday Evening Post
these two Washington correspondents set out twelve
months ago to cover the Central Intelligence Agency
from every angle consistent with national security
and the public interest. Our every interview, includ-
ing talks with Government officials concerned with
intelligence operations, and congressional leaders,
plus exhaustive research, has had the aim of answer-
ing the question: "What is the CIA up to?"
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UNITED PRESS
Ex-CIA boss Walter Bedell Smith with Sen. Joe
McCarthy, who has said the CIA is Red-infiltrated.
Briefly, the answer must be stated like this: We
are too prone to view our conflict with Russia in
terms of the worry, "When will the Reds attack us
militarily?" We strain to arm ourselves, thinking.
only in terms of communist atomic bombs hurtling
down on the democratic West from supersonic
planes. The Russians hold that fear over us while
they craftily go about their business of taking over
target countries from within. We plan to defend our-
selves on land, on sea and in the air, when what we
must also do is combat the communist enemy un-
derground, where he uses the fourth dimension of
war ?infiltration, subversion and conspiracy.
The free world saw Poland engulfed by commu-
nism. That easy Russian conquest was gained, at
Yalta, by deceit. Czechoslovakia lived briefly, after
the war, in the illusion of peaceful coexistence with
communism. But Czechoslovakia suddenly found
her free people submerged under Russian infiltra-
tion. American military aid to the French in Indo-
china far outstripped in amount, cost and quality
the armed support even the Vietminh rebels by the
Chinese communists. But the Reds enveloped a vast
area containing 12,000,000 people, the city of Hanoi
and the rich rice fields of Northern Vietnam largely
by infiltrating, softening up and swallowing.
So it was? almost ? in Guatemala. Communist
agitators, operating in the role of reformers, began
infiltrating the public and private organizations of
Guatemala as long as ten years ago. Agents indoc-
trinated in such institutions as the Marx-Engels-
Lenin School in Moscow, organized the peasants and
workers on the banana plantations. Once in control
of such mass groups, Reds soon took over the
official press and radio of the Guatemalan Govern-
ment. Through the technique of the political popular
front, they dictated to the Guatemalan congress
and president. Most alarming was the fact that the
communists had not simply oozed across a frontier
into a contiguous territory, but they were able to
leapfrog their subversion and infiltration across the
Atlantic and Pacific oceans to Latin America and
its vital Panama Canal. The CIA, working with
"freedom forces" of Guatemalans, met the Reds
early enough to hand Russia its defeat in Guatemala.
.As of today, the intelligence experts who attempt
?to gauge Russia's long-term intentions predict that
the communists are not now prepared for military
global conflict. That cautious assessment is based on
information from behind the Iron Curtain which
may be reported here only in bare-bone outline:
Inside Russia: Despite the hard outer shell of
Russia's military might ?a 4,000,000-man army,
20,000-plane air force and nuclear weapons esti-
mated in four figures?all is not rosy within the
U,S.S.R. Communist industry is progressing reason-
ably well, spurred by an intensive program to train
young scientists and engineers. This drive threatens
to outstrip us in the live-or-die field of technology.
Food ?an all-important weapon in total war ? is a
UNITED PRESS
The CIA gets some of its best information from ex-Reds--like Mrs. Vladimir Petrov, shown being
hustled to a plane in Australia by Russian guards. Later, she was rescued and granted political asylum.
vexing problem, due to a breakdown in the commu-
nist collective-farming system. The Soviet recently
was forced to divert 100,000 workers from industry
to agriculture. Premier Malenkov is in control, but
he ordered the liquidation of Secret Police Chief
L. P. Beria because Beria was plotting the eradica-
tion of Malenkov "in two or three days." On the day
Beria was seized, Red Army tanks rumbled into the
outskirts of Moscow, as they did the night that
Stalin died. So Russia's committee form of govern-
ment, with its divided power, is not an easy form to
maintain in a dictatorship.
Conclusion: The Politburo is quite satisfied with
the gains communism is making with the present
Red technique of subvert and conquer. The men in
the Kremlin cannot be certain, even if they launched
open military warfare and won a global conflict,
that their regime could survive the retaliatory wreck-
age and misery sure to be inflicted on the Russian
population. The Red rulers have no thought of win-
ning a war for someone else. The U.S.S.R. is worried
lest her major ally, communist China, get a little out
of hand. Russia does not want to be dragooned into
armed combat with the West by Mao Tse-tung, but
prefers, if and when she wages war, to choose the
time and place herself?probably not before 1957 or
1958 at the earliest.
The foregoing estimate of Russian plans and
intentions is reported as no tidbit of gossip from the
capital's cocktail-party circuit. It represents the
warp and woof of our Government's foreign and
domestic policy as patterned by the National Se-
curity Council. If our leaders had thought open war
was imminent, the Administration would have spon-
sored no $7,400,000,000 reduction in Federal taxes
at the recent session of Congress. Secretary of the
Treasury George M. Humphrey would not be
talking of the (Continued on Page 162)
21
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162*" ?? c.
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THE SATURDAY EVENING POST
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THE MYSTERIOUS
DOINGS OF CIA
(Continued from Page 21)
possibility?barring fresh outbreaks of
Red armed aggression ? of another
$2,000,000,000 cut in national-defense
spending in the 1955 fiscal year.
Evidence points toward a shifting of
emphasis from a " dollar-defense " line,
based solely on developing and stock-
piling more and more military weapons,
to a strategy of countering the com-
munists underground, where real Soviet
conquests are being scored. This was
the strategy in Guatemala, where we
alerted "freedom forces" who were
then able to drive the Reds to the sur-
face and hand them a sound defeat. If
the communists had been permitted
another year of unbridled subversion
of the Guatemalan people, we might
have faced the necessity of sending
marines to reinforce the Panama Canal
and to save Latin America. The subse-
quent propaganda windfall for Russia
in her trumped-up diatribes against
Yankee imperialism can easily be im-
agined. Such strategy, evolved from
CIA's revelations of Soviet maneuvers,
meets the communists in their own
kind of subversive underground cold
war, where a timely bit of American
counterespionage may prevent a hot
war.
CIA's nerve center is not housed in
one of the imposing, neo-Hellenic
buildings which line Washington's
Constitution Avenue from the White
House to Capitol Hill. The locale is
one that Hollywood might choose for a
spy thriller. The main office is a
colonial-type structure of red brick in
the rundown Foggy Bottom section of
the city. To the west, a brewery raises
the turretlike towers of a pseudo castle
on the banks of the Potomac. A
honky-tonk organ grinds out jazz in a
nearby roller-skating rink. The view
to the east is blocked by the shabby
back sides of an array of State Depart-
ment annexes, and, to the north the
grimy shell of an abandoned gas works
casts weird shadows on the surround-
ing slums.
The main CIA building was dis-
guised until recently as the Depart-
ment of State Printing Office. Dulles
discovered that the Washington tele-
phone directory listed: "Central In-
telligence Agency, 2430 E. St., E Xecu-
tive 3-6115." He found Washington
sight-seeing guides halting their loaded
buses on the street to point out to
tourists that "there is the building
where spies work." Dulles ordered a
discreet sign posted: CENTRAL INTEL-
LIGENCE AGENCY.
Publicity ends there. A mesh-wire
fence, eight feet high and topped by
three strands of barbed wire, runs
around the clipped green lawn. Inside,
when the Intelligence Advisory Com-
mittee meets, the doors are barred and
locked. The typewriter ribbons and
carbon papers used by stenographers
to record the proceedings are locked
overnight in safes. The wastebaskets
are marked classified, their contents
shredded and burned by special se-
curity officers. Meetings of this group
are never mentioned in the nation's
press or on radio or television.
Although it operates off the record
as far as the American public is con-
cerned, the CIA occupies thirty-odd
buildings in the capital, maintains
twenty-five domestic offices across the
country on a twenty-four-hour basis,
and finances unnumbered covert
branches around the world to beg, buy
or steal information on the Reds' war
potential and intentions.
CIA employees number between
8000 and 12,000 anonymous men and
women whose duties, salaries and even
names never appear on published
Government payrolls. The total cost
of CIA operations runs several hundred
million dollars a year. Dulles declines
to discuss details of agency personnel
and his budget, but if CIA employs
10,000 persons, the payroll is half as
large as the entire Department of
State.
The CIA will not, as it may not, con-
cede publicly that its employees and
appropriations are used in what are
popularly known as cloak-and-dagger
operations. But it is significant that
while Allen Dulles is not nearly so well
known in this country as his brother,
John Foster Dulles, he is probably
much better known behind the Iron
Curtain. His alleged exploits and dire
deeds as an imperialist warmonger fill
the columns of Pravda and the satellite
press. Radio Moscow has linked him
with every unfortunate communist
leader who has gone to the gallows for
"co-operation with the capitalistic
West." He was paid a singular compli-
ment by Ilya Ehrenburg, the sharp-
tongued Kremlin propagandist. "Even
October 30,1954
if the spy, Allen Dulles, should arrive
in heaven through somebody's absent-
mindedness," Ehrenburg wrote, "he
would begin to blow up the clouds,
mine the stars and slaughter the
angels."
If he desired to proceed with such
celestial depredations, Dulles un-
doubtedly could find authority in Pub-
lic Law 110, the act passed by Congress
and signed by President Truman on
June 20, 1949, to make the CIA a more
effective weapon to protect free nations
from subversion. Under this virtually
unbounded grant of personal authority,
Dulles need not voucher his multi-
million-dollar appropriations. Actually,
the director files routine Federal ex-
pense accounts for all "white" CIA
operations, such as research. Dulles re-
ports to the Bureau of the Budget and
to a small group of members of Con-
gress on an off-the-record basis for his
secret, or "black," expenditures? but
on a lump-sum area basis of so many
dollars spent, say, in the Far East or
Latin America. Since he has been
director, Dulles has returned an un-
spent balance of his appropriation to
the Treasury.
Dulles may hire, pay and fire CIA
personnel, under the law, without re-
(Continued on Page 165)
The Best Player I Ever Coached
T ALWAYS said there was a
touch of genius in Dixie Howell.
Even today, when you speak of
great passing combinations in the
South, you usually begin with
Howell ?and his end mate, Don
Hutson. Yet when Howell re-
ported at the University of Ala-
bama in 1931, he looked like any-
thing but a fabulous passer.
Howell was a 150-pound end
from the small town of Hartford,
Alabama. We took him only on the
recommendation of an alumnus
in whose judgment we had great
faith. Physically, Howell was un-
impressive. In his second week on
the campus, he broke his leg. He
never played freshman football.
As a sophomore, he looked un-
dersized to be blocking 215-pound
tackles. But he showed good
speed, so we converted him to a
left halfback in our Notre Dame
box formation. He was No. 3 left
half, and played very little until
midseason. Then the top two left
halfbacks were injured. Howell
got his chance behind the first-
string line, and won the game that
day. From then on, he was always
No. 1.
While he ran well and was an
excellent punter, he gave no initial
promise of becoming a good
passer, much less a superb one.
Howell's quick reactions proved
the key to his football success.
He could size up a situation in a
split second, like my gifted Notre
Dame teammate, George Gipp.
This knack, important in all
phases of football, is especially
By FRANK THOMAS
Late Head Coach, Alabama
valizable to a passer. As Howell
progressed, passing seemed to
come to him as a natural thing.
Howell probably hit his peak
in the second quarter of our 1935
Rose Bowl victory over Stanford.
He ran back a punt twenty-five
yards, setting up a touchdown
which he later scored. He raced
sixty-seven yards for another
touchdown, and threw six passes
for a total of eighty yards to
make a third score. The final
count was 29-13, and three of our
four touchdowns were pretty
much Howell.
For a youngster who started
out in college football as an under-
sized "catcher," he certainly
wound up as a great "pitcher."
UNIVERSITY OF ALABAMA
Howell after snagging one.
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THE SATURDAY EVENING POST
(Continued from Page 162)
- gard to the "provisions of any other
laws which require the publication or
disclosure of the organizations, func-
tions, names, official titles, salaries, or
numbers of personnel employed by the
agency." He may assign employees
"for special instruction, research, or
? training, at or with domestic or foreign
public or private institutions; trade,
' labor, agricultural, or scientific associa-
tions; courses or training programs
under the National Military Establish-
ment; or commercial firms."
Dulles has the right, with the ap-
proval of the Attorney General and the
Commissioner of Immigration, to bring
as many as 100 aliens a year into the
United States if he finds their entry
"in the interest of national security, or
essential to the furtherance of the
national intelligence mission."
Millions of dollars to finance black
- activities are camouflaged in routine
appropriation bills for regular Federal
departments sent to Congress by the
LINES TO A
VERY YOUNG BRIDE
? Ba Alice Martin Lester
You made the jump from blue
jeans
Right through the looking glass
Into the world of romance
Where mad magicians pass;
And in a night of wonder?
Of laughter, love and life?
You found your heart's desire
And pledged to be his wife.
Now, in your bridal trousseau
Are laces like a queen's.
But what is that you're,packing?
A faded pair of jeans!
* * * * * * * * * *
Bureau of the Budget. No more than
ten or twelve congressmen, including
Senators Saltonstall, of Massachusetts,
and Russell, of Georgia, and Represen-
tEitiveslraher, ofi,New drk,anci
of Missouri= members of the Armed
Services and Appropriations subcom-
mittees whom Dulles briefs personally
apd privately ?even realize that they
are approving CIA funds when they
cast their votes. So if size, cost and
secrecy were the sole criteria for gaug-
ing the success of CIA, the country
could sleep soundly tonight in the as-
surance that we have the right answers
to Russian scheming.
But during the recent session of Con-
gress, Sen. Mike Mansfield, a fair-
minded Democrat from Montana, stood
on the Senate floor to cite what he
called CIA "exploits which have been
the subject of many whispered com-
plaints." He pointed to rumors that
CIA had subsidized a Nazi-type or-
ganization in West Germany which had
marked leaders of the Social Demo-
cratic political party for liquidation.
The senator admitted that he could
not vouch for his information, but he
voiced suspicion that CIA was main-
taining the tatterdemalion remains of a
Nationalist Chinese Army in Burma,
despite Burmese protests to the United
Nations, to make forays into Red
China.
Mansfield concluded his speech to a
hushed and attentive Senate by intro-
ducing a resolution to establish a special
watchdog committee to keep a con-
gressional eye? on Dulles' operations.
Dulles adhered to his usual closed-
mouth policy of neither confirming nor
denying such spoken or published re-
ports: To do so would offer attractive
bait for Soviet fishing expeditions into
our intelligence secrets. So the Mans-
field speech went unanswered. The re-
sult was that nineteen other Democrats
and seven Republicans joined the sen-
ator as co-sponsors of his bill.
This meant no specific faultfinding
with CIA, as the senators admitted.
Because of the hush-hush air surround-
ing the agency, they were voicing nat-
ural doubts over the efficiency of the
administration of CIA, a political
curiosity as to the number of jobholders
on its unpublished payroll, and a ques-
tioning of the reliability of CIA's
"national estimates."
More recently, a direct attack on
CIA came from Sen. Joseph R. Mc-
Carthy, who charged that the agency
had been infiltrated by communists.
The senator called the situation "even
more dangerous than Red penetration
of the Army Signal Corps' radar labora-
tories" at Fort Monmouth, New Jer-
sey. He announced that he would make
CIA the next target of his Special In-
vestigating subcommittee. Flaunting
his disregard of the presidential order
safeguarding such executive secrets,
McCarthy renewed his call on Federal
employees to furnish him with confi-
dential information from restricted and
delicate agency files.
Dulles issued one of his rare public
statements. He called the senator's
charges false. He revealed that he had
written McCarthy almost a year ago,
asking for any specific allegations Mc-
Carthy had to offer on communists
within the CIA, but the senator had
not even acknowledged his letter.
Dulles, expressing no doubt that Mc-
Carthy was seeking information from
inside CIA, addressed a CIA orienta-
tion session with this ultimatum: "Any-
one giving Senator McCarthy CIA in-
formation will be fired."
McCarthy went ahead with his in-
quiry, assigning the preliminary inves-
tigation to Donald A. Surine, even
though the then McCarthy committee
aide had been refused clearance by the
Defense Department to see classified
material. Mcgarthy .announced later
that he had conferred with a "high
elected official" of the Administration
and agreed that public hearings on CIA
would not be in the public interest, but
he left for a vacation in Mexico, de-
claring his determination to probe our
intelligence system.
While McCarthy vacationed, the
Administration cannily froze him out
of new Red-hunting headlines. The
Hoover Government-reorganization
commission announced that a special
task force would examine CIA. The
survey, beginning in the fall of 1954,
was placed under the direction of re-
tired Gen. Mark W. Clark.
A previous Hoover survey, made in
1949, when CIA was two years old, held
that the agency "had not yet achieved
the desired degree of proficiency and
dependability in its estimates" for the
National Security Council?so Mc-
Carthy could not charge "whitewash."
During the hearing into his controversy
with the Army, the senator had singled
out General Clark for special praise ?
so he could not cry "hand-picked judge."
The senator gave up and pledged that
he would transmit his information on
CIA to General Clark.
This is the first of three articles on the CIA.
Next week, this exclusive report reveals the truth
about communist efforts to infiltrate the agency.
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