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December 27, 2016
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November 8, 2013
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October 30, 1954
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Declassified and Approved For Release @50-Yr 2013/11/08: CIA-RDP74-00297R000601240029-1 4.0 Li I to THE SATURDAY EVE NI NG FLOYD MCCALL Allen Dulles?CIA director and brother of the Secretary of State?in Denver last month for a National Security Council meeting called by the President. AMERICA'S SECRET AGENTS: The Mysterious 1 'oings o By RICHARD and GLADYS HARKNESS The Post presents its own exclusive report on America's "silent service"? the supersecret Central Intelligence Agency. Here, revealed for the first time, are its methods, how it gets its operatives and its money, and its accom- plishments?in Guatemala, Iran and behind the Iron Curtain. PART MAN with the plump pink cheeks and blue eyes of a typical middle-class German sat on the grassy hilltop overlooking the Red port city of Stettin on the left bank of the Oder River in communist-held Poland. As he had done every seasonable day of last spring, he basked in the warm April sun while washing down his lunch of dry bread and sausage with a liter of white wine, and watched the birds in the nearby trees through his field glasses. Then, rising to leave, he swept his glasses along the piers on the river front below, where freighters were being loaded for the thirty-mile trip northward along the Oder and into the open Baltic Sea. ONE Returning to his small machine-tool works after the noon hour, the businessman called in his secre- tary to take dictation. The letter, addressed to a French automobile-parts concern, was formal and concise in the stiff manner of German commercial houses. It cited precise specifications for presses his firm was offering for sale to stamp out motorcar fenders. The price was less than the British could quote. The machines carried the official guarantee of the Ministry of Machine Industry of the Polish People's Republic. It was a letter that the local Red commissar could approve ?and did. But do the communists know even now, what the letter really was? The "East German businessman" -A CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY 2430-E ST N.W. GPO STATE SERVICE OFFICE ENTRANCE REAR OF SOUTH BLDG. HANS KNOPP CIA headquarters in Washington. The agency has unnumbered secret branches around the world. 19 Declassified and Approved For Release @50-Yr 2013/11/08: CIA-RDP74-00297R000601240029-1 Declassified and Approved For Release @50-Yr 2013/11/08: CIA-RDP74-00297R000601240029-1 ?\ IL UNITED PRESS Col ? Castillo Armas (left), whose American-armed "freedom forces" drove out Guatemala's Reds. and his pretty Nordic-type blond "secretary" were plants of the United States' supersecret Central In- telligence Agency. The innocent-appearing address on the letter was, in reality, a CIA drop in Paris. Once the letter from Stettin was in the hands of America's espionage and counterespionage service, it was rushed to a commonplace-looking shop in the arty Montmartre section, where a sign on the win- dow read SALON DE PHOTOGRAPHIE. Behind this front of a simple photographic studio, a CIA micro- film technician went to work. The agent, squinting through a magnifying glass under. bright lights, scraped at each " period " on the typewritten page with a delicate, razor-sharp instrument. Finally, one black dot came off. There, scarcely larger than the point of a pin, was a tiny circle of microfilm which had been pasted on the sheet of paper at the end of a sentence. It had been disguised by the ink of the secretary's typewriter ribbon back in Stettin as a period. The agent, holding his breath lest he blow away the minute speck, used tweezers to carry the film to a photographic enlarger. When he emerged from the darkroom, the blown-up message was the size of a tea saucer. The words could be read as easily as the words on this printed page. In accordance with basic intelligence security, the message was only gibberish to the CIA microfilm expert. (Also in accordance with security, what ac- tually happened in Stettin and Paris has been dis- guised in this account.) The spy team in Stettin had employed a code prearranged with CIA headquarters in Washington. The microfilm was a cryptogram based on a key in the twenty-second prayer of David in the Book of Psalms; that mournful lamentation of David which begins?appropriately, in view of the fate of the Poles under the Russians? "My God, my God, why hast Thou forsaken me?" The next step in CIA procedure was to transmit the unintelligible scramble to Washington by short- wave radio under the cipher address: "For AWD's eyes only." That meant: for the sole attention of Allen Welsh Dulles, the Government's first civilian director of the Central Intelligence Agency, and younger brother of Secretary of State John Foster Dulles. The message, decoded by a cryptographic machine and transcribed in CIA's purplish-blue ink, was taken to Dulles in his office, where American and CIA flags and a huge world stereoscopic projection map dominate the room. Dulles worked with the supervising case man on this Polish project, and the full details of the report from Stettin are still classi- fied top secret. But this much may be related: The two agents confirmed the underground route they planned to follow?successfully, it turned out ?in leaving the Red port, threading their way across eighty-four miles of communist-patrolled country- side, and finding haven in a CIA "safe house" in West Berlin. To this may be added: When Dulles received the decoded message, he had information 20 UNITED PRESS The Swedish freighter Alf hem, which delivered 1900 tons of Czech munitions to Red-dominated Guate- mala five months ago. When. CIA agents reported the shipment, U.S. guns were flown to Colonel Armas. which enabled CIA to pull off one of the most suc- cessful intelligence coups of the entire cold war. He was hot on the trail of proof that the communist- dominated government of Guatemala was part and parcel of a Red conspiracy, hatched in Moscow, to give Russia a military toehold in Latin America hard by the Panama Canal. The message? broadly paraphrased to protect code security ?said this: A freighter named the Alf- hem and flying the flag of Sweden had tied up at the dock at Stettin. More than 15,000 crates and boxes had been lowered into her hold. The rumor along the water front was that the cargo, which arrived by rail from Czechoslovakia, consisted of munitions from the communists' Skoda arms works. Dulles alerted agents in Europe and in Africa. From them, replies tracing the transaction were rushed to Washington. Stockholm: The Alfhem was owned by the Swedish shipping line, Angbats A. B. The line had chartered the vessel to a shipping agent in London, E. E. Dean. London: Terms of the charter stipulated that Dean, a financial middleman, should recharter the freighter to Alfred Christianson in Stockholm. Stockholm: Christianson represented the Alfhem as carrying optical-laboratory equip- ment and optical glass for the French West African port of Dakar. The Secret of the Devious Freighter OTHER reports came into Dulles' office. Two ? days out of Dakar, the captain received radio orders to change his course for Trujillo, Honduras. Two days out of Trujillo, the captain's orders were countermanded again. The Alfhem was to proceed and unload at Puerto Barrios, the Caribbean port city of Red Guatemala. For optical-laboratory equipment and optical glass, the shipment received extraordinary atten- tion. The Guatemalan Minister of Defense was on hand to direct unloading of the cargo at Puerto Barrios. Cordons of army troops sealed off the entire dock area. Details of soldiers guarded the special military trains which sped the freight to arsenals in Guatemala City. Despite a junior-sized Iron Cur- tain, Dulles again received a message: The 15,000 unmarked wooden boxes and crates were of a size and weight to contain 1900 tons of small arms and small-arms ammunition, plus light-artillery pieces. Dulles called an emergency session of the Intelli- gence Advisory Committee behind sealed doors in CIA headquarters. Seated around the table were the intelligence brains of the Federal Government ? the heads of the Army, Navy and Air Force intelligence, the intelligence officers of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the State Department and Atomic Energy Commis- sion, and a representative of the Federal Bureau of Investigation. The committee, making the hours count, produced a quick crash estimate of the Guatemalan situation. Those 1900 tons of arms represented enough military might in Latin America to enable the Guatemalan Army to crush her neighbors, Honduras and El Sal- vador, and to march across Nicaragua and Costa Rica, to the Panama Canal. Immediately, with no recommendation as to a specific line of action, but with an emphatic warning that action was urgent, Dulles laid the crash esti- mate before the National Security Council. The first evident result came two days later, on May seven- teenth, when Secretary of State Dillies stripped the communist arms plot bare for all the world to see. The United States Government viewed the muni- tions shipment with gravity, he said, because of its? origin and quantity. Then Washington lapsed into official silence for a week. But, during the period ending May twenty- fourth, the Department of Defense dispatched two Air Force Globemasters over the Gulf of Mexico. Each plane ferried twenty-five tons of rifles, pistols, machine guns and ammunition to Honduras and Nicaragua. Now events ? some public, some veiled ? were moving rapidly. Col. Carlos Castillo Armas, former officer of the Guatemalan Army who was in exile in Honduras, obtained sufficient guns and munitions to equip each man in a force of fellow anticommunist refugees with a burp gun, a pistol and a machete. As he sent his troops across the Honduran-Guatemalan border with an ultimatum to communist puppet Jacobo Arbenz Guzman to capitulate, Castillo dispatched his "air force" of two old World War II P-38 fighter planes to buzz Guatemala City. The Arbenz air force was the first to defect. The Guatemalan Army, fearing that the 1900 tons of Red arms from Stettin were actually intended for use by the communist- dominated labor unions, refused to fight. An anti- communist junta took over the country, and an overt Russian threat to the Western Hemisphere was averted, at least for the present. Some American citizens may find it disturbing and even noxious for their Government to engage in such clandestine activity in faraway Stettin and Puerto Barrios. In the live-and-let-live days after World War I, the late Henry L. Stimson disbanded the "lack Chamber" of State Department code experts, because "gentlemen don't read other peo- ple's mail." Today, in this period of cold war after World War II, our Government is deeply involved countering Red espionage as it threatens the West- ern democracies. On assignment by The Saturday Evening Post these two Washington correspondents set out twelve months ago to cover the Central Intelligence Agency from every angle consistent with national security and the public interest. Our every interview, includ- ing talks with Government officials concerned with intelligence operations, and congressional leaders, plus exhaustive research, has had the aim of answer- ing the question: "What is the CIA up to?" Declassified and Approved For Release @50-Yr 2013/11/08: CIA-RDP74-00297R000601240029-1 Declassified and Approved For Release 50-Yr 2013/11/08: CIA-RDP74-00297R000601240029-1 UNITED PRESS Ex-CIA boss Walter Bedell Smith with Sen. Joe McCarthy, who has said the CIA is Red-infiltrated. Briefly, the answer must be stated like this: We are too prone to view our conflict with Russia in terms of the worry, "When will the Reds attack us militarily?" We strain to arm ourselves, thinking. only in terms of communist atomic bombs hurtling down on the democratic West from supersonic planes. The Russians hold that fear over us while they craftily go about their business of taking over target countries from within. We plan to defend our- selves on land, on sea and in the air, when what we must also do is combat the communist enemy un- derground, where he uses the fourth dimension of war ?infiltration, subversion and conspiracy. The free world saw Poland engulfed by commu- nism. That easy Russian conquest was gained, at Yalta, by deceit. Czechoslovakia lived briefly, after the war, in the illusion of peaceful coexistence with communism. But Czechoslovakia suddenly found her free people submerged under Russian infiltra- tion. American military aid to the French in Indo- china far outstripped in amount, cost and quality the armed support even the Vietminh rebels by the Chinese communists. But the Reds enveloped a vast area containing 12,000,000 people, the city of Hanoi and the rich rice fields of Northern Vietnam largely by infiltrating, softening up and swallowing. So it was? almost ? in Guatemala. Communist agitators, operating in the role of reformers, began infiltrating the public and private organizations of Guatemala as long as ten years ago. Agents indoc- trinated in such institutions as the Marx-Engels- Lenin School in Moscow, organized the peasants and workers on the banana plantations. Once in control of such mass groups, Reds soon took over the official press and radio of the Guatemalan Govern- ment. Through the technique of the political popular front, they dictated to the Guatemalan congress and president. Most alarming was the fact that the communists had not simply oozed across a frontier into a contiguous territory, but they were able to leapfrog their subversion and infiltration across the Atlantic and Pacific oceans to Latin America and its vital Panama Canal. The CIA, working with "freedom forces" of Guatemalans, met the Reds early enough to hand Russia its defeat in Guatemala. .As of today, the intelligence experts who attempt ?to gauge Russia's long-term intentions predict that the communists are not now prepared for military global conflict. That cautious assessment is based on information from behind the Iron Curtain which may be reported here only in bare-bone outline: Inside Russia: Despite the hard outer shell of Russia's military might ?a 4,000,000-man army, 20,000-plane air force and nuclear weapons esti- mated in four figures?all is not rosy within the U,S.S.R. Communist industry is progressing reason- ably well, spurred by an intensive program to train young scientists and engineers. This drive threatens to outstrip us in the live-or-die field of technology. Food ?an all-important weapon in total war ? is a UNITED PRESS The CIA gets some of its best information from ex-Reds--like Mrs. Vladimir Petrov, shown being hustled to a plane in Australia by Russian guards. Later, she was rescued and granted political asylum. vexing problem, due to a breakdown in the commu- nist collective-farming system. The Soviet recently was forced to divert 100,000 workers from industry to agriculture. Premier Malenkov is in control, but he ordered the liquidation of Secret Police Chief L. P. Beria because Beria was plotting the eradica- tion of Malenkov "in two or three days." On the day Beria was seized, Red Army tanks rumbled into the outskirts of Moscow, as they did the night that Stalin died. So Russia's committee form of govern- ment, with its divided power, is not an easy form to maintain in a dictatorship. Conclusion: The Politburo is quite satisfied with the gains communism is making with the present Red technique of subvert and conquer. The men in the Kremlin cannot be certain, even if they launched open military warfare and won a global conflict, that their regime could survive the retaliatory wreck- age and misery sure to be inflicted on the Russian population. The Red rulers have no thought of win- ning a war for someone else. The U.S.S.R. is worried lest her major ally, communist China, get a little out of hand. Russia does not want to be dragooned into armed combat with the West by Mao Tse-tung, but prefers, if and when she wages war, to choose the time and place herself?probably not before 1957 or 1958 at the earliest. The foregoing estimate of Russian plans and intentions is reported as no tidbit of gossip from the capital's cocktail-party circuit. It represents the warp and woof of our Government's foreign and domestic policy as patterned by the National Se- curity Council. If our leaders had thought open war was imminent, the Administration would have spon- sored no $7,400,000,000 reduction in Federal taxes at the recent session of Congress. Secretary of the Treasury George M. Humphrey would not be talking of the (Continued on Page 162) 21 ? Declassified and Approved For Release @50-Yr 2013/11/08: CIA-RDP74-00297R000601240029-1 162*" ?? c. Declassified and Approved For Release @50-Yr 2013/11/08: CIA-RDP74-00297R000601240029-1 THE SATURDAY EVENING POST Always a good sign Tins trademark is familiar from coast to coast. It's the Hartford Stag, as millions know?the symbol of dependable insur- ance protection, the sign of prompt and intelligent insurance service. Now is the time... After a fire, it's too late to "turn back the clock." Check now to make sure you have enough insurance to pay for any fire loss that may hit you. See your Hartford Agent or your insurance broker. Year In and Year Out You'll Do Well with the Hartford HARTFORD FIRE INSURANCE COMPANY HARTFORD ACCIDENT AND INDEMNITY COMPANY HARTFORD LIVE STOCK INSURANCE COMPANY Hartford 15, Connecticut THE POINTED END IS THE TYPIST'S FRIEND A NEW POINT IN A JIFFY SAVES TIME STAYS CLEAN Via is deli KLENZO WRAPPED ERASER PAPER BLAISDELL PENCIL CO., BETHATRES, PA. At all Stationers or write on your letterhead for Free Sample DOWN COMFORTS 6?44d4c-4 RE-COVERED Noprp. Also Wool Comforts Re-Covered ... and ... Feather-Fluff Comforts Made from Heirloom Feather- beds. Write for FREEsamples of 5ov- erings, testimo- nials and picture folder. No salesmen - ?1954 Mail order only! ALDEN COMFORT MILLS-B Box 6070 Dallas, Texas POP CORN EVERY KERNEL POPS OR YOUR MONEY BACK THE MYSTERIOUS DOINGS OF CIA (Continued from Page 21) possibility?barring fresh outbreaks of Red armed aggression ? of another $2,000,000,000 cut in national-defense spending in the 1955 fiscal year. Evidence points toward a shifting of emphasis from a " dollar-defense " line, based solely on developing and stock- piling more and more military weapons, to a strategy of countering the com- munists underground, where real Soviet conquests are being scored. This was the strategy in Guatemala, where we alerted "freedom forces" who were then able to drive the Reds to the sur- face and hand them a sound defeat. If the communists had been permitted another year of unbridled subversion of the Guatemalan people, we might have faced the necessity of sending marines to reinforce the Panama Canal and to save Latin America. The subse- quent propaganda windfall for Russia in her trumped-up diatribes against Yankee imperialism can easily be im- agined. Such strategy, evolved from CIA's revelations of Soviet maneuvers, meets the communists in their own kind of subversive underground cold war, where a timely bit of American counterespionage may prevent a hot war. CIA's nerve center is not housed in one of the imposing, neo-Hellenic buildings which line Washington's Constitution Avenue from the White House to Capitol Hill. The locale is one that Hollywood might choose for a spy thriller. The main office is a colonial-type structure of red brick in the rundown Foggy Bottom section of the city. To the west, a brewery raises the turretlike towers of a pseudo castle on the banks of the Potomac. A honky-tonk organ grinds out jazz in a nearby roller-skating rink. The view to the east is blocked by the shabby back sides of an array of State Depart- ment annexes, and, to the north the grimy shell of an abandoned gas works casts weird shadows on the surround- ing slums. The main CIA building was dis- guised until recently as the Depart- ment of State Printing Office. Dulles discovered that the Washington tele- phone directory listed: "Central In- telligence Agency, 2430 E. St., E Xecu- tive 3-6115." He found Washington sight-seeing guides halting their loaded buses on the street to point out to tourists that "there is the building where spies work." Dulles ordered a discreet sign posted: CENTRAL INTEL- LIGENCE AGENCY. Publicity ends there. A mesh-wire fence, eight feet high and topped by three strands of barbed wire, runs around the clipped green lawn. Inside, when the Intelligence Advisory Com- mittee meets, the doors are barred and locked. The typewriter ribbons and carbon papers used by stenographers to record the proceedings are locked overnight in safes. The wastebaskets are marked classified, their contents shredded and burned by special se- curity officers. Meetings of this group are never mentioned in the nation's press or on radio or television. Although it operates off the record as far as the American public is con- cerned, the CIA occupies thirty-odd buildings in the capital, maintains twenty-five domestic offices across the country on a twenty-four-hour basis, and finances unnumbered covert branches around the world to beg, buy or steal information on the Reds' war potential and intentions. CIA employees number between 8000 and 12,000 anonymous men and women whose duties, salaries and even names never appear on published Government payrolls. The total cost of CIA operations runs several hundred million dollars a year. Dulles declines to discuss details of agency personnel and his budget, but if CIA employs 10,000 persons, the payroll is half as large as the entire Department of State. The CIA will not, as it may not, con- cede publicly that its employees and appropriations are used in what are popularly known as cloak-and-dagger operations. But it is significant that while Allen Dulles is not nearly so well known in this country as his brother, John Foster Dulles, he is probably much better known behind the Iron Curtain. His alleged exploits and dire deeds as an imperialist warmonger fill the columns of Pravda and the satellite press. Radio Moscow has linked him with every unfortunate communist leader who has gone to the gallows for "co-operation with the capitalistic West." He was paid a singular compli- ment by Ilya Ehrenburg, the sharp- tongued Kremlin propagandist. "Even October 30,1954 if the spy, Allen Dulles, should arrive in heaven through somebody's absent- mindedness," Ehrenburg wrote, "he would begin to blow up the clouds, mine the stars and slaughter the angels." If he desired to proceed with such celestial depredations, Dulles un- doubtedly could find authority in Pub- lic Law 110, the act passed by Congress and signed by President Truman on June 20, 1949, to make the CIA a more effective weapon to protect free nations from subversion. Under this virtually unbounded grant of personal authority, Dulles need not voucher his multi- million-dollar appropriations. Actually, the director files routine Federal ex- pense accounts for all "white" CIA operations, such as research. Dulles re- ports to the Bureau of the Budget and to a small group of members of Con- gress on an off-the-record basis for his secret, or "black," expenditures? but on a lump-sum area basis of so many dollars spent, say, in the Far East or Latin America. Since he has been director, Dulles has returned an un- spent balance of his appropriation to the Treasury. Dulles may hire, pay and fire CIA personnel, under the law, without re- (Continued on Page 165) The Best Player I Ever Coached T ALWAYS said there was a touch of genius in Dixie Howell. Even today, when you speak of great passing combinations in the South, you usually begin with Howell ?and his end mate, Don Hutson. Yet when Howell re- ported at the University of Ala- bama in 1931, he looked like any- thing but a fabulous passer. Howell was a 150-pound end from the small town of Hartford, Alabama. We took him only on the recommendation of an alumnus in whose judgment we had great faith. Physically, Howell was un- impressive. In his second week on the campus, he broke his leg. He never played freshman football. As a sophomore, he looked un- dersized to be blocking 215-pound tackles. But he showed good speed, so we converted him to a left halfback in our Notre Dame box formation. He was No. 3 left half, and played very little until midseason. Then the top two left halfbacks were injured. Howell got his chance behind the first- string line, and won the game that day. From then on, he was always No. 1. While he ran well and was an excellent punter, he gave no initial promise of becoming a good passer, much less a superb one. Howell's quick reactions proved the key to his football success. He could size up a situation in a split second, like my gifted Notre Dame teammate, George Gipp. This knack, important in all phases of football, is especially By FRANK THOMAS Late Head Coach, Alabama valizable to a passer. As Howell progressed, passing seemed to come to him as a natural thing. Howell probably hit his peak in the second quarter of our 1935 Rose Bowl victory over Stanford. He ran back a punt twenty-five yards, setting up a touchdown which he later scored. He raced sixty-seven yards for another touchdown, and threw six passes for a total of eighty yards to make a third score. The final count was 29-13, and three of our four touchdowns were pretty much Howell. For a youngster who started out in college football as an under- sized "catcher," he certainly wound up as a great "pitcher." UNIVERSITY OF ALABAMA Howell after snagging one. Declassified and Approved For Release @50-Yr 2013/11/08: CIA-RDP74-00297R000601240029-1 Declassified and Approved For Release @50-Yr 2013/11/08: CIA-RDP74-00297R000601240029-1 THE SATURDAY EVENING POST (Continued from Page 162) - gard to the "provisions of any other laws which require the publication or disclosure of the organizations, func- tions, names, official titles, salaries, or numbers of personnel employed by the agency." He may assign employees "for special instruction, research, or ? training, at or with domestic or foreign public or private institutions; trade, ' labor, agricultural, or scientific associa- tions; courses or training programs under the National Military Establish- ment; or commercial firms." Dulles has the right, with the ap- proval of the Attorney General and the Commissioner of Immigration, to bring as many as 100 aliens a year into the United States if he finds their entry "in the interest of national security, or essential to the furtherance of the national intelligence mission." Millions of dollars to finance black - activities are camouflaged in routine appropriation bills for regular Federal departments sent to Congress by the LINES TO A VERY YOUNG BRIDE ? Ba Alice Martin Lester You made the jump from blue jeans Right through the looking glass Into the world of romance Where mad magicians pass; And in a night of wonder? Of laughter, love and life? You found your heart's desire And pledged to be his wife. Now, in your bridal trousseau Are laces like a queen's. But what is that you're,packing? A faded pair of jeans! * * * * * * * * * * Bureau of the Budget. No more than ten or twelve congressmen, including Senators Saltonstall, of Massachusetts, and Russell, of Georgia, and Represen- tEitiveslraher, ofi,New drk,anci of Missouri= members of the Armed Services and Appropriations subcom- mittees whom Dulles briefs personally apd privately ?even realize that they are approving CIA funds when they cast their votes. So if size, cost and secrecy were the sole criteria for gaug- ing the success of CIA, the country could sleep soundly tonight in the as- surance that we have the right answers to Russian scheming. But during the recent session of Con- gress, Sen. Mike Mansfield, a fair- minded Democrat from Montana, stood on the Senate floor to cite what he called CIA "exploits which have been the subject of many whispered com- plaints." He pointed to rumors that CIA had subsidized a Nazi-type or- ganization in West Germany which had marked leaders of the Social Demo- cratic political party for liquidation. The senator admitted that he could not vouch for his information, but he voiced suspicion that CIA was main- taining the tatterdemalion remains of a Nationalist Chinese Army in Burma, despite Burmese protests to the United Nations, to make forays into Red China. Mansfield concluded his speech to a hushed and attentive Senate by intro- ducing a resolution to establish a special watchdog committee to keep a con- gressional eye? on Dulles' operations. Dulles adhered to his usual closed- mouth policy of neither confirming nor denying such spoken or published re- ports: To do so would offer attractive bait for Soviet fishing expeditions into our intelligence secrets. So the Mans- field speech went unanswered. The re- sult was that nineteen other Democrats and seven Republicans joined the sen- ator as co-sponsors of his bill. This meant no specific faultfinding with CIA, as the senators admitted. Because of the hush-hush air surround- ing the agency, they were voicing nat- ural doubts over the efficiency of the administration of CIA, a political curiosity as to the number of jobholders on its unpublished payroll, and a ques- tioning of the reliability of CIA's "national estimates." More recently, a direct attack on CIA came from Sen. Joseph R. Mc- Carthy, who charged that the agency had been infiltrated by communists. The senator called the situation "even more dangerous than Red penetration of the Army Signal Corps' radar labora- tories" at Fort Monmouth, New Jer- sey. He announced that he would make CIA the next target of his Special In- vestigating subcommittee. Flaunting his disregard of the presidential order safeguarding such executive secrets, McCarthy renewed his call on Federal employees to furnish him with confi- dential information from restricted and delicate agency files. Dulles issued one of his rare public statements. He called the senator's charges false. He revealed that he had written McCarthy almost a year ago, asking for any specific allegations Mc- Carthy had to offer on communists within the CIA, but the senator had not even acknowledged his letter. Dulles, expressing no doubt that Mc- Carthy was seeking information from inside CIA, addressed a CIA orienta- tion session with this ultimatum: "Any- one giving Senator McCarthy CIA in- formation will be fired." McCarthy went ahead with his in- quiry, assigning the preliminary inves- tigation to Donald A. Surine, even though the then McCarthy committee aide had been refused clearance by the Defense Department to see classified material. Mcgarthy .announced later that he had conferred with a "high elected official" of the Administration and agreed that public hearings on CIA would not be in the public interest, but he left for a vacation in Mexico, de- claring his determination to probe our intelligence system. While McCarthy vacationed, the Administration cannily froze him out of new Red-hunting headlines. The Hoover Government-reorganization commission announced that a special task force would examine CIA. The survey, beginning in the fall of 1954, was placed under the direction of re- tired Gen. Mark W. Clark. A previous Hoover survey, made in 1949, when CIA was two years old, held that the agency "had not yet achieved the desired degree of proficiency and dependability in its estimates" for the National Security Council?so Mc- Carthy could not charge "whitewash." During the hearing into his controversy with the Army, the senator had singled out General Clark for special praise ? so he could not cry "hand-picked judge." The senator gave up and pledged that he would transmit his information on CIA to General Clark. This is the first of three articles on the CIA. Next week, this exclusive report reveals the truth about communist efforts to infiltrate the agency. ?The Editors. 1?Genuine Cordovan Storm-Sealed Sole $23.95 2?Genuine Cordovan Double Sole $19.95 3?Genuine Cordovan Storm-Sealed Sole $19.95 165 Collegiate Cordovans ... famed for resistance to weather and wear. ... and the polished perfection of the "Bootleather of Kings" as fashioned by Freeman. See your Freeman dealer. $9.95 to $23.95* Wonderful feeling FREEMAN'S *SLIGHTLY HIGHER WEST OF ROCKIES ? FREEMAN SHOE CORPORATION. BELOIT. WISCONSIN ? WRITE FOR DEALER'S NAME 00c)c)c,(o0ocAoc)oc)(:)(:)000c)c).:::)0cpcp0c)0aDeocDfocpc,c)c)cd LOOKING FOR LUSCIOUS DESSERT? 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