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25X1A __*proved For Release 2001/08/08: CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004=8- CONMENVAL. NEWS. VIEWS and ISSUES INTERNAL USE ONLY This publication contains clippings from the domestic and foreign press for YOUR BACKGROUND INFORMATION. Further use of selected items would rarely be advisable. No. 1 21 FEBRUARY 1974 GOVERNMENTAL AFFAIRS 1 GENERAL 21 EASTERN EUROPE 27 WESTERN EUROPE 29 FAR EAST 33 WESTERN HEMISPHERE 36 Destroy after backgrounder has served its purpose or within 60 days. CONFIDENTIAL Approved For Release 2001/08/08: CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-86 NEW YORle TIMES, WEDNESDAY, fAniXIARY 16, 1974 E7 :1711?7q T i('''7 I (7\11 if ",,,A?,, L, I,/ i IN 1 0 Thfirenuff iip t,,,, la 10-1 Vilii X \iii (t) A L4 TA E WORDS ARE LOST t? White House Cautions Against Drawing Any Conclusions By LESLEY OELSNER Special to The New York Times WASHINGTON, Jan. 15?A Court-appointed panel of six technical experts reported to- day that the 181A -minute gap on a crucial Watergate tape re- Ording was caused by at least five separate erasures and re- recordings, and not by a single accidental pressing of the wrong button on a tape record- er, as the White House has sug- gested, ? The panel also reported that the converSation on the tape? In which President Nixon ap- Parently ordered H. R. Halde- man to carry out "public re- ? Tekt of the advisory panel's report is on Page 16. , lations" offensive to counter- fact the effect of the Water= late break-In di the Democratic national headquarters three days earlier?could not be re- Itrieved. The disclosure seemed cer. Ain to strain the President's tredibility even further, for it suggested, to Many, that some- one in the White House had Ttiurposely destroyed subpoenaed evidence. Senators from both sides of the aisle said that the develop.' tent was damaging to Mr. Nixon. So did Elliot L. Rich. drdson, the former Attorney General. United States District Judge John 3. Since, who has pre- Sided over the Watergate case from the beginning, said that. he wanted to find out whether,. as , he put it, the gap was "caused by an accident, or was it deliberately done?" The next question, of couese? If it was "deliberately done," W1ts, Who did it,la President NM, or Rose Mary Wooda, secretary, Whom the White Approved THAT GAP I? ING SU ES House had initially blamed for the gap? Or someone else who had had access to the tape? Meanwhile, the White House refused to inake a "premature comment" on the experts' find- 'rigs, but asserted that conclu- sions should not be drawn wh4 the matter was still be- fore the court. [Page 163 The tape in question was sub- poenaed last summer, by the special Watergate prosecution. The White House first an- nounced the existence of the gap On Nov. 21, nearly a month after President Nixon finally announced that he would abide by the court's order to comply with the subpoena. According to legal experts, the fact that the White House did not report that there had, been at least five separate acts' of erasure on the subpoenaed tape could be the basis for a contempt of court citation against either Mr. Nixon or his lawyers, should a court deter- mine that officials knew of the erasures. Moreover, if it is determined that someone deliberately made the erasures, lawyers say, that person could be prosecuted for obstruction of justice. ' The penalty for such an of- fense can go as .high as five years in prison and a $5,-000 fine. And if Mr. Nixon is charged ?either with contempt or with obstruction of justice ? that charg could seriously aggravate the President' position in any impeachment proceeding. The matter' is especially dam- aging because the erased gap apparently contained the only mention of Watergate in, the Haldeman-Nixon conversation June 20 .1972. Handwritten notes of the meeting by Mr. Haldeman, introduced at an earlier stage, of Judge Sirica's hearing into Mr. Nixon's com- pliance with the subpoenas,, showed that Mr. Nixon had given his order for' a public re- lations offensive during that, conversation. The only official explanatiool that the White House has ever' given of the gap, was that it had, apparently been caused by Miss Woods, through a mistake she made while listening to the tape to make a transcript. In a document submitted to the court Nov. 26 on Mr. NJ:: on's behalf, J. Fred Diir.harde Jr., at that time the cilia of _ the President's Watergate legal defense team, stated that the gap had apparently been caused by Miss Wood's accidentally pressing of the wrong button on the machine. No Conclusion on Cause ? The panel, in its five-page report, released by Judge Sirica, and in testimony by its members in Federal .Court, declined to say whether they thought the erasures had been caused accidentally or &libel:- ately. Under questioning by the As- sistant special Watergate pros- ecutor, Richard Ben-Veniste, however, panel members agreed that the technical evidenee'they had found in examining the tape would be "consistent" with the results that would be found if their had been a deliberate attempt to erase the tape. If it were an accident, "it would have to be an accident that was repeated .at least five times?" Mr. Ben-yen iste asked at one point, his voice skeptical: Correct, replied Richard H. Bolt of Lincoln, Mass., the first of the experts to take the wit- ness stand. ? ? Response by Nixon Aide After court recessed this afternoon, James St. Clair?the latest of President Nixon's at- torneys in the case?told re- porters that "I think I'm going to talk to my own experts." Mr. Bolt, who with the five other experts was appointed by Judge Sirica after the White House and the special .prosecu- tor had given him the experts' names, was standing nearhi,. "I thought we were your ex.- peas," he replied.. Miss Woods testified before the court on Nov. 26 about her "terrible accident." She said that her telephone had rung while she was in the midst qf listening to the tape, Oct. 1, 'and that when ,she reached for it, she "must ? have" pressed down on the "record" rather than the "stop" button and kept her foot on the foot pedal while she talked. ? As her testimony progressed, however, she insisted more and mote vehemently that she had only been .on the phone for four or five minutes and that thus she could have caused only a four-or five minute por- tion of the erasure. , Miss Woods Also said that on the 'morning she began working on the tape, on the last weelincl of September, President Nixon came to her cabin at Camp 1-Invid, Md., nod "listened to different parts of the tape, pushing buttons back and forth." She said, however, that he was in her cabin only for a few minutes, and indicated that the portion Mr. Nixon listened to was the first part of the tape, covering a conversation earlier on June 20, 1972, between Mr. Nixon and John D.,Ehrlichman. The ?White - House has con- tended that it never discovered the' gap until Nov. 14 because it was not until then that it !realized the Nixon-Haldeman !portion was also subpoenaed, in addition to the Ehrlichman segment, and "that it had thus not checked the entire tape. ? Mr. Buzhardt subsequently said that his explanation had only been "just a possibility." Gen. Alexander M. Haig Jr., President Nixon's chief of staff, then offered his own theory: He said that women often talk longer on the phone than they admit, and that Miss Woods had probably caused the entire gap. Earlier Haig Testimony , General Haig also said that ",!at one point?when the White House counsel could not deter- mine the cause for the buziing sound that could, he heard for 18 minutes on the tape, ih place of conversation?various per- sons in. the White House had thought the gap was caused by "sinister forces." He said,. though,' that the staff had then. determined that the buzzing was caused by the proximity of the tape recorder to a ten- sor lamp and an' electric tYpe-? writer, and that the sinister, forces theory was thus aban- doned. The panel of experts rejected the lamp-electric typewriter ex-, planation of the buzzing sound, saying that it had apparently been caused by a combination of factors; a defective corn-, ponent in the recorder used by Miss Woods, certain sound, levels on the electrical power line to which the recorder was" plugged, and, perhaps, the placing of a hand near the: machine. Their key finding, however,' was that the gap had been .caused by a number of erasures rather than one?as Mr. Bolt put it during his cross-exami- nation by Mr. St. Clair this afternoon, "just how the buzz started is not really relevant." The experts ? whose ex. planations turned the court into something of a university lecture hall, replete with charts and blackboard and dozens of listeners ntrainitei to titular= Wand ? made their finding through a process described as For-Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 'developing" the tape. They covered the tape with a mag- netic fluid that allowed them to see various markings on the tape. The key marking was what they called the "quartet signa- ture" four tiny lines, each half a millimeter high, in a group three millimeters wide? which the "erase head" of the recorder marks onto the tape each time the erase function is halted. There were five such marks on the tape, according to the testimony. ? here were also marks indi; Cathie a? total of nine different .!'starts" to the erasing and re4 tecording..process,? but not all; of these nine segments had what the experts called ",cer- ,tain endings" ? apparently be- cause they were superceded by the starts of erasures. Accord- ing to the testimony, there were thus between five and nine separate actions taken to erase and record segments of the,.180/2-ininue stretch of tape. , The quartet signature, ac- cording to the testimony, oc- curs only when the machine has been ? operating and then the "record" button is released ? ?and, while the button can be released by pressing any of four other bultOns on -the ma- chine, it must be done manually. Judge Sirica interrupted the ,discussion at one point to ask the "significance" of the mark- ings. . 'Button Was Deactivated' it definitely means that the record button was deactivated, ,which can only be done- by re- Llease of the record head, which can only be done by pressing one of the four buttons," the 'witness at the moment, Thomas G. Stockham Jr. of the Univey, sity of Utah, replied. ? Pressing them "manually?", ;Judge Sirica asked. "Or with a stick," the wit- ness replied. The answer corn- ' ing after Months of testimony about "sinister, forces" and descriptions of reaching for a phone while playing a machine' several feet away, drew loud laughs from almost everyone In the courtroom, except for those who sat at the White 'House table. The group at that table to- day included Miss Woods's at- torney, Charles S. Rhyne, who in earlier stages of the case 'had insisted, on sitting else, where. ? The experts said that there I were three small fragments of rmorl9Ttmes lidUSE 410-4 GIVES SUBPOENA POWE IN NIXON INQUIRY Judiciary Panel Is Authorized. to Summon Anyone, Including President, With Evidence By JAMES M. NAuGHTON SPeels) to The New:York Times - WASHINGTON, Feb. 6?The 'House of Representatives Voted 410 to 4 today to grant the Judiciary Committee broad' Constitutional power to investigate President Nixon's con-. duct, The House thus formally ratified the impeachment inquiry begun by the committee last October and empow- ered the panel to subpoena anyone, including , the Presi- 'guarantee , that the inquiry dent; with evidence pertinent would not become partisan. td the investigation. 'No Other Way' It was only the second time . The tone was struck by the the nation's history that. Judiciary Committee chairmah, such a step, directed at a Representative Peter W. Ro- Pres?dent, had been. taken in dino Jr., Democrat o New Jer- the House. But the roll-call sey; when he told an unusually Vete was not a test of impeach- attentive House: trient sentiment. "Whatever the result, what, r, The vote followed an hour ever we learn or conclude, let of debate in which no one rose us now proceed with such care to defend Mr. Nixon, but Dem- and decency and thoroughness *trots and Republicans quar- an honor that the vast majority !Med over the best method to of the American people, and "speech-like Sound"- on the; portion of the tape bearing the 181/2-minute gap, each next to a small silence. Mr. Ben-Veniste pressed! for an explanation, asking if those portions could be ort the tape if someone erased a portion of the conversation then rewound the tape, then tried to advance it to the "exact spot" where the erasure ended and then be- gan a new erasure on a subse- quent portion of 'the tape. Dr. Stockharif replied that it was "conceivable," for, as he put it, "It's extremely difficult to arrange" for the subsequent erasure to begin at the precise point on the tape where the last erasure ended. Several , questions were phras&I in terms of 'Miss Woods; at one point, in saying that to create a certain effect on the tape "he" would have to takea certain action, Mr. Bolt quickly stated that he had ,been using the "editorial 'he'." But other than that, no one. in court at leatt, siiggested that Miss 'Woods had made the various erasures and re-record- ings. Mr. Rhyne, in fact, stated later that he .considered the testimony "entirely consistent" :with Miss Woods's previous Approved For Release 2001/08/08 'testimony, and that he did not expect his client to be recalled. I Mr. St. Clair began his cross- ;examination of the experts this afternoon, saving further ques- tions until Friday when the ex- , perts will return to court. ' He focused on the question ; ? .of wht4 her the Uher machine used by Miss Woods for tran- scribing was defective. The ex- perts testified earlier in the day that a part of the tape machine, a? bridge rectifier, used in changing alternating current to direct current, had to be re- placed while the experts were using the machine for testing. "Would it be reasonable to infer that the machine was in some manner defective causing the buzz on the tape?" asked Mr. St. Clair. The witness, Mark Weiss, said that was correct. The experts' analysis also in- dicated. that someone's hand was probably. present near the tape machine at one point in the 181/2-minute buzz another tonlment that interested Mr. St. Clair: Wouldn't this phenom- enon have been expected at .other places on the tape? asked Mr. St. Clair. , ? , -"We 'didn't find. it" replied Mr. Weiss. their children after them, will say: This was the right course. There was no other way." The four members who (im- posed the resolution. all Re- publicans, were Ben B. Black- burn of Georgia, Earl F. Land- brebe of Indiana, Carolos J. 'Moorhead of California and Da- vid, C. Treen of Louisiana. Mr. Moorhead, a, member of the Judiciary Committee, ob. jected that the resolution gay, tthe panel such unrestricted sub posena power that it "can only ,precipitate a constitutional con- ' fiontation and further divide ti' people of our country." The significance of the House 'action was illustrated by Mr, Rodino's statement that the Leon Jaworski. The resolution was adopted after the House rejected, 342 to 70, a parliamentary effort to open the measure to amend- ments that would have set an April 30 deadline for comple- tion of the inquiry and allowed the committee's senior Repub- lican to issue subpoenas inde- pendly. s 'Good with Me' Representative John J. Rhodes of Arizona, the House Repub- lican Leader, signaled the fate of the parliamentary maneuver when he - declared that Mr. Rodino's pledge to conduct the inquiry fairly and expeditiously was "good with me." Only 67 of 178 Republicans voting on the issue and 3 of 234 Democrats disagreed and sought unsuccessfully adoption of the restrictions. power to issue and enforce a As approved, the measure subpoena would be drawn di- ? proives no termination date for rectly from the Constitution, and would not depend upon any statutory provisions or re- quire judicial enforcement." He said that a subpoena would be issued to Mr. Nixon only if the committee thought it necessary to reach. a "fair" judgment whether there were grounds for impeachment. poena. "The gentleman from New pr Reesentativ Hampshire hopes that will not e Robert Mc- Hampshire Republican of Illinois, asserted that a fixed deadline would assure a troubled nation that the Watergate turmoil would soon end. . "Imagine!" he protested, his voice and arms rising and fall- ing together. "Imagine this im- portant resolution, historic in its impact, being presented here without an opportunity for amendment." the White House or to the' Representative William ? L. Watergate special prosecutor, 2 -CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 the investigation. It authorized Mr. Rodino and the ranking Republican, Representative Ed- ward Hutchinson of Michigan, to issue subpoenas jointly. If either declines, the full commit- tee, composed of 21 Democrats and 17 Republicans, must de- cide whether to issue a sub- be necessary, Representative Louis C. Wyman, Republican of New Hampshire, said' as he stared across the quiet chamber at Mr. Rodino. "The gentleman -from New Jersey does also," Mr. Rodino replied. .He told newsmen later that no decisions would be made within the next few days on requests for evidence to either Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8` Hungate, Democrat of Missouri. retorted dryly that it would be jrresponsible to set an "arbi- trary" deadline that might.pbt the committee in "the position of the skydiver whose chute , failed to open and found he had ;Jumped to a conclusion"? Several Republicans warned ,that the inquiry could degen- erate into partisanship without la guarantee that the Democrat- ic majority would not suppress a subpoena ' written by the senior Republican. , "Suppose we, wanted to call [Senator) Hubert Humphrey or ?Bobby 'Baker?" asked:Represen- tative David W. Dennis, Re- publican of Indiana. Mr. Baker was convicted in 1967 of lar- ceny, 'fraud and income tax evasion after an inquiry into New York Times 16 Jan. 1974 ! 'his activities as the secretary to Senate Democrats. Republicans spparently took their cue, however, from Mr. Rhodes, who said that the mi- nority would be able to "look at its options" later if the in- quiry became partisan. Despite the seriousness the House action, there was no indication of influence hav- ing been exerted either by the White House or by groups lob- bying , on . behalf of the im- peachment of Mr. Nixon. The President had breakfast at the White House this morn- ing with 37 Republican Sena- tort and ?Representatives who are members of two informal Capitol Hill groups, the Chow- der and Marching Society and the S.O.S. Club. Only four of Watergate Image By C...L..Sulzberger . PARIS?Before 1940 the United States, reckoning "foreigners don't , vote," paid relatively little heed to , other countries. Nor, until it became a superpower and convinced itself that 'an "American century" had arrived, ,did foreign lands pay much attention to the U.S.A. One result was a heritage of igno- rance and even today, after 35 years of direct U.S. involvement abroad,. some .pf that ignorance remains. One can see this in 'the puzzling failure of, foreigners to. assess the American 'sense of political morality as earnestly ,,. as Americans do. A glaring case Is . Watergate. Maybe because they lack our Puri- tan ethic, or because they are more '. cynical in the Old World than the ' New, 'there are few places overseas where the affair is taken.at nearly. the ; same level' of seriousness as in the ...United States. . . Many Americans may think foreign- ers are fools and should learn better. , However, there are enough problems In which foreigners have more tangible -interest than they see for themselves. , in Watergate:. so after a brief flurry ,abroad there now exists a period of . journalistic diminuendo. ' ; The British., on the brink of ec0-? ?nomic disaster and possible. elections, .1.1 have little space for President Nixon . r in their atrophied newspapers. The French, obsessed by political mini- .. scandals including bugging of a hu-- . morous magazine, an event called ' Watergaffe, have small concern for 1 troubles in another version of democ- racy. ' The rest of Europe is worried by Mr. Nixon's House guests sup- :ported the effort to amend the resolution, and none of them opposed its final approval. The House has taken formal impeachment action only a dozen times before. The only instance In which a President's; conduct was investigated was in 1867, when the House adopted a similar resolution cif- recting the Judiciary Commit- tee to inquire into the possible impeachment of Andrew John- son. Equally 'Solemn' The House rejected the com- mittee's articles of impeach- ment in December, 1867, but voted two months later to im- peach President Johnson after he dismissed Secretary of War broad the oil emergency, recent outbreaks Of terror, slow disintegration of the Euro- pean Community, or internal problems. For Italy?whose special gift to po- litical theory is the art of governing without a government?Watergate 'is only a distant snicker. Even among non-allies there is un- concern. The Russians are plaDng it' pianissimo:- after all, the embattled President is the man with whom they arranged detente from which grain, technology and quiet-on-the-Western- front have stemmed. The Israelis like Mr. Nixon more than they think they like Gerald, Ford; and the Arabs appear to think he is the least bad President we've recently had. And China? When I asked Chou En- lai .what he thought of Our famous scandal, he replied: "We' never use the word scandal in discupsing this. Since it is entirely your own internal affair, we have never published any- thing about it in our press. It doesn't' affect the over-all situation. "We think it perhaps reflects your FOREIGN AFFAIRS political life and social system. . ? . You have had sUch things occur in your society and undoubtedly will again. There are many social aspects interwoven into It and it is better not to discuss this issue. I hope your President will be able to overcome these difficulties." . The extraordinary thing is that just as Mr. Nixon seemed even more closely hemmed in, one could read a front-page column in the leading Paris morning daily' by its foreign editor called "The Revival of America," which 1Edward M. Stanton. 'The Sen- ate subsequently i acquitted Johnson. Referring to the Johnsen im- peachment, Mr. Rhodes de- scribed the House proceeding today as an equally "solerrin occasion." What the House concludes In Mr. Nixon's case, said Repre- sentative Elizabeth Holtzman, Democrat of Brooklyn, "will stand for all time. We will act expeditiously, but we will act soundly." Mr. Rodino also referred to the need for sensitivity and caution. , "For almost 200 years," he said, "Americans have undert` gone the stress of preserving' their freedom and the Const r. tution that protects it. It is our' turn now." concluded: "The Pax Americana ? of Richard Nixon is a fact before which one can only bow." ? The same day I received a quote from an American history book, sent by a brilliant Italian friend, discuss- ing the impeachment of President Andrew Johnson. This said: "In these ' .matters General Grant cut a sorry figure. "He 'was so eager to aid the im- peachment counsel That he even bribed a White House janitor to send him the 'scraps from the President's waste- basket., He went to the trouble 'of calling on variouS Senators at their .. home, urging them to vote for con-. viction. This was, of course, a bare- faced tampering with the jury." For many foreigners, there is a suspicion that one of America's con.: ,temporary problems is not just misuse., of the Presidency but its modernize- ' tion., When one asks: "Has Mr. Nixon the right to tape conversations?" the answer is often; "Why not?" French political "ins"?as distin- guished from the "outs"?see Water- gate as another Version of their own clash between legislature ana execu- tive. The British are mildly surprised that ' the American public insists on . seeing , documents involving national security. "Abroad"?as Secretary Kissinger knows while he rushes around patch- ing it up?is a different world than ' that at home which still, amid the - sordid devices of automatic spookery . and instant copying, hopes to recap- ture the dream of America's Founding Fathers. The world abroad is not bit-s. ing its nails over United States moral- ity but over if and whether it foreign policy works. So far it does. 3 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 Approved For Release 2091/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 WASHINGTON POST Friday,Ian.25,1974 Stephen S. Rosenfeld Watergate:, The Soviet, :Connection One of the most curious things about t Watergate is how it reminds Ameri- cana of Russia. Searching for examples to explain this administration's misuse of power, many observers have been tiled by the relative thinness of Ameri- can precedents to turn to the Krem- ' Bn's ways. For despite the interna- tional changes of recent years, the So- viet Union still furnishes the general yardstick of totalitarianism, the stand- ard by which the violence of state .against citizen Is commonly judged. . So last week the New Yorker maga- zine, in Talk of the Town, observed: "Our misfortune is that neither of the i?two men who hold the world's survival !" in their hands has an acceptable vision ? of What kind of world it should be. President Nixon (the leader of a free . conntry that; owing to him, is in dan- ger of losing its freedom) and Secre- tary-General,Brezhnev (the leader of a I, 'totalitarian country that is trying to make sure that freedom stays lost , there) have both used detente as a ra- tionalization for dictatorial measures , In their own countries." Brezhnev's crackdown on Solzhenitsyn, Nixon's on ' Cox, were paired. There is, granted, a general truth here at work. In an era of continuing international tension, it becomes easy if not habitual for any government un- der domestic siege to charge that its internal critics are aiding its external foes. When a certain thawing threatens to melt that rationale for restricting domestic critics, then governments all too quickly turn to the claim that, to preserve and enhance the new climate, the old restrictions are still required. So it is right and necessary to ask, with the New Yorker, "how te recon- cile our survival with our liberty." That Is the Issue Watergate poses to our national dialogue. To say that all swimmers get Wet, however, is not to say they all swim as fast as Mark Spitz. Brezhnev and Nixon wield state power and face in- ternal critics, but there resemblance ends. If the children of the New Left have an emotional investment in de- tecting no difference, then others, the New Yorker included, have no similar excuse for not' thinking straight. The United States is a free country because it has the traditions and insti- tutions which give the people the pros- pect of checking central power. , The Soviet, Union lacks those traditions and institutions and affords its citizens no similar prospect. The. American sys- tem is open to political abuses but it is laughable to compare these to the abuses endemic in the Russian system. The United States is not "owing to Nixon, in dancer of losing its free- dom." At most it is, owing to Nixon, in a crisis from which it can recover. Rus- sia is not "trying to make sure that freedom stays lost there": it is practic- ing business as usual. Unlike Nixon, Brezhnev does not need the cause of detente to "rationalize dictatorial measures": he simply applies power. It is a notable feature of detente di- plomacy that the U.S. now shuns the kinds of comments on the values avd internal practices of the Soviet Unien which were common in the "cold war", days of more conspicuous ideologleal conflict. Periodically, Dr. Kissinger; manages to let it be known that does not approve of the way the nits= siaits stuff dissenters into insane lums, and the like. Such intimatiiini are always accompanied' by a war*. that moral outrages should not be lid- lowed to interfere with political :*11-' fairs. The bureaucracy carried this Om-. matic tendency to a new exteme alf*vi months ago, by the way, when the' State Department, replying to a House Foreign Affairs subcommittee's re- quest for a list of countries that had "lost their democracies since World. War II," declined to provide a llst. The; department explained that "it is impos: sible to get an international consensus, . ?of what the term 'democracy' means, , . . Altogether, there are' no hard and fast rules to go by." Private citizens, however, are under no similar compunction to avoid bruis-' ing the sensibilities of the world's clic-. tatorships. Thus a kind of high-low an-, Proach has evolved ? the government, delicately skirts public comment on, ? say, Solzhenitsyn or Soviet Jews, whilef? private citizens say what they feel. This is how the New Yorker comes toi make its remarks on Solzhenitsyn, andr Watergate. We owe it only to the fact that Nixon is their President of current'? choice that the Russians have noti. themselves jumped on the Watergate, bandwagon. In other circumstances,- they would use it as proof Of our cor-, ruption and imminent ruin. In the actual circumstances, it embarrasses. their political designs. One of the! most curious things about Watergate:i is how it must remind Russians of Russia. ;NEW YORK TIMES, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 1, 1974 Transcript of Nixon's Watergate View , Following is a transcript of President Nixon's remarks on Watergate, delivered Wednes- day night at the conclusion of 'his State of the Union Message, as recotded by The New York Times:' Mr. Speaker and Mr. President and my distin- guished colleagues and our ,guests, I would like to add a 'personal word with regard 'to an issue that has been of great concern to all Ameii= cans over the past year. I refer, of course, to the Investigations of the so- called Watergate affair. .As you know, I have pro- Added to the special prose- cutor voluntarily a great deal of material. I believe that I have pro- vided all the material that he needs to conclude his investi- gations and to proceed to prosecute the guilty and to clear the innocent I believe the time has come to bring that investiga- tion and the other investiga- tions of this matter ,to an end. One year of Watergate is enough. And the time has come, my colleagues, for not only the executive, the President, but the members of Con- gress, for all of us to join together in devoting our full energies to these great issues that I have discussed tonight which involve the welfare of all the American people in so Many different ways as well as the peace of the world.. Plans to Cooperate recognize that the House Judiciary. Committee has a special responsibility in this area, and I want to indicate on this occasion that I will cooperate with the Judiciary Committee in its investiga- tion. I will cooperate so that it can conclude its investiga- tion, make its decision and I will cooperate in any way that I consider consistent with my responsibilities for the office of the Presidency of the United States. There is only one limita- tion: I will follow the prece- dent that has been followed by and defended by every Presiident from George Wash- ington to Lyndon B. Johnson of never doing anything that weakens the office of the President of the United States or impairs the ability of the Presidents of the fu- ture to make the great de- cisions that are so essential to this nation and the world. Another point I should like to make very briefly. Like every member of the House and Senate assembled here tonight, I was elected to the office that I hold. And like every member of the House and Senate, when I was elected to that office I knew 'that I was elected for the purpose of doing a job, and doing it as well as I can pos- sibly can. And I want you to know that I have no intention whatever of ever walking away from the job that the people elected me to do for the people of the United States! Now needless to say, It would be understatement if I were not to admit that the year 1973 was not a very easy year for me or per- sonally or for my family. And as I've already indi- cated, the year 1974 presents 4 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 Approved For Release 2001/08/08: CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 , very great and serious prob- lems as very great and seri- ous opportunities are also ti presented. . But my colleagues, this ; believe: With the help of God who has blessed this land so ? richly, with the cooperation of the Congress and with the support of the American peo- ple, we can and we will make the year 1974 a year of unprecedented progress to- ward our goal, of building a structure of lasting peace in the world and a new pros- perity without war in the United States of America. THE ECONOMIST FEBRUARY 9, 1974 Prosecutor's dilemma Washington, DC ' In the strategy of his Watergate defence, President Nixon's next vital decision ' may be how best to obstruct the Judiciary Committee of the House of Representa- tives now that it is armed, by a vote of 410 to 4, with full subpoena powers, but his is a defence on two fronts against antagonists whom he prefers to fight separately. His main concern this week was with the other one, the special prosecutor, Mr Jaworski, who "belongs" ' to the executive branch of government but who enjoys, or is burdened with, , unusual powers. Against Mr Jaworski Mr Nixon is employing an interesting line of manoeuvre aimed at forcing the special prosecutor to bring his investiga- ? tions to an early end and go speedily to court with arraignments of the chief alleged malefactors short of the Presi- dent himself, but with evidence as incomplete as can be contrived. A resourceful, ingenious quarry, the President has got Mr Jaworski into an awkward corner for the moment. From time to time Mr Nixon sighs ! deeply, in public over the lamentable slowness, almost amounting to sluggish- ' ness, with which the special prosecutor does his work; as he told Congress last week, "one year of Watergate is ? enough". What slows the special prose- cutor up is, chiefly, the tenacity with ? which the White House holds on to papers and tapes which he needs as , evidence. Some of that evidence may lead the prosecuting lawyers to Mr Nixon personally, or it may not; in any : event, once the existence of such evidence is known, others of his former cabinet or his former staff can use its _absence to undermine the prosecution's case against themselves. Mr Jaworski needs it. On the other hand, he did say , last month that he hoped to bring in indictments by the end of February; he feels the pressure from many quarters to get on with it, and he fears the further long delay that might follow if he now embarked on a new course of litigation to extract the tapes and documents from the White House. Blandly Mr Nixon claimed in his State of the Union address -last week to have "provided all the material that he (Mr Jaworski) needs to conclude his investigations". This is not what the _special prosecutor believes at all. Several requests of his for papers and tapes have been at the White House for some Weeks, and one for several months, awaiting the President's decision to hand . them over or not. Among these are some that could confirm or refute the account . of his conversations with the President which Mr John Dean gave to the Ervin committee last summer. The eminent trial lawyer now in charge of Mr Nixon's Watergate defence, Mr St Clair, appeared this week to be challenging the special prosecutor to seek subpoenas and take the President to.court to fight over again the battle of constitutional law which Mr Cox, Mr Jaworski's predecessor as Watergate prosecutor, won last year, and which led to Mr Cox's dismissal. Whether the President could, in that event, dismiss Mr Jaworski as he did Mr Cox is something nobody really knows. He has given undertakings not to do so without the support of a consensus of the congressional leaders, but might he not temporarily bamboozle the congressional leaders as he bam- boozled Senator Ervin and Senator Baker last autumn, or might he not, if up against it, break his undertaking and fall back on raw executive power? There is no act of Congress to prevent that, merely promises.. In reality, how- ever, Mr Nixon may consider his ability to entangle the special prosecutor in unwelcome delays a more effective weapon than any threat of dismissal. Very carefully, Mr Jaworski explained in a television interview last Sunday that the White House had not given him everything he needed and that what he had been given had not been given exactly, as the President claimed; "voluntarily". "I had to go after it", ? said Mr Jaworski, and he indicated plainly that in December he had to threaten to take the President to court again. While he implied that he might decide to do it again, he also said that the decision would not be a simple one, since he had other things to consider: "for instance, the matter of when the indictments are to be returned, the matter of how much delay will be involved." One of President Nixon's recent modes of counter-attack has been to circulate news of the existence in the White House of transcripts that show the President's innocence and the 'false- ness of Mr John Dean'..s accounts of the talks they had. Senator Hugh Scott, the Republican leader in the Senate, a respectable man whose detestation of Mr Dean has long seemed inordinate, let himself be used as a vehicle for this purpose. At least Mr Scott read some of' the transcripts or summaries or whatever they are before pronounc- ing them a vindication of the President; Vice President Ford, who was briefly used for the same purpose, had not read them and later said he had no intention of reading them. Senator Scott's situation became embarrassing when it turned out that nobody else in the whole Congress had been shown the reputed evidence and that the White House had no present intention of letting it out. At Mr Scott's insistence the President's counsel, Mr St Clair, put out his own statement on Monday to the effect that the President's tape recordings "do not support" Mr Dean's testimony. ? Unfortunately he had to make this statement on the same day on which he loftily rebuked the special prosecutor for giving his opinion of Mr Dean's veracity in public instead of leaving it all to judicial process.. First Mr Jaworski's staff, and then the special prosecutor himself, found themselves forced to take a public position abput Mr Dean by the repercussions of the White House campaign of suggestion.' One such repercussion was that, in the pre-trial proceedings in the prosecu- tion of President Nixon's former appointments secretary, Mr Dwight Chapin, the defendant's lawyers challenged the acceptability of Mr Dean as a witness for the prosecution on the ground that Mr Dean was under sus-. picion of perjury. Mr Jaworski's lawyers had to say that, having studied the evidence accumulated so far, they knew of no basis for the suspicion. Naturally this caused Mr Jaworski to be questioned further in his television interview. There Mr Jaworski said plainly that his lawyers would not be using Mr Dean as a witness if they believed his veracity was open to question. One thing that everybody knows about Watergate is that Mr Dean and President Nixon cannot possibly both be telling the. truth. Thus the case of the relatively humble Mr Chapin has led the prosecutor perilously close to a new, direct collision with the White House, whether he takes the President to court for the needed tapes and documents, or not. Mr Nixon's system of promoting his defence indirectly through third ? parties has its pitfalls. Approved For Release 2001/08/08: CIA-RDP77-00432R00010Ct320004-8 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 VASHiNGTON POS J. H. Plumb Friday. lan.11. 1974 ' Watergate's Damage To America's Image ?'After so many months of Watergate, the credibility of the Nixon administra- tion is at total risk, whatever dramatic c action it may take. Not only experts in American, affairs, but also ordinary men and women will now search for the hidden reason for dramatic ac- tions. What is wrecking America's im- age is not whether the President has technically broken or not broken the I law, but that a man so self-confessed In misjudgment of other men and their ' actions should still be in control of the !, world's most powerful nation. And the irony, for a British historian, is that no minister of George III. nor even George III himself, could have survived such a record of disaster. James III never . broke the law, but he was chased from his kingdom. Many ministers in Eng- land have been impeached, or threat- ened with impeachment, for incompe- ? tence or for erroneous judgment, rot for breaking a law or obstructing jus- 17tice. Many Americans misunderstand the concept of impeachment, which is directly derived from English constitu- tional practice of the 17th ?and .18th centuries. It was a device developed by parliament (the legislative branch) when it was weak, both in relation to ; the monarchy (the executive) and the judges ? so that the king could be. forced to part with ministers who were _corrupt or incompetent, or whose p01- fry Parliament loathed. It was .a weapon., quite deliberately devised, to check the excesses of the executive; to bring hot only criminals to justice, but ? also those who were bringing English ? institutions into disrepute. If ministers or heads of state are re- movable only if they technically break WASHINGTON POST the law, the prospects for absolutism and tyranny must be very bright? even in America. And to many Eng- lishmen the debate about Watergate ? seems to :move away all too quickly from the central issue to peripheral and fundamentally unimportant argu- ments?the tapes, the real-estate pur- chases, the income-tax payments, or prior knowledge of the burglaries. The glaring enormity is that a man who chooses one self-confessed grafter for his deputy, whose aides are indicted on charges of perjury, conspiracy, bur- glary and the rest, has not been com- pelled to give up office. In no other country, Communist or free, would this be so. Not to recognize this, and, not to recognize the intense harm that it is doing to America's image over- seas, and therefore to America's power to influence the world, is the most dan- gerous of attitudes. 7'he writer is a professor of , modern 'English history at. Christ's College, Cambridge. This article" is excerpted from his "Letter from London" which ap- peared in The. New York, Times Magazine. At present, America's capacity to in- fluence events depends upon one man and one man alone?Dr. Henry Kissinger; an extraordinarily danger- ous situation for a great power. There is a great deal of anti-Americanism in Europe and elsewhere in the world, and now it has a glaring blemish upon which it can fasten and pump in its poison. Certainly Europe was develop- ing a more independent attitude in Tspmelay, Inn. 15, .11174 economic and foreign affairs before Wat:rgate, but surely no one can tioubt that the process has accelerated since that debacle. ? And what should be realized is that Watergate is news, still headline news, in London, avidly read, avidly dis- cussed day after day after day. Water- gate is not a local, internal domestic affair. The schizophrenic attitude that American foreign policy sails on mag- ' nificently and effectively untouched . by White House "horrors" or by the lies and evasions is a .cruel delusion. ! Watergate is a cancerous growth eat- ing it America's strength. Watergate is. ; bad enough, but what worries Ameri- ca's friends far more deeply is the. weakness of a constitutional system that renders a change of a President during his elected term almost impos- sible, except by death. This, in effect, becomes elected monarchy, and a mon- archy far more powerful than George , III ever enjoyed. The whole political and constitutional history of Britain centered on the Watergate problem? how to curb a monarch's bad judgment . in choosing ministers; that is why we ? invented impeachment, and used it. And one longs to hear some voices on Capitol Hill stating loudly and clearly the central issue: that the re- sponsibility of a President is not to a mandate given one year, two years, ' three years previously, but a daily re- sponsibility to the people's elected rep- resentatives, answerable at all times ' and qn all matters, not only for keep- ing the law, but also in choosing men of integrity and honor. If the trust committed to the President is not hon- orably discharged, removal is essential .for the well-being of the country. ' (01975 lw The New Ynrk Times Compani. Reprinted bY permission. The Pentagon Spying Case WHAT FOLLOWS is a summary of those intricate / VV and intriguing news accounts that have appeared .. in the last few days and dealt with a strange internecine , conflict within the administration. In mid-1971, the military command in the Pentagon, apparently feeling closed out of the President's tightly held major diplomatic initiatives, arranged on its own to get c'ertain documents and notes of meetings from the White House. Some of this material seems to have found its way to columnist Jack Anderson. When An. derson published an account of a National Security ' Council meeting on the Indo-Pakistani war in December, 1971, an angry Henry Kissinger?he was then Mr. Nix- on's national security adviser in the White House?or- dared' an investigation of the leak. The "plumbers,",6 t ?Yt reappointed to a second two-year term as chairman of Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 established some months earlier, turned to the task and found a "ring" of military personnel taking unauthor- ized information from Dr. Kissinger's files and meetings. What then happened to those somehow involved? One junior person reportedly attempted "blackmail" by threatening to expose the operation to public view if he were not given a "very high post"; he did not get such a post but was not disciplined and was kept on In the government. The Joint Chiefs of Staff liaison at the NSC, a rear admiral, was given a new and important Pentagon position; he denies involvement. A clerical aide, a yeoman, was transferred; he says he promised the Navy "to never talk about what 'happened." A sup- posed recipient of the information, Adm. Thomas H. Moorer, who is the country's top military officer, was the Joint Chiefs; he denies any link to unauthorized in- formation "from Dr. Kissinger's of fice." As for Mr. Nixon, for 18 months, ever since the exist- ence of the "plumbers" came to light, he has resisted Investigation of them on grounds that disclosure would harm the "national security." A number of officials now privately say that the Pentagon spying case is what he ?lad particularly in mind. In its single public comment on the ,Pentagon spying case, made last Friday in re- sponse to the first limited press reports on it, the White House did not explicitly acicnowledge even that a charge Of. Pentagon spying had been made. Rather, the state- ,inent singled out "deliberate leaks to the media of ex- ?tremely sensitive information of interest to other na- tion" and said "the source of these leaks was a low- level employee [apparently the yeoman] whose clerical 1. tasks gave him access to highly classified information." ;'(Columnist Anderson denies the yeoman was his source.) Further disclosures would be "inappropriate," the White ilouse said. "It may be that at a later time the facts ' can be made public without detriment to the national , interest." ' In brief: The Pentagon spied on Dr. Kissinger. When the operation came to light inside the government, it :was covered up: the principals were given minimal or no reason for personal embarrassment, and preemptive tdisclosure of the matter was made to key legislators? ?complete with the usual "national security? argument , for maintaining the strictest secrecy. Now that the op- eration has come to public attention, the White House is trying to breeze right by. No doubt this is not the full story. It is enough to WASHINGTON POST tosephi Kraft Tuesday,Ireb. 5,1974 Probing The NSC Leaks One of the ? reasons Watergate goes on and on is that the full story of that sinister group, the White House plum- bers, has never been told. In recent days, alone, new revelations of their work have compromised the Chairman Of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Admiral Thomps Moorer, and Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, So all of us have to hope that the in- quirY which the Senate Armed Serv- ices committee begins this Week will let to the bottom of the mystery. Ad- miral and Dr. Kissinger, in 'particular, have a special interest in stepping into the issue, instead of bob- king sand weaving as they have up to now. . Admiral Moorer comes into the plc? ture because the Plumbers Unit, which was set up at the White House in 1971 , to look into leaks, did in fact uncover One avenue for unauthorized distribu- tion of secret material. That was a line of communication which passed papers generated by Dr. Kissinger at the Na- tional Security Council to Admiral Moorer at the Pentagon. make plain, however, that the "villain" of this piece, as of so many others, is President Nixon's obsession with secrecy, rationalized without warrant or compell- ing justification as an imperative of "national security." In making his openings to Peking and Moscow and in searching for a way out of yittnam, he had a broad choice between soliciting, on the one hand, the under- standing and support of the Executive bureaucracy? and, in their respective times and ways, the Congress and the public?and, on the other hand, conducting a lone operation. Mr. Nixon chose the latter course. Did he think the Pentagon would sabotage his diplomacy? Even for a President with Mr. Nixon's savvy for the pos- sibilities of political ambush from the right, this seems .an exaggerated not to say offensive consideration. What- ever his reason, his choice led in this instance to a shabby espionage operation that induces one not so much to gasp as to cringe. Discovery of the operation led all too inevitably to a coverup?and perhaps not only between the President and the Pentagon. Dr. Kis- singer offered the Senate seemingly categorical assur- ances that he had no knowledge of the intelligence ac- tivities of David Young, his former aide who?accord- ing to the new reports?ran the investigation, which Kissinger ordered, that unearthed the Pentagon plot.), These assurances look very strange now. None of us 'needed at this time yet another demon- stration of the dangers of running the presidency as 'though it were a ganie of solitaire. Quite enough dam- age to our,institutions and our values has already been done. But we keep learning more and it is still not pos- sible to tell when the lesson will be done. Admiral Moorer, in an appearance on the Today Show, acknowledged that ? he had in fact received papers through , that channel in .1971. But he made I it seem an insignificant event. He blamed, in what strikes me as a viola- tion of the spirit of ,command responsi- bility, an enlisted man on the NSC staff, Yeoman 1st Class Charles Rad- * ford. And he declared, in a statement Implausible, to anybody who knew Washington well at the 'time, that "there was a free flow 'of information" from Dr. Kissinger to his office. That story is now challenged in an unmistakable way. Sources in the mili- tary claim that the passing of docu- ments to the Pentagon' was not insig- nificant, but continued over a long pe- riod of time, and involved hundreds of papers, some of them Meant only for the eyes of the President. The highest ranking military offieer in the country, in other words, is being made to seem a liar, unfit for his high post. Dr. Kissinger' came into the picture because one of the operating heads of the plumbers was David Young, a for- mer staff man on the National Secu- rity Council. In testimony to the Sen- ate Foreign Relations committee on his nomination as Secretary of State, Dr. Kissinger was asked repeated ques- tions about Mr. Young and his work on the plumbers. In response to one ques- tion- he said: "I have no knowledge of any such activities that David Young may have engaged in. I did not know of the 'Plumbers Group,' by that or any other name. Nor did I know' that David Young was concerned with internal se- curity matters . I had no contact with David Young either by telephone , 7 or hi my office or in any other way af- ? ter he left my staff.. When stories of the passing of docu- ments to Admiral Moorer surfaced, Dr.. Kissinger was questioned by newsmen about the plumbers. He said that he stood by "my statement to the Senate Foreign Relations committee." But un-. der questioning it developed that he had known that an investigation had uncovered the irregular line of com- munication to the Pentagon. He had, been allowed to listen to a tape of part: ?of the investigation ? the tape of, ,an interrogation, conducted by David Young. Dr. Kissinger at that point cut off questions, pending further investiga= tion by the Foreign Relations and Armed Services Committees. He has already appeared before the Foreign Relations committee. Though the tran- script of his testimony has not been re- .; leased as of this writing, it is known that he hedged his position still fur- ; ther. The blanket denials of contact with Young have now been modified. Dr. Kissinger's present position is that his office logs show no contact with Young. Admiral Moorer and Dr. Kissinger have been asked to testify before the Senate Armed Services committee un- der Sen. John Stennis, (D-Miss.) But despite demands by two members? Senators Stuart Symington (D-Mo.) and Harold Hughes (D-Iowa)?it is not clear whether other officials, including Mr. Young, will be called, nor whether the hearings will be public. ' The strange thing is that the de- mands for a full airing should have to come from the outside, Admiral Approved For Release 2001108108: CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 'Moorer and Dr. Kissinger have the big- gest interest in a contplete plumbing of the plumbers. Their reputations are .Itt stake, and their present standing is so high that they could far better ab- sorb a few lumps now than riskla slow, painful, involuntary deflation over the ?weeks and months to come. ,. Logically, in other words, Admiral ? New York Times 12 Jan. 1974 White House I'? Statement ; ' SAN CLEMENTE, Calif., Jan. 11?Following is a state- '.:ntent issued by the Presi- dent's office on the passing , . of information from the Na- tional Security Council. to . : the Pentagon: 1 Today's news accounts re- ' lating to the Joint Chiefs of : Staff and National Security , , Council touch on a matter :peripheral to a national security issue which was ? found to involve deliberate leaks to the media of ex- tremely sensitive information Of interest to other nations. r? This incident has been re- ferred to on several occasions recent months, and the Administration still considers It inappropriate for public ; disclosure. It may be that at a later time the 'facts can be made public without detriment to the national interest. For the present, however, !-most that can properly be , stated is that today's news , accounts convey an incor-. :lect impression of the knowl- edge and actions of the chairman of the Joint Chiefs 1 of Staff; that the matter was Investigated, at the time; that ? the source of these leaks was a low-level employe whose t clerical tasks gave him ac- cess to highly classified in- ,- formation, and that today's f news stories are based on fragmentary accounts of the ' incident. ? At the President's direc- ? tiOn, the information regard- Ing this case ,has been t provided on a confidential' basis to the chairmen of the ? Armed Services Committees of the House and Senate, the special prosecutor and the chairrrian and vice chairman, of the Senate Select Corn- ; mittee. a Moorer and Dr. Kissinger should be pounding tables and insisting at the top of their lungs on a thorough pub- lic accounting. Failure to do that only builds the suspicion that they are part of a larger cover-up?the cover-up ar- ranged by a President-who now brand- ishes his cudgel in the dark and hits his own men. 0 1974, Pick) Entorpeltvt, Ina. NeLlY3119i4m" MOORE CONCEDES HE GOT DOCUMENTS Tells Senate Unit He Twice Received Unauthorized Kissinger Material By SEYMOUR M, HERSH SPeelet to The New York Times Washington, Feb. ; 5 ? Adm. Thomas H. Moorer, Chair- man of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, has acknowledged to the Sen- ate Armed Services Committee that twice in 1971 he knowingly received documents that a Navy clerk had "retained" while traveling to Asia and Southeast Asia with President Nixon's top national security advisers. Admiral Moorer also dis- closed that he was told in late 1971 that the clerk, Yeoman 1st Cl. Charles E. Radford, "had not only been retaining papers in the course of his clerical du- ties but, also, had been actively collecting them in a clearly unauthorized manner." The statements by the admi- ral were made ih a letter to Senator John C. Stennis, Demo- crat of Mississippi, the commit- tee chairman. Coafirmation of Reports The letter confirmed the most significant allegation made since the first reports of the alleged military snooping?That documents were taken from the private files of Henry A. Kis- singer and Gen. Alexander M. .Haig Jr. while they traveled on secret negotiating trips. The letter also confirmed that military personnel assigned to the White House were actively seeking to pilfer national secur-' ity documents not intended for the Pentagon. Mr. Kissinger, then President Nixon's national security ad- viser, is now Secretary of --State. General Haig, then the chief deputy to Mr. Kissinger, is now the White House chief of staff. In his letter, Admiral Moorer again asserted that he had giv- en "no orders, no instructions and no encouragement" to any- one regarding the alleged mili- tary spying. Such activities were unneeded, he said, be- cause he had easy access to Mr. Kissinger and "never had the feeling of isolation from in- formation." Admiral Moorer challenged the supposition that he and ? other defense chiefs were be,;:,g kept in the dark about certain ,White House military "lecisions and diplomatic moves. Testimony by Kissinger He said that he frequently discussed secret operations in Indochina with President Nixon, helped Mr. Kissinger plan all his secret trips to China, and had discussions with Mr. Kis- singer on arms limitations negotiations, "including con-, tact from Moscow during thel June, 1972, summit." Today the Senate Foreign Relations Conimittee released testimony Mr. Kissinger gave in closed session last week dealing with David R. Young Jr. A former Kissinger aide on the National Security Council, Mr. Young helped investigate the military snooping at the White House. Mr. Kissinger again asserted that he had known nothing of Mr. Young's activities in the White House "plumbers" group, set up to stop leaks of national security information. This time the Secretary based his denial in part on his office logs, which he said demonstrated that "I never saw David- Young after he left my staff." A copy of Admiral Moorer's seven-page letter was made available today to The New York Times. The admiral is scheduled to testify tomorrow in executive session before the Armed Services Committee, which has begun an inquiry into the allegations of snooping. Court-Martial Urged In his letter, Admiral Moorer also disclosed that in late 1971 he personally recommended to Secretary of Defense Melvin R. Laird and J. Fred Buzhardt Jr., then general counsel at the Pentagon, that court-martial proceedings he initiated against Yeoman Radford for his role in purloining the White House documents. "I was, however, advised," Admiral Moorer wrote, "that no disciplinary proceedings were to be conducted and that it had been decided by the civilian leadership that Yeoman Radford was to be immediately transferred. I accepted these orders and directed My staff to implement them without delay." Former Secretary Laird de- nied to repo,rtcrs last week that be had " fficially acted to prevent the court-martial of Yeoman Radford but said that he might have remarked, "If you don't have firm evidence, I don't go to trial." 8 1 About the same time he first learned of the full scope of yeoman Radford's activities, Admiral Moorer wrote, he oiN 1 dered his aides to return all unauthorized documents in his office files to the National Se- curity Council staff. "Acting on those instructions," the admiral said, "all such papers were re- turned." Statement Contradicted i Elsewhere in the letter, the admiral repeatedly sought to minimize the significance of the materials provided him by Yeoman Radford, noting that the documents he received "did not stimulate close atten- tion to me hecause they con- , tained no new information." i The admiral did not explain in his letter why, if the material provided had been insignificant, he had sought to have Yeoman Radfoed court-martialed had had also deemed it important to order the documents return- ed to the White House. Furthermore, the admiral's statement contradicted his only previous public statements as to the importance of the docu- ments provided to him and the method of their collection. Report by Young In a television Interview on Jan. 18, the admiral twice de- scribed the material provided, him by Yeoman Radford as "just a collection of, you know, roughs and carbon copies, and things of that type." He also specifically rejected the sugges- tion that the material had been clandestinely collected, telling his interviewer "This young man has just engaged in typing many, many documents. And he just assembled a file of the documents he typed." ' The New York Times report- ed Sunday that "eyes only" messages and other highly se- cret communications intended solely for Mr. Kissinger and President Nixon had been rou- tinely funneled by Yeoman Rad- ford to Admiral Moorer from September, 1970, when the yeo- man ,began his White House assignment, to December, 1971. As many as five senior joint staff officers were involved in clandestinely receiving and de- livering those documents, The Times said. An extensive report on the !military snooping is known to have been assembled by Mr. Young, one of those indicted in Los Angeles in the Septem- ber, 1971, burglary of the office of the former psychiatrist of Daniel Ellsberg, who has said he gave the press the secret Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 ? Penfagon pape-rs on the history! ' of the Vietnam War. ? Pentagon Inquiry Made ! Reliable sources have said that the Young report, which has not been made public, con- cluded that Admiral Moorer played an active role in the military snooping operation. In his letter, Admiral 'Moor- er twice said that he had not been' provided either the Young report or a separate inquiry reportedly made by the Penta- gon -at the direction of Mr. Buzhardt, who is now a White House cbunsel ? - ? ; Admiral Mother wrote that, '"to the best of my .memory," the two batches of documents , he received had been provided Ihim by Rear' Adm. Robert O. Welander, who headed the mil- itary liaison office in the Na- tional Security Council, head-I ed by Mr. Kissinger. . The first delivery, the ad-1 miral said, was made in July,' 1971, shortly-- after yeoman! .Radford completed a trip to Southeast Asia, Pakistan and Paris With Mr. Kissinger. 'it was ton that trip that Mr. Kissinger, accompanied by only a few aides, made his first visit to 'China. Yeoman' Radford and most of Mr. Kissinger's person- al staff were left behind ,In Pakistan. t Admiral Moorer said that by the time he received these documents he had already met, on July 16, with President Nixon and Mr.-,Kissinger at 'San 'Clemente, Calif., to discuss .the China trip. The second delivery of un- authorized White House docu- ments, Admiral Moorer wrote, was made in September, 1971, and involved reports stemming WASHINGTON POST Friday, Feb.15,3974 ?. , ater Calls Helms ome am I3k Laurence 'Steri - 4tiall1ngtOn?Post itnif Writer ? ...Once again . the .Watergate cipagrnire :is drawing. Richard L, Helms 'back to, Washington ariCtlie ' Central.' 'Intelligence Agenejt-hennce headed back Into" the investigative ; :. This. time Helms is being Summoned from his ambassa- dorial post in Tehran?his fourth Watergate recall?to 'testify on the 'CIA's. destruc-' tion in January, 1973, of. tape.- recorded phone conversations to 'determine ivhether' they bore on the White House_scan- dal. ? ? statement ? circulated among' CIA" employees,: pre- sumably.: by -authorization of. blirectov,.',Williaru:...E. Colby, Said, ..-"We- 'not ';know vrhethera presidential. conver-- satiOn!may -have :been taped, altlipugh.At is .possible," an agency-Spokesman said yester- day,. :0.2 ? . ? from a visit to South Vietnam by General Haig. "These papers had been over- taken 0 by events," .Admiral 'Moorer wrote, "and again, xfid ;not, ,scrutimze them as to their, content or -precise origin. 1 want- to stress ? that these papers were provided me by a staff officer in a routine man- ner." - Other -closely involved sources have told The Times, however, :'that a number of sen- sitive ("eyes only" messages were -transmitted to Mr. Nixon during ? Mr. Kissinger's July ivisits to Saigon, Peking and Paris and General Haifs Sept- .ember visit to Saigon. ? Secret Peace Offer- In July, -the sources said, the secret Kissinger negotiating ef- forts in Paris with Le Duc Tho of North Vietnam produced A secret peace offen 'General , Whether the tapes included presidential conversations is pnelpttly central -questions in I this:latest iiriquiry,. which is fie-1 -trig ?-presSed by llowaidt Baker.41itTenn.), co-Chairman of the- -Senate Watergate corn- ' inittee.:?''. ? ; ? Halter been -the- most teisilithitt and riggreS4ive .43f? the ._Senate Watergate investi- gators in pursuing the ques- tiett of the CIA's implication in?sthe affair?one-of the.con- cerns voiced by President Nixon as a "national security" question early in the case. , :Mr. Nix ortysattlini? May - 22 Watergate alt.^.sayt e :two_n t: . 'Elements Of "the ? .early post- Watergate. reports led. me -to intorrectly, that the 01Whaddieeri in some -way in- vb.14-edt"tHelms has also. stead- fast4y!clenied CIA involvement the case- during his - re- peate.. appearances % -before ch,ti,kressional ..,._ investigators, prosecutors and-the Watergate grand -AIM.. ?- ?, The first word on the CIA's destruction. of its own tapes sirfjacaned.4.11,2,9as.CBsSui;sberciouaedncanystou . Colby- acknoWledged that the 4gency, had destroyed through "normal procedure" all but .14100e :from that period. . The one surviving tape,- of a eegyersation on June 22, urn Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA- Haig, Aiseptenther,"Wiable Ileums said,sPeot lours con- sulting with President 'Nguyen Wan Thien corsottai Vietnam about,the,secret peace- talks. "Eyes only" 'cables were sent daily by 'Genera) liaig to IdIr. Nixon and Mr. Kissinger, these sources said. Those cables. typed by Yeoman Radford, were sent through secure .Central In- telligence Agency ronununica- rtions to keep' them away from ;the John Chiefs -of Staff and the -fop -echelon Of -the State Department.'? ? ',Many of these cables, reliable sources said, were pro- !Added idnare?s of- fice by Yeoman Radford. ??41 Yeoman Radford' and Ad- Welander time both ;transferred in the .aftermath of the investightions?hut-the ad- miral has since been 'reassigned to a keyNtewostinthe Pentagon. .; between the former-CIA dep.' 14-3,director, Gen. Robert X. Ctikliman, and Watergate,. con" Spliater E. Howard Hunt-.1r. Van:recovered because7it was tint..in.? a _separate :drawer Somehow," Colby explained in ? reponsete original news -re. - peria_ of,. theCLA. tape .destruc-, CIA sPiikesman aisoorigi- n - claimed ,that; the --tapes aint,',. transcripts -were --, de-, strOtil on:Jan. 16, 1973; dur-, ing-7:10-1ms'. last ' month, as til- reeter4This-lwas one , day'after alefter !from :Senate Majority Leader-. Mike ? Mansfield Mont) 'was. 'received :by ..the Ca's-congressional 'liaison of-.. rice:inking- that all records ':,tor' documents be preiervedrWhich? raightliear:on: tbe:Watergate, c,, : Yisterdsorsa, CW'spolceimait sin& tiluii-- the /Jan.,..- la :,-datez ' ?*al4Jniat._beTorrect7' -as the timetthe tapes were destroyed.. ? ' .!.....tfe're-trYing.:to detetriaine tfeica-ctdalp faafd .cirCuirl, stances of destruction end will report ;to the-senator involv- etir-the -sOOkairnan said. ' ? The-CI-A- stdtement said-that' tapes were "destroyed either shortly'after their use or when collection became larger -than. cerivenient, specifically .-1964 and 1971"-=nnd-agaimin -Jam- aryj- 1973.,," t,' ',,7, *; I - ' DP77-00432R000100320004-8 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 BALTIMORE NEWS AMERICAN 27 JAN 1974 , war I fecte COMPULSIVE SPY, by Tad Suit, Viking, $5.95. ? Keviewen oy ? VICTOR WILSON ? Unable to turn up a CIA- painted psychiatric' portrait of E. Howard Hunt Jr.a1Val- ergate break-in "master- mind," ? Tad Szulc, intelli- gence specialist, decided to compose one himself. It's a rather gritty picture Szulc produces from official document's, court records and Hunt's .former superiors and :colleagues in the Central ln- telligence Agency. Szulc concludes that Hunt, now 53, was bitten by the spy :bug during World War II service with. :the Office of :Strategic Services 'OSS) and !never recovered. For 22 years afterward, Hunt pur- sued his vocation with the 'CIA but mostly failed to cut the mustard, Szulc says, nev- er being tapped for espionage ;duty but only political.opera- I tiona. I Hunt, Swig continues in l"Compulsive Spy" finally lapsed into "a life in which fantasy and reality over- lapped." indulging his fan- cies in spy novels; of which he wrote 45. When the CIA retired him in 1970, Hunt was like a fish THE WASHINGTON POST Saturday. 17"k 2, In71 Howar(I, Hunt: out of water in a ver Y real- life world, grinding out re- leases for a publicity firm here. Thus it was like a 'new lease on life when he was re- cruited . to head the White House "plumbers" Unit in 1971, recommended by Presi- dent Nixon's then special counsel, Charles W. Colson. Szulc points out the differ:- ence between a CIA clandes- tine political operator and an in-the-field agent is a ques- tion of skills. Lacking the lat- ter's techniques, he goes on, . it was almost inevitable that ' when "plumber" Hunt turned to domestic ?espionage and ? sabotage for his new mas- ters, it was a dreary story of flop after flop after flop. Of two "bugs" .planted in e the Democratic National ,? committee's Watergate head- quarters in the first raid, one didn't work. When the Los' , Angeles office of a psychia- trist treating Pentagon papers defendant Daniel Ells: berg was raided, all it pro- "(Weed :was legal headaches for the future. Documents forged the hon- or of former President _John F. Kennedy's part in theCu-. ban missle affair, were so clumsy, a magazine writer spurned them. A CIA-provi- n ded auburn-colored wig was .used so awkwardly by Hunt on a couple of missions his quarry laughed at him. Finally the second raid on Democratic Watergate .head- quarters brought in t.11e po- lice, and through Nunt's in- eptness, eventually led inves- tigators to Nixon's Oval Of- fice itself. Hunt had failed to order an elementary precau- tion: Strip the. eaiders of everything but their tools. -A notebook on one Man provi- ded Hunt's White House tele- phone number. Wads of con-' secutivelynumbered $100 bills were traced to the Commit- tee to Re-Elect the President. Given a tentative 35-year sentence after conviction of plotting the Watergat break-ins, and bugging ,:with a tacit understanding it would be less it he talked), Hunt remained silent ? for a while. But,. Searle relates, even while he was "black- mailing" the White House of some $200,000 for legal and family expenses, Hunt was drafting future plans. * The plans became opera- tive when ,A) the money stopped coming in, and ,.13) his once-beloved CIA publici- ty tried to disassociate itself from him. In short Order, Ilunt appeared willingly to-. fore Los Angeles and Wash- The Post Continues Its Ve Daily and Sunday (Potomac, Jan. 27th) The Post continues Its calculated vendetta against me, through innu- endo, inaccuracies and inchoate rage that the Court of Appeals saw fit to release me from prison via a "compli- cated appeal. ruling" which, I feel con- fident, The Post would have lauded hactit applied,to the Berzigtins, Angela Davis or the Chicago Seven to name only a few ,beneficiarieS of The Post's editorial, sympathies. Apparently The Post is wretchedly Unhappy with the judlcial system that permitted, my unanticipated release. Sorry about that, fellows, but' it can happen?even to non-militants. I don't plan to spend a lot of time cataloguing. The .Post's gratititotts shirs on me since June 18, 1972; that may be more appropriate for Some- thing heavier, than a Letter to the Edi- tor. Nevertheless; it was the govern- .rnent, not Howard Hunt, that told the ;media I'd been a Cha. officer ("spook" In your parlance), thus rendering my children and, me vulnerable to repri- sals by those nations and groups I'd Worked against?on orders of the U.S. .e.Tpvernment, which happens to be The ,Post's government, too. So, my 21-year cover haOng been blown by govern- ment sources, why should I not point out to the American public, as I did before the Ervin hearings cameras, that in planning certain aspects of the Watergate entry operation I had been doing no more than what our govern- ment had trained me (and many oth- ers) to do? The intense, almost necrophiliac in- terest in the books I've' written and their sales suggests an envy-hatred mix that really has no place in seri- ous ? and honest ? journalism. Al- though.I've been deprecated as a "spy novelist" the fact is that only about eight of my perhaps 50 books have dealt with organized espionage. The asserted 18,000 copy sales of The Ber- lin Ending, if true, may reflect a tri- umph of public taste over the vicious East Coagt literary "reviews" whieh attacked me as a Watergate villain rather than the style and faults of the book itself. If my publisher (Putnam). supplied your writers with the 18,000 ? figure they have been favored, for I will have no knowledge of the hook's sales until Putnam's statement ar- rives sometime in April. The "ludicrous image of (me) in the rigier Bug ington grand juries and the Senate Watergate Commit- tee. "How does 'one explain floward Hunt?" Szulc asks. ? Well, he sought power and importance,' enjoyed both briefly, but never ,r'eally' achieved them. lie also liked money, and finally obtained it, but the cost was terrible, the author explains. When his wife died -in a Chicago plane crash 'with $10.000? in cash in her hand- bag), Hunt was sole benefici- ary of her $230,000 flight in- surance policy. SAII,C Says: Also, in late 1971, many of his old novels were republished plus two new books, 'with -more on the drawing board. All should prove profitable. But in the end, Szulc con-. dudes, "Howard Hunt was a, man who lost his way,, .and whose ultimate 'loyalty was to himself:: He quotes the following epigraph from, Hunt's latest novel: "It is in the political: agent's interest to betray all parties who use him, and to. %vnili for .them sall at the same time, so that he may., move freely and penetrate everywhere.", ? . ? ? ' acletta Against Me 'ill-fitting red wig' " was, after all, a product of media glee, venom and again media inaccuracy. If the wig fitted illy blame CIA. And unless all ' Involved are incurably color-blind the issue wig was BROWN, not red. But perhaps red is a more mirth-provoking ? color . . From the beginning I have not sought fame nor, much . less, notoriety. The latter was thrust upon me by me- dia adversaries, aimed, I suppose, at my total annihilation. Within the U.S.S.R. the Soviet gov- ernment is doing a pretty thorough job of defaming and discrediting Al- exandr Solzhenitsyn by among other , techniques attributing to him senti- ments and characteristics he never , possessed. Without presuming to equate my creative skills with those of Solzhenitsyn, I find an interesting and depressing comparison with my own situation. The difference being that in America it's not the Presidium going for the* author's jugular but the vindictive representatives of our free and "objective" media. ? HOWARD HUNT. Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-6 432R000100320004-8 Bethesda. APproved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 ? RADIO-TV NIONWTORIls4C3 SERVICE:, INC.. 3408 WISCONSIN AVENUE, N. W. -:- WASHINGTON, D. C. 20016 ? 244-8682 PROGRAM: FIRST LINE REPORT DATE: ? FEBRUARY 6, 1974 STATION OR NETWORK: CBS RADIO TIMM 7:40 AM, EDT NEW PROBES REVEAL CIA INVOLVEMENT IN WATgRGATE DAN RATHER: New probes are under way to try to uncover additional information about Watergate and other crimes, suspected crimes, and questionable conduct by government officials. Some of President Nixon's closest aides are convinced that these investi- gations will at least serve to divert some attention away from Mr. Nixon and the White House. Others, however, are wary, and feel that these addition- al investigations will serve, at the very least, to reflect badly on Mr. Nixon's judgment and control of subordinates. In on& way or another, the Senate Armed Services Committee, the Watergate Committee, the House Committee considering impeachment, and the' Special Prosecutor's effice, all are involved in these new investi- gations. The investigations reportedly center upon the following, among others. Number one, notes and memos made from secret tape recordings once stored by the CIA. The Central Intelligence Agency confirmed last week, after a CBS News report, that it had destroyed numerous such secret recordings which investigators believed con- tained important Watergate evidence. CIA Director William Colby ' has been asked to continue searching for tapes, or copies of tape's, 'made by CIA officials. ? He also has been asked io search for transcripts, notes and memos made from the recordings. Colby, CBS News has learned, reported back that most, if not all, of the transcripts also have been destroyed. But Colby is believed to have found some notes and. memos, and to have turned them over to investigators. This, how- ever, has not yet been confirmed. If true, this could shed new light on how deeply the CIA was involved with Howard Runt, the one-time White House secret operative, and allegedly former CIA agent, convicted as a Watergate burglar, plus who said what to whom between White House officials and CIA leaders, about the Watergate affair, the Ellsberg psychia- trist's.bFeak-in, and related matters.. Number two, investigators believe they have found what is described as considerable itportant new information about the relationship of top White House officials and the CIA with the Mullen public reJations firm in Washington. This is the firm which employed Howard Hunt at the time of the Watergate break-in. CBS News has learned that the Mullen firm has had over a long period of years extensive associations with the CIA. Example, in 1971, shortly after a CIA agent was expelled from Singapore, the Mullen company opened a Singapore branch. The one'emplayce there was 'a full-time agent for the CIA. Costs of the Singapore branch were paid by Mullen, and reimbursed directly to the company 11. Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 through its bookkeeper, who was a former CIA officer. ' The Singa- pore office was cloSed last June. ? Another Mullen branch, this one in Amster4am, was operated through September of 1972. The branch manager there was a part-time CIA agent. Since both CIA money and Republican campaign contribu- tions were funnelled through the same Washington ofice of the Nullen firm, investigators have asked the CIA for copies of any memos about conversations CIA officials may have had with leaders of the Mullen firm. Robert Bennett,'President of the firm, has sworn that there was absolutely no?connection betwc!ea what he says was his patriotic duty, meaning the CIA connection, and the strict- ly political contribution gathering he did for the 'Re-elect Nixon Committee, and the political ,contribut.i,on.giving he did for billionaire Howard Hughes. Bennett also has denied it, and made a strong case to support his denial, to CBS News. Number three on the list of new, widening investigations is the length and depth of spying done on Henry Kissiriger. by Defense Department personnel, and whether there was any collusion i4 this between CIA and Defense Department officials. It is a maze, a com- plicated maze. Where itall leads and where it all ends, no one yet can say. But it's enough.to keep investigators busy for many weeks. SUNDAY TELEGRAPH, London 27 January 19714 Isis in s 4an 11HE world's most public secret service, the Central intelligence Agency, .is going through a crisis. It has grown a little fat with middle age perhaps, uncer- tain in, its directions, and as a result has become vUlnerable. , Flying into Washington one can glance down and see its handsome offices at Langley, set back from the Potomac River among the Virginia woods. It looks such a solid, bureau- cratic part of the Washington Scene that it is hard to imagine it in difficulties. The annual budget is around ?400 million a year and the staff is estimated at 15,000 to 18,000. But that budget may be only one eighth of the total expen- diture on intelligence, and its staff, according to some sources, account for only 15 per cent. of the whole, burgeoning intelli- gence community. However, the C.I.A. is the most prestigious and the most public part of the ice- berg and sooner or later what happens at Langley receives some sort of scrutiny. ? In recent months it has been accused of involvement in the Watergate scandals, seen the Pentagon Move to assume closer control of some of its functions, witnessed its former director, Richard Helms, booted abruptly into an ambassadorship in Teheran, been accused of ineffi- ciency and subjected to a debate about the legitimacy of some of its operations. If one accepts the analysis of a former member of its staff, Victor Marchetti, the heart of the problem can he found in the C.I.A.'s lack of success in pene- trating the security of its prime objectives, Russia and China. As a result it has turned more and more to objectives in the third world?Brazil, Greece, Chile, India, and so on. These are the places where a friendly dic- tator can be kept in power or an unfriendly one toppled with a little help from a well-orga- nised clandestine operation, or some well-placed bribes. Nations?Britain included in the past?have been doing that sort of thing for ages, but in the By DAVID ADAMSON in Washington climate of today's American politics such activities are in- creasingly suspect. Since Viet- nam, politicians, Left and Right, look askance at anything which smacks of intervention or in- volvement in someone else's messy politics. The bulk of the C.I.A.'s work has nothing to do with clandes- tine operations. Analysis of in- 12 telligence and co-ordination of intelligence activities are its major concerns. Nowadays, the ! most fruitful sources of infor- mation are satellites and elec- tronic surveillance. 13rezhnev's ' monitored conversations (mainly. it seems, about his masseuse) en route to work in the Kremlin were obtained not through some super spy but through a satellite tuned in to the radio-telephone in his car. Super-spies, in fact, are in short supply in Moscow and, Peking. Reports of the Nixon 1 Administration being worried lest further inve.stigation of the Watergate scandal uncovers a top-level agent inside the Krem- lin are scoffed at in knowledg- able circles in Washington. The man concerned is said to be a Russian official at the United Nations who has not been trusted for some time.? On the other hand, the possibility that the Russians' have penetrated the C.I.A. is said to cause sleepless nights among the agency's executives, particularly when Russian actions show signs of having been prompted either by exceptional prescience or first-rate infor- mation. In such a large and relatively open operation it would be sur- prising if the Russians had failed to find a few openings. C.I.A. officials in Washington rarely make a secret of their employment. However, although convivial, they are generally Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 . tight-lipped about the details of I their occupation. ' I mast admit that after living . among them for a year or two I knew little more than that they 'Were conservative in their Iopinions, enjoyed chamber music and remarkably firm with their children. , Last week's stories about .CI.A. activities in Britain may or may not be based on fact, but if they were, would they be so outrageous? A crisis which has shaken a major ally and could cause pro- longed instability is an event which needs detailed first-hand analysis. It would be surpris- ing if the British had not made somewhat similar assessments of the American armed forces in the wake of Vietnam. WASHINGTON STAR-NEWS Washington, 0. C., Thursday, January 10, 1974. ? U.S.? ?e?Plan ? To ? str Jo sinalisu Says NEW YORK (AP) ? Free-lance journalist Tad Szulc says the United States during President Lyndon ? Johnson's administration planned a second invasion of Cuba combined with an i. effort to assassinate Pre- mier Fidel Castro. The plan had to be can- celed, Szulc said in an arti- cle to be published in the ,E Jan. 17 Esquire magazine, t? when rebellion unexpected- ly erupted in the Dominican Republic in April 1965, and the United States sent troops to that country. Szulc, a former diplomat- ic correspondent for the e New York Times, said the operation was planned by I. the Central Intelligence I. ? Agency, "presumably act- ing with President Lyndon Johnson's authority unless It was another do-it-yourself .? undertaking." g He wrote: "The new invasion was to ' be on a smaller scale than the Bay of Pigs. The scena- rio was to bring ashore some 750 armed Cubans at the crucial moment when Castro would be dead and inevitable chaos had devel- oped... "The existence of the assassination plot, hatched by the CIA in Paris and Madrid, was disclosed by the Cuban government in March 1966, after the desig- nated gunman ? a bearded Cuban physician and for- mer Cuban revolutionary army major named Rolando Cubela ? was arrested in Havana following investiga- tions by Castro's counterin- telligence agents, who had become suspicious of him." Szulc said that although the Cuban government re- vealed the assassination plot, it never reported the invasion plan, probably because it didn't know much about it. The writer said his infor- mation was based on inter- views with men who partici- pated in the project, known by the code name "Second Naval Guerrilla." He said the CIA spent $750,000 monthly for the operation and $2 million of those funds had never been accounted for. SZULC ALSO wrote that in 1961, seven months after the Bay of Pigs, President John F. Kennedy asked him about the wisdom of killing Castro and was pleased when Szulc said he opposed it. "Kennedy leaned back in his chair, smiled, and said that he had been testing me because he was under great pressure from advisers in the intelligence community, whom he did not name, to have Castro killed, that he himself violently opposed it on the grounds that for moral reasons the United States should never be par- ty to political assassina- tions. 'I'm glad you feel the same way,' he said," Szulc wrote. Szulc said he did not know whether Kennedy was aware of a scheme elaborat- ed by military intelligence officers soon after the Bay of Pigs to kill Castro and his brother Raul, the deputy premier, using marksmen infiltrated from the U.S. naval base at Guantanamo. "Perhaps this is what he had in mind when he talked to me," Szulc said. THE EISENHOWER administration also turne4 down in 1960 a recommen- dation by a CIA operative to kill Castro, Szulc said. Bill R. Moyers, who was Johnson's press secretary, said when reached at his Long Island home yester- day that he never heard any talk of a Cuban invasion or Castro assassination. Moyers said he was pres- ent when the CIA proposed to Johnson early in 1964 ' "that frogmen be put into Cuba to harass and obstruct Castro." "The President vetoed it," Moyers said. 13 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : C1A-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 Approved For Release 2001/0.8/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 AVASTITN4TO1' POST Sunday, irnt. 18,1974 , Stuart H. Loory Tress Credibility . And Journalist-Spies In the old days ? the pre-Watergate 1 days ? when even small deceptions by the government, once revealed, were considered scandalous, the rev- elation that the Central Intelligence ? Agency was using American foreign correspondents as spies would have provoked an uproar. , Remember the furore in 1967 when Ramparts magazine disclosed the CIA's infiltration of foundations, labor ;? unions and student organizations? In ' contrast, there has been only muted criticism in the wake of the disclosure a few weeks ago that the CIA had on its payroll overseas some three dozen .? Americans who were either working as foreign correspondents or masquerad- ing in such positions as a cover. ' William E Colby, director of the , agency, has already promised that five r of those overatives working -full time The writer, a journalism profes- sor at Ohio State University, was a Moscow correspondent for the New York Herald Tribune. He later served as White Home cor- respondent for the Los Angeles Times. c for general-circulation news-gathering organizatio'ns as well as for the CIA will be "phased out" of their spying roles. But he has also made the explicit decision to maintain contractual rela- tionships with newsmen working for I; specialized publications or as freelance reporters. Colby apparently draws a distinction between larger news-gathering organi- '?zations and smaller ones, between gen- eral-circulation organizations and tradepublications. Foreigners do not , make such nice distinctions; to them, an American newsman is an American ? newsman. Why should anyone believe that Colby has indeed removed the stigma of spying from American jour- ? ? nalists overseas? Putting aside the credibility problem ? of the American government, obvious t. in these Watergate-dominated days, consider the status of Soviet foreign correspondents: The Soviet Union's ,leadership repeatedly denies thatany Noviet newsmen working overseas are government agents. It claims that So- viet newsmen are simply gatherers ? and interpreters of news for the bene- fitof the reading public in the Soviet. Union. ? The claim, of course is laughable, and no American official talking to a Tess, Izvestia or Pravda correspondent In Washington is naive enough to think he is dealing with a bona fide re- porter. For this reason, Soviet news- men do not have an easy time with of- ficials in countries outside the socialist bloc. American newsmen have a far easier time of it abroad. They develop sources and uncover news because their reputation for freedom, fairness and nonentanglement with their own government has been respected over the years. Only in Moscow?and per- haps in Peking, where this writer -has had no experience?are American newsmen treated as government agents. For years, American newsmen in the Soviet capital laughed off alle- gations of spying out of the feeling that the Russians were only applying the same standards to foreign news- men that they used for their own. ' The Russians have had the last laugh. The CIA does not deny the news re- ports of its entanglement with the American press. "We cannot comment on covert activities," an agency spokes- man said in virtual confirmation. The News Business Nor would the agency comment on Colby's plan , for disentanglement in the future. That plan?to fire some but keep other newsmen?does not go far enough. American newsmen abroad as well as at home must remain free of their government to act as a distant early-warning system in reporting problems and progress that might af- fect this country's interests abroad. Newsmen often do a better job of re- porting than either covert CIA agents or overt members of the diplomatic ' corps. That lesson was brought home to me 15 years ago in Czechoslovakia. Just out of graduate school, I had gone there as a freelance writer and had obtained interviews with Czech offi- cials responsible for the country's tele- vision system and the youth move- ment. I also visited coal mines and steel mills in a part of Moravia gener- ally off limits to Americans. Before I wrote my stories, I tried to check my information with American diplomats. The result of my effort--Inade only a few years after William N:,--Oatis, an Associated Press correspondent work- ing In Prague, had been jailed as ai, spy- was terrifying. l'he embassy officer led me to a se- ' cure room behind a door as heavy as a bank vault's. When I started talking, he began taking notes rapidly and then questioned me closely. "What else did you learn? What else did they tell you? What else did you see?" . The officer grilled me until I re- "The plan?z-to fire some but keep other newsmen on the CIA payroll? does not go far enough. American newsmen abroad as well as at home must remain free of their government." fused to say more. Then he said: "You correspondents can find out a lot more than we diplomats because we, simply cannot get access to the same people or travel as much." Unwittingly, I had become an agent of my government rather than a repre- sentative of the American people. Now I could see how the Czechs might have misunderstood Oatis' role even if he were not, as charged, a CIA employee. When I left the embassy that after- noon, it was with the fear that I was in far greater danger abroad from my own government than from a govern- ment which still, at that time, had a statue of Stalin looking down on the capital. ? American newsmen must not be compromised in the same manner that so many?too many?officials, bureau- crats and military men have been cor- rupted in recent years. The public and Congress should demand that the CIA break all contractual relationships ,with bona fide newsmen. Beyond that, publishers maintaining foreign bu- reaus should seek out and discipline any employees with dual relationships. Anything less makes the news busi- ness the handmaiden of the govern- ment and that cannot be tolerated.. Otherwise, the free flow of news from overseas?so important to public awareness?will be seriously jeopard- ized. 14 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 ? Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 PUBLISHERS wEna,y (N.Y.) 28 JAN 1974 II/larch:arch CA :B00% "COnete He Or 1-i, igh Water" ut Soon VICTOR MARCIIETTI and his coau- thor John Marks. u ith a couple of court victories behind them, are preparing for spring 'publication of their book on the Central Iptelli;:ence Agency, "CIA: The Cult of Intelligence" by Alfred Knopf? in censored form if necessary.. In the meantime, the two former gov- ernment intelligence officers are contin- uing to negotiate with the CIA Over the censored portions of the manuscript. They are also preparing for a full-dress trial, possibly in February. on the as- ?. sumption that CIA won't drop all its claims that portions of the book contain ? classified material. Marks, a former State Department employee, has been told the Department intends to enjoin him against. publication. but so far it has made no move in court. Marchetti was already under court when Marks joined him as coauthor. "The book will he coming out in May, come hell or high water," Marchetti told PIK "We decided in December not to let the book be tied to the court case. The le- gal proceedings could drag on for a year or i wo.? The CIA obtained a restraining order in U. S. District Court in Northern Vir- ginia in 1972 barring Marchetti from writing ?anything "factual, fictional or otherwise" based on his experience as a CIA employee from 1955 to 1969. The Government has never before exercised prior restraint over a book under court SUNDAY TELEGRAPH, London ,31 January 1974 Re k order. An Appeals Court ruled that the Agency had the right to delete classified material before the manuscript was sub- mitted to the publisher. Last summer, the CIA told Marchetti's American Civil Liberties U Mon attorney, Melvin L. ' Wulf, it wanted about 100 pages, or 20(!;) of the manuscript, deleted. "We offered to take Out anything that would jeopardize ,national security," Marchetti told this reporter in his home in Northern Virginia. just a few miles from CIA .headquarters. "We want to re- form, not destroy the CIA." After prolonged negotiations, the CIA agreed to drop its objections to 114 of the original 319 specific cuts in the text. But the authors and their publisher believe the Agency cannot prove that the other cuts are necessary for national security. "We want the book published because we believe it should be published," Said Marchetti. "We explode a lot of myths , about the CIA. But also we think the First Amendment issue should be re- solved. If you've got seerecy, you've got control, and people are never going to know what's doing on in government," In October. 1973, the authors and their ' publisher sued the government in a firSt , court test' of CIA. classification proce- dures. Recently, U. S. District Court Judge Albert V. Bryan, Jr., Alexandria, Va., ruled in their favor on several mo- tions made by the CIA. Judge Bryan or- dered the CIA to produce proof that the 1 iseteces of h a retirei soak ? VICTOR MARCHETTI, V the Central Intelligence Agency's most unwanted author, was leafing through a telephone book, looking up a name for our Washing- ton colleague, who went to see him at his home near Vie American capital. "Hey," said Marchetti, "did you know that in the C.I.A. we used to take our 'funny names' "?by that he meant aliases?" from the London directories? There was one guy who chose Morti- mer Quewtermouse. It changed him. After a while, he became more of a Quewter- mouse than Quewtermouse ever as." , These are difficult days for ' Marchetti. He is fighting the C.I.A. in court for the right to publish his hook, "The C.I.A. and the Cult of Intelligence," without the 200 or so deletions the agency is demanding. , At .,e time there were 339; !- tt every so often Marchetti 'and a lawyer visit the C.I.A. headquarters, where Marchetti worked as a Russian analyst from 1.955 to '69, for a conference on what's accvp1:41)16 and wiles tint. If Marchetti can prove that some item has been referred to publicly, the C.I.A. representa- tives usually nod their heads and say all right. Some of his old colleagues go out of their way to shake his hand when he walks through the C.I.A. corridors, but others treat him like a pariah. He had a shock on his first visit, when he was all set to eat lunch in the executive mess and was instead referred to the main cafeteria. Marchetti was high up in the organisation when he left, assist- ant to the number two man. If he had stayed on, he says, his next promotion would have made him the equivalent of a Brigadier-General. There is an air of the exile about him, as he sits at home, a bit paunchy, wearing a green cardigan, reminiscing about the C.I.A. He rebelled last week about going to the headquarters Approved For Release 2001/08/08 material is classified and that it was prop- erly classified. Ile also ordered the Agency to permit expert witnesses to ex- amine the uncensored manuscript. "The plaintiffs," he said in a January 10 ruling, "may need expert assistance in inquiring into these matters." At the same time, the judge turned ? ? down an appeal by Central Intelligence Director William E. Colby to. testify in ? camera why the book should not be pub- lished: Editors at Knopf have been working with the censored manuscript, which con- tains large blank spaces of various sizes and shapes where cuts were made. Floyd Abrams, attorney ? for Knopf, makes the same point ;nvoked by the New York Times in its i.!,efense in the Pentagon Papers case, Ow, censorship would only be justified wherc oblication would "surely result in .direct; i and irreparable injury tb the.natiol or its people." Abrams, member of Ow. New York law firm of Cahill, Gordon & dcr, represented the Times in that ca.... The two eases differ, however, in t: the Times and the Washington fost wet\ ahead and published without' prior re-', ? straint having been exercised. Marchetti \ explained that he chose a different route because prior restraint is aimed at him personally. Failure to adhere to the con- ditions of the court order based on se- crecy agreement., he signed with the CIA could make him ? liable for criminal charges and a possible prison term. ? SUSAN WA(iNEK neighbourhood boys in soccer. 'His background is Roman Cath- for a conference on the boGi olic, Middle America: father and said the meeting would have was a plumber in a Pennsylvania to take place in his publisher's coalmining town. After a spell lawyer's office. in Europe during the late 'forties I " I just got ornery and said, and early 'fifties, during which he. 'I'm not going up there.' Brings served in army intelligence, he back too many memories. I know returned home and married his I it's just a big bureaucratic blob, boyhood sweetheart. He is 44, but I'm very depressed after- but looks five or seven years wards. I like a lot of the People. younger. even though I disagree with their A sense of idealism betrayed policies, and they stopped think- led him to leave the C.I.A., he ing ten or 15 years ago. It was says. The agency "got slap- our whole life, the C.I.A., and my happy" in the underdeveloped wife, will often say 'I miss the countries. "It was so easy to old gang.' It's a very tightly-knit prop up a rotten dictator that society." they lost sight of their prin- 0 u r colleague wondered ciples. Things have been done whether he felt guilty because that will come back to haunt he'd broken the code by writing us." the book, but Marchetti dismissed The court case will come to that idea. He wants Congress to trial in February, with the investigate the C.I.A., because American Civil Liberties Union it's wasteful and inefficient and backing Marchetti. The book has strayed into the field of will come out in the spring, even clandestine political operations, if it means printing it with "They're a bunch of stumble- bums,' he said. blank spaces. Marchetti reckons "Lousy spies. They never he will end up with about 90 have been able to spy on their deletions. Readers may find a card inside the book inviting prime targets, the Russians and them to apply for the missing , Chinese. The only real good man bits when they are cleared, or the West had on the inside in the case is won. While this is going on, Mar- chetti is working on a spy novel, . British took him up after the "The Rack in the Cellar," C.I.A. rejected him when he which is about the myths of the ,tvalked in in Ankara." cold war. "The only way you Marchetti is a very unspook- can really deal with that kind ' ike spook. He used to be a of world is through fiction," he coutmaster and nowadays he said. "You lose the human ylls in time by coaching the element and the mystique in non- fiction." CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004:8 Russia was Oleg Penkovsky, and he was a British spy. The Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 WASHINGTON STAR-NEWS 'Washington, D.C., Wednesday, January 30, 1974 e a By Martha Angle Star? New, St:111 ?Vnier , The Central Intelligence Agency has destroyed all of its tape recordings of tele- phone conversations and office meetings except for the tape already made pub- lic in hearings of the Senate Watergate committee. CIA Director William Colby said last night the agency destroyed the tapes sometime after January 1973, when it discontinued a "10 or 15" year practice of taping "selected" phone calls and meetings. Destruction of the CIA tapes came to light when Republican Sen. Howard H. Baker Jr., R-Tenn., asked for the tape recording of a mid-1971 conversation be- tween convicted Watergate burglar E. Howard Hunt Jr. and Marine Gen. Robert E. Cushman Jr., then deputy director of the CIA. BAKER ALSO asked Col- by for any other CIA tapes which might have a bearing on the Watergate investiga- tion. "When I first talked with Sen. Baker on Saturday, I wasn't sure whether we had any other tapes or not," Colby said last night. "I checked and found that we didn't." A transcript of the Hunt- Cushman conversation was introduced into evidence during the Senate Water- gate hearings last year and in the past several months Baker has been conducting his own investigation into the CIA's role in Watergate- related activities. Two of the seven men captured on June 17, 1972, in Watergate ? Hunt and James W. McCord ? were ; retired CIA employes, while three others ? Eugenio Martinez, Bernard L. Bar- , ker and Frank Sturgis had at various times been under contract with the agency. HUNT RECEIVED a Va- riety of materials, including false identification papers iChristian Science Monitor I 16 January 1974 and a speech alteration de- vice, from the CIA in 1971 while working with the White House "plumbers" unit which broke into the office of Daniel Ellsberg's psychiatrist. Unlike the automatic voice-activated White House system which record- ed President Nixon's phone calls and meetings, the CIA taping was done on a "selective" basis on man- ually operated recording devices. Colby said. He said the tapes "were periodically destroyed, and about a year ago I decided I didn't want to use the sys- tem any longer and it was discontinued." ' Colby, who became CIA director in September, was executive director of the agency when the decision was made a year ago to halt the taping. He said James R. Schlesinger, then CIA director and now secre- tary of defense, agreed Report lists secret agency nb official admit exists By Congressional Quarterly Washington A special Senate committee which recently recommended public dis- closure of more information about federal intelligence agencies? may have taken its own advice ? inad- vertently. The ad hoc Senate committee on secret and confidential documents Issued a report Oct. 12 in which it listed a hitherto secret intelligence- agency, the National Reconnaissance Office (NRO). Now no one will con- firm officially that such an operation (Wets. The report's subject was humdrum enough; it suggested that the govern- ment begin printing the overall bud- get figures for several agencies en; gaged in classified activities. Release of the information would give Con- gress some idea of the amount spent on intelligence operations and how the money is used, the committee said. ? The report listed the Central In- telligence Agency (CIA), the Defense Intelligence Agency (pm), the Na- tional Security Agency (NSA) and the NRO as examples of intelligence groups Congress should know more about. The existence of the first three agencies has been widely known. The NRO has not. It has maintained its anonymity on Capitol Hill, in the Pentagon, and the CIA. Unaware of slip Both the authors of the committee report and the members of the com- mittee were unaware of the security slip. Staff aides on the committee told Congressional Quarterly they were uncertain how reference to the TARO had appeared in print when, accord- ing to intelligence officials, the name of the agency itself was classified. As one intelligence official said: "Even its initials were supposed to be classified." Also baffled were committee mem- bers. Chairman Mike Mansfield (D) of Montana reported that he had never heard of the reconnaissance office. The same was true of com- mittee members Mark 0. Hatfield (R) of Oregon, Harold E. Hughes (D) of Iowa and Alan Cranston (D) of California, who originated the request for more information on the agency. According to sources in Congress, who asked int to be identified, the NRO spends I* the neighborhood of $1 with the decision. AleTER THE taping was discontinued, Colby said, all tapes on file at the CIA were destroyed. - The Associated Pres. quoted Colby as saying the Hunt-Cushman tape "sur- vived normal procedures of. destruction because it was put in a separate drawer somehow." Cushman made the tape when Hunt came to his office. ? Colby said the agency has already turned over masses of documents to the Water- gate committee, the Special Prosecutor's Office and congressional committees which exercise "oversight" functions regarding the CIA. The CIA director said he is now preparing answers to other requests by Baker for information. Baker declined to say exactly what data he is seeking from the CIA except to say it included information about "agency contacts with any and all of the Watergate types." billion a year for high:altitiule recon- naissance flights. Using both satel- lites and planes, the agency conducts, surveillance for a number of in- telligence organizations on a contract oasis. The emphasis on secrecy may ex- plain , why the agency was able to maintain its anonymity on Capitol Hill despite that each year it receives an appropriation from Congress. Under the CIA act of 1949, certain intelligence agencies are exempted from the normal budget reporting procedures to Congress required of federal departments. Instead, the agencies are required only to report their budgets and plans to a small group of members in the House and Senate who sit on the four congressional "intelligence over- sight" committees. Membership on the committees ? two in the House and two in the Senate ? Is based on seniority in the Appropriations and Armed Services Committees. Because of the nature of their oversight functions, the committees never publish transcripts of their activities and rarely make notes of committee hearings, which are al- ways held in executive session. Consequently, little information on intelligence operations moves beyond 16 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 A'pproved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 ' 'the oversight committees. Mean- while, the members of the corn- ' mittees observe strict rules of secrecy ; toward intelligence matters, which opartially explains why no one could or would confirm the existence of the . National Reconnaissance Office. Discussion declined The chairman of the Senate Appro- priations oversight committee, John L, McClellan (D) of Arkansas, was one who declined to discuss the secert agency. The committee's staff coun- sel, Guy G. McConnell, answered all questions about the office with a terse "no comment." He did disclose, how- ever, that the CIA had notified the committee that inquiries were being made about the NRO. Another member of one of the Senate oversight committees, Stuart Symington (D) of Missouri, agreed to discuss the agency, but then denied having ever heard of a National _ WASHINGTON POST Friday, Jan..11, 1974 ( adio Free Europe ?1?.?iii?.014 Reconnaissance Office. He also de- nied being surprised that an in- telligence office had surfaced that no one apparently had ever heard of. "Intelligence activities are the least supervised aspect of our national Security policy," he said. Perhaps the most typical response of those questioned was the one of Rep. Lucien N. Nedzi (D) of Mich- igan, chairman of the House armed? services intelligence operations sub- committee and a member of that small congressional club privy to most intelligence information: "I've .. told you just about all that I can." ..' ? : on their current austere fi- taff. Cuts,, Static, tumid rations. In, this fiseal. year, for example RFE ant! . ' ? '? I Ily:John. M. Goshito- ? Radio ' Liberty jointly re ,. :L. ,quested $50 million, report.' :? . , ..? ., ? :.. ' %.Vaithinitton Sid rOteirn etivlee , . t . ? prce , . .,. nate, worries about future :funds :. ? itONN?? 'F . ? ?11 bit =fi . ' A'?. :edly the maximum allowed I . cial difficulties' to make, have had a serious effect on ' I by the White 'House's Office . heaviistaff 'Cittbacks, ? Radio Morale." . i of Budget Management. ., . "Things re e : ., . Free ? Europe enters' ' 1974 _. - ? Octoberwe atthir. '. .. ,.. Congress 'Only appropri- worst in l. , . with neVitancerteintlee about' vember when the . decisions ated $45 million It was the the long-term .future of w being made about who need to make up the !.fall that led to the latest short- broadcasts to !Eastetn? , to let go," Shub said.; "When '3round of firings at RFE. the blow fell in ?' '1 : .? Tope. . ?? ? . The cuts ' were spread ? was a pretty sad Scene. Novi.. ' , Since 14 'founding 'at ? the 1. fairly evenly between the, h 1dt of the uncer-'i. ' ,? height, of the Cold *at in. .thclugh' taintw hes ' been. Als Americans and others in the ? d a the east' 1911, the. controversial, ? Mu.. itich-base'ci dation has beamed 'news, 'commentary.. '.end MUIde to Poland, Czecli,, oslovakia, Hungary, Roma/ nia and Bulgaria In their re, the ? five hadonal broadcasting ; 2spectif)e languagee:, . Nixon. administration, "ineffectivettess" of. RIPE R ? operations, v.)as forced to ? For yeah, beth RFE an' d ti? ? , lobbying for appropriatione cut 52 staffers. sinee June, and think ,we re ph t e .up, ' , swing." ? ? .0.: . Y???'''''''' .i'7: ' ?... nt, RFE's 'five ? "national netel,' European exiles ? staffing ? Ratik-erfcl-file",;?? ,istifie.iii; ' works" and adMinistrative,%1 seenite bi Much thbre.pess1,i? 4 i techeical end research per. Thistle; They ? coinplaitt'abotie 1 "top Many broken picimisesn. 80nnel. ? .. f ? t t hi h l'' from- their bosses' and the'lt She!) said his news de-' 1,separate "Munich-headquar and expectations of an in- 1972. Among other things, f,ered facility', Radi6,Liberty 'c re a in g "hand-te-mouth f this has, meant the closing ti tir li d th Sti4'? '' kind of .existence . In ?.t u 1 i Oet Union, Were cot/mile fit,. . Wit' . ' ' 1 ' Befiln, Geneva, Athens and . ? Most' of all, they are c. l' nanced by the U.S.' d.entral,', ; haunted' by fears that the ? .Stockholm. ? The staff at RFE'S 50-., !Intelligence Agency. , . ? : Nixon,. ,administration is :: ,. 'member New York bureau ? This,. system ' was .. &min- 1 , moving toward agreement i? was ? severely cut. All full? - !'iloned three. years ago after,. ' . with Fulbright's' contention!4 i 'time East European employ.. i heavy 'criticism from con-',. that both organizations be- ? ees there ?were eliminated. ' gressmen, , . including .. the ; ''s.lbne in "the graveyard of ., ? : In priVate, RFE sources chairman of the Senate For- .. :, Cold War relics." Despite a? :i:,) say' that further austerity . eign Relations Committee, .1. '; lack of substatitiation, EUro... measures are under consid- -.William Fulbtight (D-Ark.). ? ,i , peon diplomatic circles buzz ,,$ eration; Ificluding the possi- ?An the ensuing shakeout, , with rumors that Washing %' , bility of merging certain ac- . Congresti began funding the 'ton;' as part of its 'bedding. , i? tivitleh and -faculties with two stations directly. titifi?`ii ?detente with the Soviet Un-% ? itadfo Liberty. Congress has J because of a ' big gap be-.'.. 'ion', has, agreed to, quietly .., i held 'out the possibility of a l'Itveen their requests and the !', phate ent ? both Radio Free II; ;; supplemental $4.9 -reillion ; amounts .appropriated by ' , appropriation for the two 'Eurone and Radio Liberty: ! ;?,.. or- Congress, both have' been ., i- There' is . little "titleationi.... ganizatione before the end ,? fighting 'an ? uPhill battle.. that Welt a move Would be'.:, of this fiscal year, but it . ; against shrinking budgets. ,'.!.': heartily , Welcomed- by' the ..I: : ' would be granted on the Int- .+. Over ? the past 18 moirths,': ,,' Seelets eh& their' .Eastern.;. .? derstanding that the men-, II Ilfg, the larger 'organiza+!..., European allies. Despite?thei: . eyes primary use would be 1 Um, has trimmed approxi:' itthit? Morale (probiem,!:-On , to further such consolida- flot yet ,7ompleted its. own; I:, sizable st.i.'f cutbacks. ? ? ' Eventuey the expecta- tion is tha: Radio Liberty will give up 16.ot.of ils pros-. ,? eta office and \e'cleasting ?1 space and move t?s!)ig' part ef its operation,' ?.,o the ? sprawling form hullo It's .; ,? also likely that Radio ben' ty's two news. buree0 in ? .11 London mid Paris will c :Into some ? kind of sp. ;? sharihg arrangement w, the' RPE bureaus in tho'l i? So far, RFE has managed ss to avoid the threat of seri- ous labor strife. The deci- ?sions on what jobs were to A. be eliminated were worked., ,.'ottt in painstakingly close ...:cooperation with the Amer!. ean Newspaper Guild, reprei.' t. seating employees paid In 'dollars and the German tut, !?,. ions representing other em-, !.. ployees. All concerned seem. to agree tho Brine, were ?,' handled in the Moat ecedta- '''tle mother passihla.? ? . hie broa east,' to e of RFE s news bureaus in ' 4nately 130 emplbyees from ,.. ? ?' ; Its staff, of broadcasters,,servet:e of East-West affairs- . newsmen and technicians?" ; ,i agree that. both orgaelzit- , roughly 10 per:cent of the' .,. tions do a very effectiVe job/ ! erganizetion's i i .. former ' y. of maintaining a flow' of .. . ! Strength?and. news direc. It news and ideas acrOss the , tor Anatole Shill) conceded:?I? r ? 'It's left us.' stretched very' . i Iron Certain. , . ? ;thin in many areas.". . ? ,..,`.:1 The big question. now is ! RFE executives admit that ',whether they will be ableto . ? the cutbacks and continuing omaintain this effectiveness , Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA4Ra77-00432R000100320004-8 tion. Sources within both out- . ? fits confirmed that some , kind of limited merger 'seems inevitable. At the mo- ;"ment, they add, progress is!: 1.. inhibited by the heed to re- ? ?2 solve a number of legal stadles and the fact that Rs, die Liberty, unlike RFE, has' Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-R0P77-00432R000100320004-8 STASIMIGTON POST Tom Braden Who Is Making Foreign Policy? SfYturflaY. lett, ht 1PN Fresh from his personal triumphs in the Mideast, Secretary of State Henry Kissinger now confronts another crisis, this one involving his leadership and authority. Kissinger is on a collision course with Secretary of Defense James R. Schlesinger. The tip-off was Schlesinger's aston- ishing remark about military action against Arab states. At the very mo- ment that Kissinger was in Cairo, try- ing to persuade President Sadat to sign the peace agreement, Schlesinger announced from Washington that if "There is more trouble ahead and the policy of detente with Russia may be at stake." the Arab states continued their nil em- bargo military action might result. It was about as unhelpful a hint from .home as Kissinger could have re- ceived. But there is more trouble ahead, and the policy of detente with Russia .; may be at stake. While Kissinger was abroad, Schlesinger announced the re- ' targeting of U.S. land-based missiles. Henceforth, he said, they would he aimed at Russian missile sites rather than at cities. The move will make the next step in the SALT talks exceed- ingly difficult, perhaps impossible, to negotiate. An argument?and a very good argu- ment?can be made for Schlesinger's move. Mr. Nixon has long deplored what he called his lack of options. In ` the event of a nuclear attack, he has had one choice and one choice only: to obliterate the Soviet Union or any city thereof. The shift in strategy will per- mit him another choice: to take out the Soviet missile system or any part of that system. .But the decision to make this 0P1109 SVA TTINGTON POST Satur;14Y- Feb. 2,1974 Claytori. Fritchey The.. .resident. 'Still' Ilespeded' broad' Atter visiting and reporting on a dozen different countries in the last , month or so, I returned with the irn pression that despite Watergate Presi- dent Nixon still commands substantial respect abroad. - ? The fact .seems to be that most for- eigners have little interest in, or un- derstanding of, American domestic af- fairs, but they are keenly aware of our ; foreign policy, for the simple reason , that nearly everything the United [States does internationally affects the I rest of the world. Mr. Nixon may not be liked or even admired abroad, hut :. he is still seen as the man who ended or at least 'suspended the cold war and [;'thus relieved the fear of a world-end- lug nuclear confrontation. The great mass of people every- where craves peace above' all else. Their lives can be made uncomfortable by such crises as the? energy shortage, but nothing is irreparable, except nu- clear extinction, and much of the world believes that awful prospect has been lessened by the Nixon-Kissinger de- "Mr. Nixon may not be liked or even admired abroad, but he is still seen as the man who ended or at least suspended the cold war." tente with Russia and China, the two' great Communist powers. As long as foreigners feel that they I have a vital stake in .the continuation and growth of the still fragile detente, they naturally want to see it nursed along by the man who initiated it- 11 ichard Nixon?regardless of his do- mestic delinquencies, which are seen as deplorable but irrelevant interna- tionally, Mr. Nixon also seems to be benefit- ing from a somewhat similar attitude ' on the part of a number of Americans. This may help account for the fact that, while an overwhelming majority in the United States believe the Presi- dent is guilty of personal 'miiconditct, many are still not eager for his im- peachment. If Mr. Nixon had failed on the foreign as well as domestic front, he wouldn't have a prayer of surviving. Like most foreigners, Americans see detente as the path to peaoe. The latest Harris poll, for instance, shows majori- ties ranging from 72 per cent to 19 per cent favoring further accord between the superpowers on matters extending from control over nuclear submarines and antimissile weapons systems to mutual withdrawal of forces from Lu- 18 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 possible Is not only subject to misinterpretation; It mal- vastly creme the arms nee. Prom standpoint, the timing?with SALT talks imminent'-., could hardly have been worse. Ad4 to all this 'the reVelition that Adm. Thomas Moorer, chairman of the the Pentagon had been receiving, with- ." out authorization, secret documents of Henry Kissinger and you have the mak- Ings of a very serious argument. Who is making foreign policy? The Secrel tary of Defense or the Secretary of State? W.singer does not like argument. In five years under Mr. Nixon he has managed to avoid having any. He did:. not have to argue with his predecessor, William P. Rogers, because he knew more than Rogers, prepared himself more thoroughly and was ready with initiatives and information when Rog- ers was not. Nor did Kissinger argue with former Defense Secretary Melvin Laird, who frequently tried to undercut him with President Nixon. Kissinger's technique, In handling Laird was to touch base with Laird's constituency In Congress before Laird did. thus when Laird' called friends on The Hill to complain of Kissinger's initiatives, he would find ?more than once to his astonishment ?that Mr. Nixon's aide had beaten him to the telephone, and that those whom he thought might complain for him had already been taken aboard. But neither Rogers nor Laird really wanted a fight. Rogers liked this title more than his job, and Laird, a man of immense ability to see the other side of any question, was never certain that the generals and the admirals to whom he had been listening were right and that Kissinger was wrong.' Schlesinger appears to be made of different stuff. tom Anaeles rope. Despite record low levels of confi- ? dence expressed in Mr. Nixon as Presi- dent, Harris reports that 70 per tent ' still give him high marks on "working for peace," 64 per cent on "handling relations with Russia" and 60 per cent plus on "handling relations with China." Harris also has a warning for Demo- cratic presidential aspirants who "might well be making a fatal tactical blunder in assuming that the strains resulting from the Soviet policy to- ward emigres and the Mideast war can be taken to mean that the country wants to return to a hard line in rela- tions with Soviet Russia and other Communist countries." It sounds. as if Harris had in mind Sen. Henry Jackson (D-Wash.) who has been riding a presidential boom based on his criticism of the Nixon-Kissinger detente with Russia. Jackson seems to think that Mr. Nixon, of all People, is soft on communism and, in trusting Russia, is living in a fool's paradise. That's the way Mr. Nixon used to talk about Franklin D. Roosevelt and his Yalta agreement with Stalin. The President, nevertheless, is bet- ting that detente is the best thing he's Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 got going for himself. His apologists, notably Vice President Gerald Ford And Sen. Barry Goldwater (R-Ariz.), have been encouraged to dwell on the administration's p e ac e efforts. It is in- teresting to note, incidentally, that I, Goldwater, who had been sharply crit- ical of the President, came back from a recent trip abroad in a more respect. ful attitude toward his leader. Considering all the disclosnres yet WASPINGTON POST to come, it is questionable whether anything can save the President, but if anything can it will be further sue- cesses abroad. The triumph of Dr. Kis- singer in moving the Arabs and Isra- elis toward peace has been a big plus, and the Secretary of State has not hes- itated to give Russia credit for its be. "constructive" help: There is, of course, some risk for the President in gambling everything on Sunday. Feb. 3, 1974 ? . . , . :Stephen S. RotenfOld- ., . ? , ?I?? ??? I y I I SI I ? t?Pi f..:?1?P ? Kissinger and Schlesinger: r Soviet cooperation. He is, to some .ex?':' tent, putting himself in the hands the Russians, for if they pull the rug from under detente, Mr. Nixon would be fatally embarrassed. ?It no doubt1 would be the end for hini. But If his political opponents try to, wreck de ii - tente merely to wound th President, ,4 they might in the process 'also wound the United States. 49 1974. LOS Angeles Times The ? word front Henry_ Kiisinger,',`,) breakthroughi, and the Vietnam nego-H'.'iivhen for the first time the United :'?1 jpassed ? by .6 journalist 'friend, is that tlations. States has lost Its elm' strategic and ' the Secrettuy, of State faces an interior:1 Schlesinger, though he has been predominance and there is challenge of "crisis" dimensions front?barely half a year in the Pentagon, ar- ", widespread nervousness and confusion ?4' ??? rived with a formidable substantive about, where the con try goes from ?,,, knowledge of What ia emerging as the ,,i here, Schlesinger 's h Secretary of Defense James Schlesing- ?..i. 1 ? Or in making foreign honey.. This is ';'0;: "big" national security Issue of the.Sec..."?? :come. ? ? )ttley Washington stuff. It's indicative :i.:*:,,i end Nixon term?strategle twins. Previ-.! ?? In fact, anyone who 1 of ,where we are In the world, tool . ?0 ' ously Kissinger monopolized this issue .,. lie work of both, 'men The interesting question it raises?:...3 , with his intellectual, bureaucratic and, more by their likenesse and this Is already a Matter 'of lively pub lc relations razzle dazzle. AS a for-. . ferences. Both are tow ?I?i , 1 mer defense Intellectual at Rand with ? leetnals long fascinate community?is w he t h e r President concern In the whole foreign affairs ili)4: experience since at the top' of OMB,. ,.: ., of power. In manner ,:?,! Nixon is hinting that the United States, monopoly. and CIA, , 'Schlesinger breaks the :.,r smooth, Schlesinger `,;. . '' ' while hoping to cooperate and improve :? ' ' Whether this will make relathins with the Russians, has the ,' .1 Moreover, he arrived at the' Penta- ? ,respect to Congress, wh ..k. t gon just as doubts were escalating ; , has a responsibility ( resources to make its way in the world 7 ' across the ? political spectrum about the ' ' Kissinger) of gaining without cooperating with them. There ..: ' : enduring value and viability of some " large defense budget, Is not necessarily a contradiction be- :..! ? of the first-term achievements often '? , daily, important to see tween thbse general lines, which are..' identified with Kilsingoil, the Vietnam,.. . to the misleading to 1m front and hack of the same policy, but -. agreement, SALT I and Soviet-Amert: :,' singer is the sophistic there is a vital nuance all the same. ; ?? . 'eon detente. These doubts may yet lie .,,1... singer the boor, or to 'Europeans are especially sensitive to '' ' I eased but, until they are, it is only to '',?'' ther is more than m It. .- ? * i. ? ? . ??,? , be expected that a certain amount of '!: ' 'captive of pique.The Russiens, one notes, have been ?' i,' the loose deference available in this .' il There is a natural hig quick to pick this tip. They have be- ,Y? town will flow from the upbeat Kis- l,'' in foreign affairs. One gun zeroing in on Schlesinger by ?I': 'Singer to the more somber Schlesinger, '' ' 'carrot, the other the sti name, most recently for his suggestion??,, Kissinger represents the idea that ( ? it's Kisainger and Sehl that; If NAV? is weak, the Soviets,,,,,'' the nations that count can be brought :'i can say whether there could "bring, political pressure to bear i',...? into a certain stable relationship,: a ' .4 sion between them. I against Western Europe." Kissinger, ' II!' "structure of peace." This is the sense ?;; . that there Is a profe ? ho has said the Same more delicately, ?;;'i ' in which Schlesinger calls Kissinger a:, ? ;.which is not -only unav still gets the kid-glove treatment in ' - ? "diplomatist," defined by Webster 'as''.'': Sentild, Mr.' Nixon and Moscow. , ? ? yi ."one who is dexterous, tactful, or art: 1.1' are fortunate to have , The intriguing thing I that,.. by. 'a :. ful in meeting situations ?without?'%? ented men in the mit) s'i' , ; ' , ? ' friend's aecount, Kissinger,* an interne- arousing antagonism." The Mideast af- '1', , ? ? tional celebrity coming off a Nobel.: fords plenty, of scope still for a Prize in Vietnam and a. huge per,t, ' ','"diplomatist," But the sag of detente I , ' . and the, messiness of the energy crisis,.; onol triumph in the Mideast, feels that '? i, , which lends itself poorly to flashy cri-,,, Is ? authority Is threatened by, a' truly ? ? sls management or secret diplomacy, to boot. bsehre bureaucrat who is ol'homebody .. '', 'make the going somewhat rough .for.. ? . ? . Kissinger these days. ? . ?.., partly it May be that,Schlesinger ??.? By contrast, Schlesinger has spent : more substantial figure than any ,much of his* Career in and out of gov- that Kissinger has' prevjously dealt' ernment thinking about the size and, with In the national secdrity opium ' shape of the force which ,the United ? us. Melvin Laird, the only other mint,; States ought to possess in the world; ? Worth counting, concentrated on with- ? how to project that force politically to !riming from Vietnam and paid rela-;;Y,?foreigners;,and how to win Support for. NW, little heed ? te the ,first-term :.'it?in terms ?13f budget andin terms, of - hbritil'Whieli iKilisinder in& te .plout 'd will AO Use it?from the ?American id tetioyths the -Peking and, atiebeebi,?,,;i '; current `' conditibni, ur may have ohs at the pub- : struck much, than their dif- it -minded Intel- with the uses, j i Kissinger is bit rougher. & difference in r. re Schlesinger nmatched by pproval for a .r.s will be espe- But it seems gine that Kis- te and Schle- uspect that el- ;4.; , mentarliy the AL S. of 4ow approach' man holds the k. In this case, singer. Others s personal ten-, -st ould say just :4.' Monet tension 4i. idable but es- '0', the rest of us two such ? tal- ent's service. 19 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 tit t, , ? Secretary of Defense James X. ' Schlesinger, with an awesome array of , military power at his command, has Invoked "the words of the psalmist" as his best new weapon in defending t a record peacetime Pentagon budget 1: before Congress. "Where there is no 1:vision," Schlesinger was saying last week before the Senate and House ; Armed Services Committees, "the peo- ple perish." That ancient message, he claims, is ? Still relevant to understanding why the U.S. must not shrink from high defense budgets and global responsi- bilities even after Vietnam and in the so-called era of detente. Out of the 'psalmist's words, Schlesinger has been , skillfully spinning a web of explanations ;for almost everything the Pentagon ' wants to do:,. ? ? Because the Soviet Union con- tinues to invest heavily in new nuclear- tipped missiles, the U.S. must be pre- pared to "match" those developments so as not to lose the strategic edge or even be "perceived" by others as having lost it.. [? Because previous strategies of mas- sive retaliation to deter a nuclear at-. tack leave the U.S. only with a "sui- cide or surrender" choice, the U.S. ?? must now have a strategy to respond In kind to less than an all-out attack. In other words, the U.S. must have the ability to strike back in a limited ? fashion against certain military targets Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 ASITINGTON POST Wedamtiar, M. PM Michael Getter The Schlesinger Strategy The? writer is a member of the national staff of The Washing- ton Post. in the hope that an automatic escala- tion to mutual "city bashing" can be "avoided. ? Because both of these factors?the pledge to 'keep racing the Russians if ? necessary and the, flexibility to re- d spond in kind to any type of nuclear, t attack?make nuclear war even less ? 'likely than it was before, the' most likely arena for eombat would be with conventional forces. Thus, we have to strengthen and maintain those forces. That is how the parts of Schlesin- ;f, ger's plan fit together. In laying that out, he sets forth his view that, "In, recent years, we have begun to lose the vision about the role ,of the United States in the world. There has been a trend . . . perhaps ? understandable . . . to self-flagellation and carping. ;a "But the burden for the mainten- ance of free societies around the world ? can only be borne by the United States. 'We must accept that," he Says. "There is no alternative. If the United States drops the torch, there is no one else that can pick it up." In Schlesinger, the Pentagon has its 0 Most articulate warrior-philosopher- t spokesman in many years. ? In contrast to the parade of civilian .,and military officials who come before committees to read formal, drowsy statements, Schlesinger's informal and more scholarly dissertations have been 4 described as impressive?and possibly disarming?even by critics on the mostly friendly armed services committees. Aside from Schlesinger's perform- ance, this is an election year for Coq- gress. An economic downturn and still ! higher unemployment are forecast, and the energy crisis and talk of im- peachment are attracting most atten- tion. All, of these factors, some law- makers believe, will tend to reduce congressional scrutiny this year of. what is probably the most important defense budget in a decade. The budget contains the seeds for a major new round of nuclear weapons developments as "hedges" against lack of Soviet restraint. Schlesinger says he can control this. But in the past, weapons planners have usually found new rationales for development and production as original reasons faded. The budget also reflects complex and far-reaching shifts in War-fighting strategy which cannot be challenged simply by voting against certain hard- ware projects. Schlesinger, for exam- ple, has said that by "beating fat into swords" the Army will increase from 13 to 14 divisions without increasing manpower. While that seems like a good idea, the larger question is whether the U.S, needs 14 divisions rather than 13. It not, why shouldn't the "fat" simply be removed from the Army and the budget. Schlesinger has offered similar "bargains" to the other services but again, the broader question is: If exist- ing force levels are correct, why not just remove the fat altogether. It is Schlesinger's plans in the nu- clear field, however, which are perhaps most important and deserve the "na- tional debate" that he has called for. Hovering for years over the issue of introducing a limited nuclear war fighting capability has been the ques- tion of what could ponceivably be so important to Russian national interests as to prompt them to launch a limited nuclear attack against the U.S. and risk being destroyed in return. ,Schlesinger argues that adding this capability to respond in a "limited" ? way deters nuclear warfare at any level and helps keep the irrational or accidental attack from getting out of ' hand. Others argue that even talking about "limited" nuclear warfare re- duces deterrence and increases the ac- ceptance that some form of limited atomic war is possible. The 1,000 multiple-warhead-carrying U.S. Minuteman land-based missiles are already accurate enough to knock out many types of Soviet military tar- gets, though it would probably take a few warheads to knock out a single Soviet missile in an underground silo. Thus, for the time being, the shift of plans so that some of these weapons can be fired at some military targets? rather than exclusively at cities or in- dustrial centers?does not cost much money. It is mostly done with cont- . puters. The future of several 'new types of weapons?cruise missiles, new subma- rines and fixed and mobile landbased missiles?that are now requested for early development, Schlesinger says,, are mostly tied to what the Russians decide to do at the current round of the arms talks. If the Russians show restraint, then at least some of" the "The budget contains the ,seeds for a major new round of nuclear weapons developments." new systems will not go ahead, though , some undoubtedly will be pressed to modernize or replace existing weapons. But between Schlesinger's so-called re-targeting strategy and the new weapons related to progress at the I SALT talks, is the critical question of improved missile accuracy. Schlesin- ger says he wants to improve it, mostly ? because more accurate missiles in the future would mean fewer would have to be used in a limited counter-attack, and they would cause less damage to surrounding areas. Yet it has never, ' been made clear just how extensively ? ? Schlesinger would like to improve the i U.S. missile force. Whether he is talk- ing about improving just some missiles or all of them and precisely whether he envisions those improvements as . going ahead no matter what happens at SALT. Critics have always argued that still more accurate missiles would enable hawks in the Kremlin?despite U.S. , disclaimers ? to argue that the U.S. Is attempting to develop a first-strike force able to knock-out Russian mis- siles. The Russians, however, are work- ing on the same improvements, and this creates temptations for either su- perpower to launch his missiles first rather than lose them. Because missile- firing submarines are virtually invul- nerable to attack, neither superpower could effectively achieve a true first- strike force. The critics agree, and some have been arguing lately with increased en1 thusiasm for the U.S. to press the So- viets for some mutual reductions in land-based missiles to remove what they view as the major cause of un- certainty and suspicion between two superpowers armed to the teeth. ? Approved For Release 2001/02/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 GENERAL !WASHINGTON POST Sunday,Pcb.10,1974 , g-Jack Anderson and Les WhittenTerrorists and Airports , 'When Britain moved tanks aroun,1 London's Heathrow airport to protect ?. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, word leaked out that Arab terrorists had planned to kill him in order to ? abort Mideast peace efforts. But ,the :?,'? leaks told only a fraction of the story. Now, a warning to the House Com- nierce Committee by Rep. John Mur- phy (D-NX.), and a "need-to-know- only" CIA alert to the White House and other agencies, explain the Kis- singer danger and harbinger new trou- bles for the great world air terminals. A few days ago, Murphy spoke in confidence with Federal Aviation Ad- ministration special agents who in- sisted a "Heathrow-type" incident had actually been planned in the United States. With the agents' consent, Mur- phy took the matter to his chairman, , Rep. Harley Staggers (D-W.Va.). ? ? "Intelligence (the FAA agents) have received indicates that terrorists in the United States have plans to park an automobile at the end of the runway of a Major U.S. airport and 'fire one of th6se rockets right up the tailpipe of a 747 as it takes off,'" Murphy relayed to Staggers in a long private note. , "These rockets," as it turns out, . were precisely the same kind of SA-7 "Strella" shoulder-fired missiles that I had alarmed the British Into their ex- ? traordinary precautions at Heathrow. As we have now discovered, the CIA ? ? and its British counterparts had learned from informants that Arab ter- rorists planned to site a car at the end of a Heathrow runway and zoom a lightweight, but lethal rocket up the jet pipe of Kissinger's plane. The pur- l' pose, of course, was to wreck the mod- est Israeli-Egypt agreement then being worked out by the peripatetic Secre- ' ttary of State. This would create the . kind of whirlwind in the' Mideast that . the terrorists reap so well. ? As soon as the CIA picked up the in- , telligence, it worked with other agen- Y \ cies, particularly the FAA, to get out t: ? all-points warnings that Strellas were t ? in Arab hands. "It is probable," began the caution- ary wire sent on an internal circuit to the White House situation room, the ; Joint Chiefs of Staff, the FBI, the Sc. POST I Victor Zorza T ? I a fang ?.? Although the reopening di;the Suez i; ?Canal is expected only lat(i his year, ! it has already given a start! en a naval race between the superpo 'ers which 1. cret Service and the State Department, "that the Fedayeen possess . .. Soviet SA-7 (Strella) ground to air missiles." Some of the 30-pound weapons had ' already been "found by Italian Police in possession of Fedayeen terrorists near Rome's international airport (on) 5 September," the wire went on. "in view of demonstrated capability of Fedayeen to operate worldwide, (this) information . . . is being fur- nished by United States government on a 'confidential and need-to-know basis ..." ' The FAA retransmitted the informa- tion to foreign security officials, for- eign airlines and the U.S. Air Trans- port Association. In a careful technical evaluation of the Strella's danger, thet message said the weapon had been de- veloped by the Soviets as an infantry- man's missile against aircraft flying below 10,000 feet. The FAA-CIA warning told how two , men, one carrying a launcher, the other lugging an extra round, can set up, fire and escape in less than a min- ute. "Preparing the missile to fire, ac- quiring the target and firing the mis- sile requires 10 to 20 seconds," said the wire. "The person launching the mis- sile may then leave the area." Little care is needed in aiming. The ; missile has a heat-seeking infrared homing system that draws the rocket to heat as surely as iron filings are , drawn to a magnet. The system works at ranges up to almost three miles;i permitting the terrorists to waylay the plane hundreds of yards from the air- port, particularly when the jet makes a slow climb. The ? confidential message only hinted at an added threat of Strellas in` the hands of reckless and unconsciona- ble terrorists. If the rocket misses the tailpipe of a plane,' it "might be di- verted by alternate sources of heat." This means that it could plunge down the smokestack of It school, a factory or any other building nearby. "At this point, there are no kmiwn countermeasures for these missiles which are both inexpensive and highly effective," warned the message. And, increasingly, the Strellas are being matched by other nations producing 1974 may eclipse, in -cost and in sensity, all the arms races of earlier ye0. It does not haveTO-happen --lint - Is acquiring a mad moinenOm or its 21. a? ofTh rzn own, as the nuclear missile! race once did. If it is not halted now !before it really gets going, the opp kunity to arrest it will not recur f i1 a good many years. The crucial lap of the navel race 1w- gins on the small island of biego Gir- cia, barely a speck on the 6iip of the Indinn Ocean, which Britain is willing anti-aircraft rocket weapons for their infantrymen. The American warning, coupled with Intelligence gathered by West German, Dutch, Belgian and British security networks, has led to a drastic change in prote.ction around major air termi- nals. ' "While the British display was played up in the press," Murphy wrote, "it is not generally known that the original deployment of mass military forces to deter missile bearing terror- ists occurred at Brussels Airport when the Belgian government learned of the presence of Palestinian Arabs passing through the facility. "Belgian intelligence justified th- e, mass alert on the basis of information that the Arabs had in their possession Soviet SA-7 shoulder-launched surface- to-air launchers and missiles." As a result of the international scare, U.S. troops and German se- curity men with submachine guns are guarding the Frankfurt airport, and "patrolling flight paths in armored, vehicles some distance from the air- port," Murphy said. Troops are also on, guard at the Amsterdam airport be- lieved to be a major target of the ter- rorists "because of (the Netherlands), political support of Israel." The CIA and American air security experts recommend a limit on slow climbs and descents and on low flights "over areas difficult to surveil. Local security forces may reduce the threats . . . by securing the area (for about three miles) each side of . . . the ap- proach, takeoff and climhout areas of active runways ..." If there is an advance warning, the aircraft under attack can "jettison flares to attract the heat-seeking mis- siles." This, of course, could mean the rockets Will then mindlessly find a new target if they miss both plane and flares. While Murphy and others have intro- duced bills to bolster security at U.S. airports, experts we have talked with say the solution must be political, not technical. New legislation would help, say these experts, but until the Arab lands refuse hospitality to mass mur- derers, there is no protection but prayer, good luck or staying away, from airports. 1574, United Feature Syndicate to make avababie for G Un WA stales base in an area previously iliiitenanied by the superpowers. The l r'entagon wants the base because the. Soviet Navy will now be able to uui Suez to ! Increase its presence in the area. So- viet ships will now have to spend much less time at sea on their way to the In- dian Ocean ? a 2200 mile. Journey from the Mack Sea, instead of 9.000 miles from Vladivostok in the Far East. Some spokesmen for the U.S. naval lobby say that this would enable the Russians to quadruple the number of ships on station, without actually as- Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 signing More ships to the area, hid other Aperts dispute this claim. To V match the Russians. the United 'States would have to increase its own strength. The Diego Garcia base, the ? ,Navy argues, Would provide support fa- cilities for both ships and aircraft .! which would make it less necessary to 4 bring other vessels from far off, ley- big them free for other tasks, and ? Would make the whole operation far t: less costly. The argument may make good naval h' sere but it leaves out of account 'the - ? po itics of the arms race. The Soviet naval lobby was pressing the Kremlin lastVear for permission to increase its own, strength in the Indian Ocean as was evident from the cries of alarm ? ? its spokesmen were uttering in the .press about U.S. intentions. ? But Wash- ington publicly signalled Moscow that its intentions were entirely honorable.. s , Administration officials, let it be known that they did not want to do any. that would push the Soviet Un- ion into a naval race in the area, and ph? the Kremlin allowed itself to be taken t-? In by this?or ?so it would now ,scorn to Moscow. One Moscow journal asso- ciated with the Soviet anti-arms lobby , even suggested at the time that, al- though U.S. hawks were trying to ex- teid the superpower confrontation In the Indian Ocean, they would prohablv fail to achieve their objective. The publication of this article in Moscow, coupled with the unprovoca- tive Soviet conduct in the Indian Ocean, suggested, as did Pie signs. in Washington at the time, that both pow- ers were leaning over backward to con- tain the naval race in the area. All this changed during the October war, when both navies Sent in powerful reinforce- ments and tilashington announced that it would henceforth maintain an in- creased and "regular" presence itillfe Indian Ocean. Then came Henry Kis- singer's successful peace effort in the Mideast, with its promise of the re- opening of the Suez Canal, which. strengthened Washington's resolve to go back on its implied promise to the Kremlin to keep the Navy on a leash in the Indian Ocean. 'But why should the building of na- val support facilities on Diego Garcia, .which the Pentagon says can be done for a paltry. $20 million, be viewed in such cataclysmic terms? Because, to begin with; it would destroy the deli- cate balance between the naval lobby add its opponents in the Kremlin. Both the United States and the Soviet Un- ion are now embarked on major naval construction and' modernization pro- grams, but the political leaders in both countries have so far conceded much less than the naval lobbies are de- The Washington Merry-G041.16Dopid Aramtco Bac By Jack Anderson The story behind the leap in oil prices is revealed, at least in part, in the secret corporate pa- pers of the 'Arabian-American Oil Co. (Aramco). The new Pike's Peak prices will cost the 'world's oil con- sumers, billions of dollars and jolt the elonomies of oil-de- pendent nations. Aramco is the world's largest oil producer. Its derricks out- 'number the palms on the Saudi Arabian desert, which covers an underground sea of petro- leum. Aramco is a consortium of four of the five largest U.S. oil giants?Exxon, the biggest; Texaco, second; Mobil, fourth, and Standard Oil of California, fifth. Over the past three decades, the four, companies have earned enormous profits on the crude oil under the Saudi sands --profits that were sharply boosted by a secret 1950 Treas- ury Department ruling that per- mitted them to charge their toy nity pa*yinents off their U.S. taxes, dollar for dollar. The write-off, which has been worth hundreds of millions of dollars in tax credits to the Ar- amen partners, was justified on hational security grounds. This ipecial incentive was needed, Aramco pleaded, to preserve the Saudi oil for U.S. defense. ' As a measure of the worth of manding. In the United States. the Navy's in- ordinate' 1.:c; costly ambitions are a mat- ter of public record. In the Soviet titey are to be found between the lines of articles and speeches by naval - leaders. They do not ask publicly for money. But their Oscription of the navy's tasks leaves little doubt that, it these. are to be fulfilled, far more money will have to be found than. the Kremlin can now be seen to be spend-. ing. ' In both countries, the naval lobbies have been using the Indian Ocean; be-ti of its proximity to the Persian. Gulf oil routes, as the bogey with which to push the politicians into crossing a new strategic threshold. The decision to build a base on Diego Gar- cia will, if it is maintained, represent the crossing of the threshold by the United States. The Soviet Union will follow, as night follows day, and the last quarter of the century will witness a naval race which promises ? :because the ship is more versatile and Ubiquitous than the missile ? to outdo the great missile race that dominated the third quarter of the centurs. THE WASHINGTON POST (if, 1974, Vidor 7,orza Tuesday, Feb. 5.1974 eu Sug Oil this multimillion-dollar argu- ment, Aramco has cut off all Sa- udi oil to U.S. armed forces since Oct. 21 at King Faisal's re- quest. The king was offended at U.S. arms shipments to Israel. Aramco expects to lose its fabulous Saudi oil concessions eventually, but would dearly like to Put off the dreadful day. The corporate papers predict that King Faisal will take over the oil fields "well ? before 1980." In an anxious scramble for new sources of crude, the ,Ar- amen partners dusted off plans to reactivate U.S. wells that had been temporarily abandoned. As long as there was plenty of cheap Saudi oil available, the four partners weren't inter- ested in conducting costly pumping operations in the United States. But the threat of, nationalization dramatically changed their outlook. ? However, they didn't want to give up .the fat profits they had become accustomed to piling up. They decided, therefore, that they needed higher oil prides to pay for reopening the U.S. wells. Heti-ire they closed these wells, they had creamed off the oil that gushes out on its own power. Now they must pump gas or water into the wells to force out the "secondary" oil. They are also studying "tertiary rice tse techniques" for extracting oil itoo far and risk government from the oil sands. Icontrols. I To raise money for all this, 1* The corporate papers show Aramco encouraged Saudi Ara- that the Aramco brass is pre- ;bia to raise oil prices. The cor- 'paring for another showdown 'porate papers tell of secret with Yamani this month. They meetings with Zaki Yamani, the expect Yamani to call for "re- polished Saudi petroleum min- istructuring" Aramco, giving Sa- ister. The papers mention $6 as ludi Arabia a greater share of the price they hoped to set for a ithe oil production. They be- barrel of oil. incite that he will demand an in- The Saudis *obligingly came crease from 25 to 51 per cent of through with a price rise in the Ithe conlpany. fOriii of a tax increase, which I Then Saudi Arabia will-wind the Aramco partners *could up controlling Aramco, and it 'credit against their U.S., taxes. will be just a matter' of time The secret papers contain corn- before ?the Aramco partners plex' charts, which show that will be left with whatever oil their profits increased in pro- they can. squeeze out of their. portion to the price rise. ? U.S. fields. . ? Exxon's profits for the last Footnote: Aramco declared three months of 1973 jumped 59 that "far' from encouraging in- per cent over the same period creased oil prices," it has in 1972. Mobil reported a 68 per "worked for reasonable cent increase, Texaco a 70 per prices." A corporate statement cent increase, Standard of Cali- charged that we had failed to fornia 94 per cent. substantiate our story and that The strategy of raising prices we couldn't possibly have any worked better than the Aramco "valid evidence" to back it up. partners bargained for: Other On the contrary, we have oil-producing countries joined given the Subcommittee on in the clamor for higher profits, Multinational Corporations until the price soared out of headed by Sen. Frank Church bounds. (D-Idaho) a detailed descrip- Alarmed Arameo officials, lion of the documents in our fearful of worldwide political possession. We were called be- repercussions, went back to hind closed doors, where we Yamani with a plea to stabilize testified under oath; read ex- prices. Although the Aramen cerpts from the corporate ppa- partners have benefited might- ers and told the subcommittee ily from the high prices, they which documents to subpoena. don't want to press their luck 22 .1974 Vatted Feature Syrulleate ? Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 ' NEW YORK TIMES, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY I, 1974 ' State Department Bungled In Oil Talks, Senator Says By RICHARD D. LYONS Special to The New Trot Time, ' WASHINGTON, Jan. 31? The oil companies' failure to stand together and bungling by the State Department were ma-' jor factors in the sharp rise in world petroleum prices, Senator' Prank Church declared at rd Senate hearing today. The Idaho Democrat said, that State Department officials' engaged in "undercutting"! the 'companies' joint front in negotiations with oil-producing kountries both before and after the fallout among the big oil eomp-ahres and the smaller in-I dependent>producers. The result was a leap-frog' effect in which the companies were picked off one by one" and gave ever-increasing royal-' ties to the Middle Eastern oil states, Senator Church said. .The Foreign Relations .Sub- ommittee on Multinational Corporations, which Mr. Church heads, made public a dozen documents from the State Department, the Justice Department and the oil compa- nies in -support of what the Senator termed "an incredible series of blunders and misman- agement." Subcommittee members said the .moral of the tale was that similar behavior by the United' States and oil companies at a meeting here Feb. 11 would lead only to further chaos in , World petroleum, supplies. The foreign ministers of ma- ler oil-producing countries are `scheduled to meet then to set ,lodg-range and short-range pol- icies that might help to ease tl* current World energy short- 8he sweep crf the day's tes- timony was reflected by the cast of characters referred to. It included John N. Irwin 2d, Pinner Under Secretary of State, now Ainbassador to France; H. L. Hunt, the Dallas oilman, considered ond of the .richest men in the world; Doug- las MacArthur Jr., former Am- .baSsador to Iran; Richard W. McLaren, former Assistant At- Attorney General, who was head rtaf the Justice Department's tAntitrust Division. 'Also, the Shah of /ran; Dr. Armand Hammer, chairman of the Board of the Occidental Pe- troleum Corporation; J. K. Jam- ieson, chairman of the board of the Exxon Corporation; Col. 'Muammar el-Qaddafi, who headed the military coup that overthrew King Idris of Libya in 1969, and John J. McCloy, rformer United States High Commissioner for Germany, kind now a New York lawyer/ The witnesses today were .tHenry M. Schuler, vice presi- klent for European operations ot the Hunt International Petro- .leum Corporation and Norman ;L. Rooney, another of the com- pany's 'executives. , The Hunt company, which ?received an oil concession from Libya and had producing wells In the country, is owned by Nelson Bunker Hunt, the son of H. L., Hunt. 'Mr. Schuler, a former Foreign Service officer in Libya and former official, of the Grace Petroleum Corporation, testified for three and one-half hours in the 'crowded hearing room. At the start, he noted that, over the, course of the events out- lined today, the price of a bar- rel of Libyan oil rose from $150 in August, 1970 to more than $16- today: " "If a political and economic monster 'has been loosed upon tbe world [by the oil crisis], it is' the creation of Western Gov- ernments and -companies," Mr. Schuler said. "Together we cre- ated it and gave it the neces- sary push, so only We, acting in harmony, can slow it down." Mr. Schuler was questioned by Senator Church; Senator Clifford P.? Case, Republican of New Jersey, and Senator Charles H. Percy, Republican of Illinois. He said that smaller, independent oil companies had moved into Libya to obtain crude oil because the major corporations had cornered most of the production in the Per- sian Gulf states. Charts prepared by the sub- committee showed that Libya had been carved into more than 50 concessions, While much of the Persian Gulf pro- duction had come from three huge concessions. 'After the Libyan revolution in 1969, Mr. Schuler said, the new Government there wantedi to obtain more revenues from the oil fields, not by increasing production, as was done in the Persian Gulf area, but by "in- creasing the unit price." Mr. Schiller said that Libya initially exerted pressure on Occidental Petroleum in the spring of, 1970, "claiming vio- lation of good oil .field prac- tice." He said that Occidental was particularly vulnerable to pres- sure because it had "No other source "of crude" for its mar- kets, which were primarily in 'Western Europe. Mr. Schuler said he had heard of a request by Dr. Hammer of Occidental in July, 1070, to Mr. Jamieson of Exxon that Exxon help supply Occidental with crude oil if Occidental re- fused to pay higher royalties to the Libyans. Profit Share Rises As Senator Church put, it: "Qaddafi turns first to Occi- dental as being vulnerable; Oc- cidental turns to Exxon so it won't have to deal with Qad- dafi and Exxon turns It down; I subsequently, Occident al cepts the price because it has no alternative.". ? Mr. Schuler said that at that time the Sarir oilfield in Libya, which the Hunt concern- was operating with the British Pe- troleum Corporation, was pro- ducing 450,000 barrels a day.. He added that after Occiden- tal agreed to a new agreemeet in which Libya received 58 per cent of the profits, rather than the 50 per cent that had beeh common for 20 years, "it was readily recognized that the other governments lin the Mid- dle East] would do the same." The witness said that Libya had thus "picked off" the com- panies one by one and that this "leap-frog or ratchet tf- feet" soon spread to the other nations. Meetings Reported Mr. Schuler then 'described a series of meetings in London and New York starting in De- cember, 1970, held by officials of the oil companies with Mid- dle Eastern holdings. He said that he had represented the Hunt company as its chief ne- gotiator. The New York meetings, he said, were held at the Univer- sity Club, the executive offices of the Mobil Oil Corporation and the Chase Manhattan Bank, As a result, the Libyan pro- ducers agreement was settled on, a plan in which the C0111-' panics tried to make a united effort to contain the leap-frog effect, Mr. Schuler said. The companies were basedin Japan, Germany, Belgium. Spain, France Holland and Britain as well as the United States. From this evolved the so- called London Policy Group, which was to negotiate with the oil-producing nations. At this time, Senator Church said, Mr. McLaren of the Jus- tice Department, ,in dealing with Tr. McCloy,' who repre-, sented major oil corporations, agreed that the Federal Govern- ment would waive antitrust im- plications of the joint action. ' 23 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 Suniery,l'eb.17..1974 THE 'WASHINGTON POST The Newest L eft: Fighting the CI aving the or! By Paul W. Valentine Valentine is a writer on The Washington Post's metropolitan staff. XTEW YORK?Pale, Intense, humor- Like Early .Christians 11 less, disciplined, the men and , wOmen work night and day in the 0".,OF THE MOST active radical cramped offices eight floors above the - groups in the doldrunt-like after- crimped streets. . math of the Vietnam war, NCLC pur- 1, i su%s,its-?various missions with something phoned ring constantly. Staff work- erd take the calls, confer, snap brief akin te, messianic hysteria, deluging the, news media with crisis-pitch press orders to each other, rap memos releases, leafleting factories and plants, oni one of several typewriters, rum- mage through bulging file cabinets predicting chaos, class war and revo- ? , lution. in four to five years and accus- tnth 1, is ked against the peeling walls and lag ;! the government of fomenting hque painted windows. inflation, unemployment, strikes, ur- e unmarked door to the offices bap gang warfare and other disruptive petpetually bolted .? No stranger enters acts, to justify, a fascist crackdown. until security officers inside inspect . . "CIA Plans Assassinations of Revo- lt& carefully through a peephole. Then lutionary ? Youth," screams one press tl4re is a physical search. ? release: headline. "CIA Brainwash t'h'is is the headquarters and nerve ? Victim Recovering," says another. cepter of the National Caucus of Labor Chmmittees (NCLC), a sinall, increas- Though small in numbers (New York !fitly militant Marxist organization. police L estimate nationwide member- ship at 700 to . 1,000),? NCLC has at- iOne of its obsessions is the Central ' tracted,into its bizarre world not only / 'telligence Agency. In emotionally su- ' Sotis and daughters of old-line radical p charged tones, NCLC disciples pro- families of the 1930s but ?also children clim they are gripped in a nightmar- of,wpolitically conventional and even is web of CIA-directed conspiracy, prominent families, including the sons b inwashing and assassination at- pts designed to obliterate NCLC . of,-:Ford Foundation vice president, ? the daughter of the president of Sarah Its leader, Lyn Marcus. Lawrence. ? College . and the son of a Pe ,claims are shrouded in the ? de- high-ranking ,State Department affi- monic , shadow 'world of psychological dal, :?? ? .. . ? ? "programming," hypnotism, electro- NCLC is "like an early Christian sheeko: drugs, Ratio-masochistic torture Sea," says W. McNeil Lowry, the Ford 'arid .sexual degradation forced on key Foundation :vice president whose son, NCLC members by CIA operatives and Graham, is . a Boston NCLC member. other. sinister forces?not only to ef- "They, think-they're the only ones who feRt the,assassination of NCLC leader- can save the world." ? .ship.? but also help trigger a fascist "I stumbled into an NCLC study takeover of America. grInp,.at the University of Michigan," i Fervid NCLC followers see their says 'New York NCLC member Susan Organization?a spin-off cif?the now ??? Wagner, 24. "I_ was attracted to it be- moribund Students for a Democratic cense. it was. the only serious group Society, (SDS)--as a piv,otal force in that'seemed to know what it was do- bringing worldwide .socialist revolution, ? ing.ahd. how to do it." and ? thus as a . prime target of -CIA "cOunter-insurgency." ? , ' While other leftist organizations ist sued learned :papers and spouted 1 ? ?%V.. must work all the time," says rhetoric, she says, NCLC organized 47CLC,,Washington member Bruce Di- support for a sanitation strike in De- tector with apocrqyptic urgency, "... be- trait. ,"It was direct action on a real cause if we don't succeed, the end of 114mo-7-getting i living wage for the the,wprld as,we know it is in sight." 24 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 workers." . Miss Wagner says she grew up in conventional Midwestern family 4 . "basleally apolitical, but humanist& Hr tither is an executive for a "De. troit 'auto firm," she says, and he mother is a housewife and part-time. secretary. Like many NCLC members,... she. ,ie. reluctant to give identifying partioidars about family memberts Speaking in clipped, unemotional tones;. Miss Wagner says she has on brother, "a very' traditional engineer at least he's useful. I told hlm??? we:can use him after the revolution." , This utilitarian view of the family pervades much of NCLC thinking. "Part of our work is organizing our parentar, says 20-year-old Bruce Di- rector. just like organizing workers at". a ihni," says Miss Wagner.' ". . . It , requires a fundamental change in the . relationship with our families?Jfrom a ' child-parent relationship to an adult- to-adult relationship." The CIA Plot Theory DIRECTOR, a small, wiry man with bright, darting eyes, who lives in Silver Spring, says that NCLC mem- bers are not congenitally conspiracy- minded, and that many like himself at first doubted the CIA "master plot" ballyhooed by NCLC. "I received it with some skepticism at first," he says. "I knew the coun- try was not run by bourgeois democ- racy, but I was not exactly sure who was running it. . . . NCLC made it clear to me who it is and how these real powers have had to mount a worldwide psychological operation to iniplement what they want." NCLC leaders acknowledge that - they have little direct concrete evi- dence of the "master 'plot," but through a network of "sources" and ? 24-hour-a-day monitoring of political,. economic, trade union and-other de- velopments throughout the world, they say they are able to construct their, conclusions on "Inferential reason- ing." Principal architect of the CIA plot theory is Lyn Marcus, the lean and garrulous national chairman of NCLC who leads his organization with an authoritarian hand from the eighth floor headquarters at 231 W. 29th St. in Manhattan's garment district. During a five-hour nonstop inter- view, he described in minute detail what he said was the abduction last fall of a 26-year-old British member of his organization, Christopher White, by CIA operatives who forced him to undergo a series of harrowing brain- washing procedures in England over the course of 50 days. White was subjected, Marcus claims, to heavy drugs, electro-shock and ac- tual 'or threatened homosexual acts, animal sodomy and the eating of his own excrement. Thus reduced to a Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 --zombie-like servant of his captors, Marcus says, White was psyehological- t, ly "programmed" to fly to New York .; Dec. 30 and trigger the assassination . of Marcus the next day by calling in a seven-man Cuban hit squad. The assassination was narrowly ' averted, Marcus continues, when on ' \ the night of Dec. 30, after seeing the 'dazed White close at hand, "I realized he was brainwashed." NCLC quickly threw up a specially trained 24-mem- ber "defense squad" cordon around 4 Marcus' apartment in Manhattan, se- questered the stricken White and be- gan an elaborate tape-recorded "de- prOgramming" procedure, Marcus says. That procedure is continuing on a v, periodic basis, says Marcus, with the . layers of CIA-imposed programming . being pulled back one by one through gentle psychotherapeutic prodding. ? White, a quiet, soft-spoken English. man, says he believes he was brain- washed. But when pressed for details e he says his true memory, at this par- tially stage, is still , "scrambled" by an . intricate set of 4 false memories implanted during the , original brainwashing. . The CIA refuses to comment on the NCLC claims. Specialists in psycho- logical warfare, hypnotism and relat- ed fields say such brainwashing is theotetically possible but unlikely. "It all sounds like fiction to me," isays Harry Arm's, founder of the American Association to Advance cal Hypnosis and a leading researcher in a classified U.S. Air Force study of RusSian and Communist Chinese brainwashing techniques used in the Korean war. "It's Manchurian Candi- date stuff." In addition to its self-proclaimed strug- gle with the government, NCLC is loeked In an ongoing feud with competing so- cialist organizations, exchanging vit- riolic 'charges and denials of violence e and hooliganism. r., The Communist Party USA accused NCLC last summer of sending in trained "goon squads" to disrupt meet- ings and beat members with Japanese- style "numchuk" ? cudgels. NCLC de- ei ? $, flies the charges, contending its pub- licly avowed "Operation Mop-Up" to "destroy" the Communist Party and other socialist organizations is not ? . based on violent tactics. It says its members have been forced to defend .themselves when others initiated vio- lence against them in verbal confron- tations. NCLC acknowledges existence of ? its elite "defense squad" of 30 to 40 , members trained in the "inertial arts," including karate, but emphasizes their ? purpose is solely defensive. The abnlition or absorption of all ? other leftist organizations is an essen- tial first step to achieving revolution I In America, according to NCLC doc- trine. Members see NCLC as grandly destined for this task. Since the 1930s, "I Was resolved that no revolutionary movement was going to bd brought into being in. the U.S.A. unless I brought it into being," says NCLC chieftain Marcus. For many years h Trotskyite activist in the So- cialist Workers Party, Marcus formed NCLC in the late 1960s. Dressed in a dark, double-breasted suit and natty bow tie, Marcus stands in stark contrast to the mostly youth- ful staff workers scurrying around him in blue jeans, boots and shaggy sweaters. The headquarters is manned 24 hours a day by a 60-member staff. They function in a tightly structured, almost puritanical atmosphere, reject- ing the free-wheeling self-indulgence of much of the radical counterculture. Clothing and hair styles are subdued. Workers rarely utter obscenities. The smoking of marijuana is specifically prohibited. An authoritarian air hangs in the offices. "Pot and rock music are destructive to creative abilities?they're an escape thing," says Susan Wagner. "The counterculture motto 'do your own thing' i absolutely bestial . . a hide- ous withdrawal from the whole hu- man race." Proletarian Solidarity TV'CLC MEMBERS perceive ahriost 111 all major political and economic developments in the capitalist world (and the reporting of them in the press) as manipulated by the unseen hand of the CIA and its allies. To educate the masses against this cabal, closely organized cadres of NCLC workers are under constant pressure to distribute leaflets and mobilize political action at factories and urban Slum work sites. They often show up at industrial strikes to talk with disgruntled workers. During a brief work stoppage by printers at The Washington Post last November, NCLC staffers handed out leaflets at entrances to the Post building, urging employees to fight against "slave la- bor" conditions of capitalist industry. NCLC also inveighs against local school decentralization, ghetto com- munity control projects and other pro- grams which it aces as factionalizing working class populations along neigh- borhood and racial lines and thus un- dermining proletarian solidarity. Ima- mu Baraka, black activist and play- wright in Newark, N.J., Is a special NCLC target and has been branded by NCLC as a CIA agent. Baraka de- nies the charge. In organizational terms, NCLC stands as a central coordinating unit for three other groups: O Revolutionary Youth Movement (RYM), a teen-age-oriented organiza- tion used for political organizing in urban ghettoes. ? National Unemployed and Wel- fare Rights Organization (NU-WRO), formed in early 1973 in direct compe- tition with the older and broader-based National Welfare Rights Organization (NWRO). O U.S. Labor Party, electoral arm of NU-WRO. The party has run c mit- dates for local office in cities thre igh- 25 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 out the nation, gathering few vote, Tony Chait kin, an NCLC member whti lost in his recent bid for mayor cif New York City, is now running fdi governor of New York. Marcus estimates NCLC member.; ship strength at ?1,000 and the othei, organizations at 1,000 to 2,000 coni bined. There are Some 23 NCLC char- ters scattered among major American.;. cities and several international affik, ates in Canada and' Europe. As the central controlling agenciN', for its far-flung operations, NCLC a "cadre organization requiring Intel-. lectual discipline" among its members, ? Marcus says. Members are required to undergo'. periodic 8-hour "leadership sessions" conducted by Marcus to learn the rigors of political organizing. Few.: members are salaried, and most must , pay $24 a month dues to NCLC, a re- markably high fee. Marcus Says he receives a $50-a-week stipend. In addition to its other duties; NCLC ruts out a weekly paper, New Solidarity, with a circulation of 40,000 to 42,000. Marcus estimates the monthly headquarters budget at $30,- 000, with most of it coming from mem- bership dues, newspaper ' sales and ? limited private contributions. Family Strains THE ACTIVITIES of NCLC have - ii generated family strains between . some parents and their children who, have joined NCLC. "I have violent disagreements with my daughter about this whole thing,": ? says Sarah Lawrence College presi- dent Charles deCarlo, whose. 24-year- old daughter, Tessa, is an NCLC mem- ber. "I think their talk of CIA brain- washing is bizarre and out of reason." McNeil Lowry of the Ford Founda- tion is reluctant to discuss family strains but describes his son, Graham, as having a "very inquiring, combative, skeptical mind," not easily captivated by any person or organization. A former newsman, Lowry says he finds NCLC's brainwashing claims neither "believable . . eFprovable . or usable" in journalistic ,terms. But he challenges the claim of some detractors that NCLC is violence- prone. "The members I've seen . . . are loving, smart, humane people," he says. "They've been surveilled lam_ harassed by police . . . and have been in fights where I'm sure they had to defend themselves from others. But I have no evidence that they initiated any violence." Recently, six NCLC members were arrested here and charged with un- lawful imprisonment of fellow mem- ber Alice Weitzman, 22. She claims they held her in her Washington Heights apartment against her will, according to police. NCLC says she was a suspected brainwash victim who was voluntarily sequestered for her own protection and now wants to drop Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 rthe charges. Daniel Sneider, son of Richard L. ? Snelder, deputy assistant secretary of state for East Asian-Pacific affairs, was among those arrested in the case. ,e His parents decline to discuss the matter. "Ile Human Race Is at Stake" T YN MARCUS (a psuedonym he has ' L.1 used since the late 1)40s, his real name being Lyndon Hermyle La- y; Roughe Jr.), acknowledges he has no formal training In psychology or re- lated fields for dealing with the issue of brainwashing. He says he is large- ? Iy self-educated In political economics and "epistemology, the study of the actual nature and phenomenology of the mind." Marcus was born in New Hampshire of a Quaker family. He never com- pleted formal education, he says, be- coming "bored" with studies in his first year at Northeastern University in Bbston. He has worked periodical- , ly in marketing research and com- puter programming since then. An indefatigable writer and talker, WASHINGTON POST 19 February 1974 TW CIA Denies Charges a domestic organization, so he shouid ask the Federal Bureau of Investigation rather than CIA for information about it. While it appeared self-evident that the NCLC charges are only twisted fan- tasy, your circulation of them forces CIA to deny them flatly as false. W. E. COLBY, Director, Central Intel!! Frenee /keener Washington. The Washington Post's story about the National Caucus of Labor Commit- tees (of .Feb. 17, 1974) could leave the impression with ?ome of your readers that the CIA, through its refusal to comment, indeed might be involved in the kinds of aftivities the NCLC alleges. Our recollection is that we told your reporter that the NCLC appeared to be Marcus peppers his conversation with computer jargon, arcane psychologi- cal references and foreign phrases. Customarily aloof and academic, he occasionally blurts "swine" or "pig" at the mention of purported NCLC enemies. Once, during a Jan. 3 speech in which he described details of the al- leged CIA brainwashing to a group In New York, he reportedly shoutedi.;. "Any of you who say this is a hoax-- you're eruds! You're subhuman!. You're not serious. The human race. is at stake. Either we win or there Is no humanity. That's the way ;i1i,e'a, cut." , 26 - Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 NEW YORK TIMES, SUNDAY, JANUARY 279 1974 A Russian View of 'T h e Gulag Archipelago' 1: By Yuri V. Bondarev MOSCOW ?Aleksancir I. Solzheni- t tsyn's book "The Gulag Archipelago, i ,.1918-1956," is not a story and not ,a i. novel, hence there is no diSclosure of l the truth via artistic truth, if we are to speak of literary means of expres- sion. ' The Second World War occupies a considerable place in the book. It is quite obvious that in speaking of that ,4 period no one has a right to forget - the 56 million who perished in Europe and Asia, including twenty million , Soviet citizens and six million Jews ? burned by the Nazis in their concen- tration camps' crematoriums. These unprecedented victims of the world tragedy should serve as a tuning fork of morality. The history of war ' is inconceivable Without facts. Facts ' divorced from history are dead. In this case they do not even resemble an amateur photo but the shadow Of a photo, not an instant of truth but the shadow of an instant. It Is that very ominous and vague shadow that now ' and again appears on the pages of Solzhenitsyn's book as soon as he, in ''the course of his narration, touches upon events of World War H. ' . The Stalingrad battle?which was for my generation of eighteen-year- olds their first baptism of fire and in the bloody fighting of which we t matured and aged at least by ten ( years?turned the tide, as is known, ; of World War IL ' N .. This most trying of battles cost our . country, my peers and me very dear. '0 Too many common graves did we ; leave near the Volga, too 'many were no longer with us after the victory. It : was hatred and love that kept us in , the trenches on the hills of the Don in the dust-laden hot days of July : and August, when the sun kept disap- pearing in the smoke and fire of ex- plosions?hatred toward those who had come with arms to our country from Fascist Germany to destroy our state and our nation, and at the same time love for that which humans call mother, home, the school rink in Mos- cow lined and pitted by skates, the . squeak of a gate somewhere in Yaro- slavl, the green grass, the falling snow, the first kiss near the snow- piled porch. 4 At war a person experiences his ; most ineradicable 'feelings toward the . past. And we fought in the present for the past that seemed inimitably happy. We dreamed of it, we wanted to re- turn to it. We were romantics?and ' In that was the purity and faith that -can be designated as a sense of one's ;. homeland. , 1 know not only from documents , that mainly young people, born in 1922, 1923 and 1924, tens of thou- * Sands of them, fought near Stalingrad. : in Stalingrad and in the vicinity of Stalingrad. And it was they who stood firm and didn't give Stalingrad away, it was they' who shackled the Ger- mans in the defense of the city, and then launched the offensive. It was they who "cemented the foundation" of the Stalingrad victory; it was not the penal companies that did it as Solzhenitsyn writes. The last census in the Soviet Union revealed that only 3 per cent of those genera- tions* had remained. Yes, a very great many fell then on the banks of the Volga. That's why, thinking of my peers, of those who fell in the Stalin- grad battle, I must say that Solzhe- nitsyn is making a malicious and ten- dentious error that insults the memory of the victims of the generation I mentioned. , To specify further, order No. 227, "Not a Step Back!", was read to us in August, 1942, after the Soviet- troops had surrendered Rostov and Novocherkassk. We all felt its resolu- tion and severity, but at the same time, no matter how paradoxical it may seem, we all felt the same thing: yes, enough retreating, enough! Besides, the order "Not a Step' Back!" (and the formation of penal companies was first mentioned in it) came into being and reached the army In the month of August. The Germans were then on the close apprOaclies to Stalingrad, et a very short distance. Could they, the penal companies, ? have held off the, thrust of the tank army \ of the Germans who had con- centrated up to twenty infantry di- visions in the direction of the main blow? I must say that the penal companies, armed with, light weapons, were, in general, incapable of holding up any more or less serious offensive. The German offensive was held up by armies, divisions and regiments. For me, a person who went through the Stalingrad battle, such an attitude as Solzhenitsyn's to one of the most heroic and biggest battles that deter- mined not only Russia's destiny but that of other peoples as well seems monstrous and unscrupulous. Is this a purposeful distortion ,of the truth? Now a few remarks concerning the well-known Vlasov. Reading about and recalling him, I again asked myself: Why does Solzhenitsyn write with such sympathy of a general who rose with the tide of the war and gained the sad fame of a Herostratus, and depict him as an "outstanding," "real" man, an anti-Stalinist, a champion of the Russian people? [Lieut. Gen. Andrei A. Vlasov was a Soviet Army officer who was taken prisoner by German forces in World War II and then led Russians who fought with the Nazis against the Red Army. He was seized by Soviet authorities at the end of the war and executed in 1946.1 27' The Second World War was grim and cruel, and there was no ambiguous yardstick in the mortal struggle. In the irreconcilable clash of hostile sides everything was gauged by the catego- ries yes and no, either-or, to be or not to be, that determined the fate of the Soviet state, the fate of Russia and the fate of every person. Like a calamity or grief, war morally unites people, people ready to defend, to fight for their way of life, their chil- dren, their homes. But war also unites, people, in immorality, if those people invade other people's lands with the purpose of enslaving and seizing them. Thus, morality and immorality slash; not to mention the political aspect of the matter. Treason, duplicity or betrayal of a community of people in moments of acute struggle are always immoral. A , person who betrays the land of his fathers in his people's trying days betrays himself ia the final countl,He becomes a spiritual suicide. Working on My latest novel "Hot' Snow" and the film '"Liberation," in which reference is made to the traitor Vlasov, I went through a great many documents and lent an ear to the opinions of many different people who once knew the man in everyday life and in the war. What conclusion did I come to? Vlasov was a man of haughty mien, ambitious, easily offended, with ca.- reeristic inclinations. He was loath to commune with the soldiers and tried to stay away from the shell-bombed observation points. He preferred the deep dugout of the command 'post, the subterranean light of battery bulbs, the coziness of temporary quarters where he could settle down comfort- ably, and even a bit aristotratically. A general of mediocre capacities, he showed no sharp tactical mentality. But a lucky star lighted his way-at the beginning of the war, in the battles on the approaches -of PeremishI and Moscow. Obviously it seemed to Vlasov then that success would follow him constantly and without fail. He desired it so fervently. But encirclement and the rout of the Second Shock Army which he com- manded on the Volkhov front in 1942 appeared to the nervous Vlasov as an inglorious end to his career, the fall of his lucky star?and he took a fatal step. At night, deserting the still-fight- ing units, together with his adjutant, he went to the village of Staraya Polist, opened the doors of the first log cabin occupied by sleeping Ger- man soldiers and said: "Don't shoot. I'm General Vlasov!" That was how it was. However, Solzhenitsyn Interprets Vtasov's surrender and treason .as a purely studied anti-Stalin action: Vlasov, don't you know, received no shekels for his treachery; he did that Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 outoof firm political conviction, dis- agreeing with Stalin's policy. I can vastly surmise, of course, that Soi- 1, zhenitSyn drew his information from, i and carefully memorized, the German leaflets (I also read them at the front) or from the booklet written by Viasov himself (we also found it at times on the fields of war), where the general explained his surrender to the enemy I. by his disagreement with Stalin's policy in the years 1936 and 1937. r Treachery, dissolution of the per- sonality, inunorality survive from an , age only because by masquerading ? under the banners of apostles they e justify themselves, now assuming the ? visage of a martyr to the truth, now of "political messiah." Solzhenitsyn juggles with Viasov's higbiy unsavory ectivities to make them suit his own ; concept, shamelessly inviting the,gen- eral back from oblivion to cooperate :)with him, but first placing upon his head the thorny crown of the cham- pion of justice. ? , I cannot overlook certain generalize- 4- Cons Solzhenitsyn makes on various paged in regard to the Russian people. Whence this anti-Slavonian sentiment? o Frankly speaking, the answer conjures up highly gloomy memories, causing the ominous paragraphs of the Ger- Washington Post 1.4 Feb. 1974 Pfosfpb, Kraft Raising The Price For. Detente The deportation of Alexander Solzhe- nitsyn demonstrates how difficult it Is to nurse the Soviet Union toward a civilized political regime. The mellow- ing of Soviet power is not going to be achieved by the mere force of eco- nomic modernization, nor by contact with the West and discreet diplomatic hint*. A full-court press, largely by the United States, is required. By the will- ful provocation which led to his ex- plusion, Mr. Solzhenitsyn has asked whether we in the West care enough about peace and freedom to go the distance?to keep the pressure on the Soviet regime. Let us make no mistake about it. ,By repeated and well-publicized acts of defiance, Mr. Solzhenitsyn naked for trouble. He probably could have ?gone on Writing the powerful novels which won Min the Nobel Prize. But that wasn't enough.- He wrote "The Gulag Archipelago," an account of the ?So- viet prison' system as it operated Un- der Stalin. which flamed nanies. He ,ptablIshed It In the West with indica- tions that' therewas more to come if he were Arrested. man East Plan to rise in my mind's eye. ? That great titan, Dostoyevsky. passed throcIgh not seven but all nine rounds of life's hell. He saw the petty and the great, experienced more than a man can possibly experience (the expectation of execution, exile, convict labor, decline of the personality), but , in no work of his stooped to national' nihilism. On the contrary, he loved man and rejected in him what was ' bad and asserted what was good, just as most of the great writers of world literature, when studying the charac- ter of their nation. Dostoyevslcy pas- sionately sought God both within and outside of himself. A feeling of mad hostility, as though he were picking bones with a whole nation which had offended him, seethes in Solzhenitsyn as in a vol- cano. He suspects every Russian of being unprincipled, hypocritical, add- ing to that a desire for easy living, for power. And as though glorifying in the throes. of self-annihilation, he fren- ziedly tears his shirt, shouting that he ' himself could be a hangman. His vi- cious attack on Ivan Bunin only be- cause that eminent writer of the twen- tieth century, remained a Russian to the end in emigration, also arouses astonishment, to say the least. But Solzhenitsyn, despite his serious age and experience, does not know the Russian character "down to the bottom," nor does he know the char- acter of the "freedom" of the West with which he so often compares life in Russia. "The Gulag Archipelago, 1918-1956" could have been an "experiment in artistic study," as Solzhenitsyn calls It, had the author comprehended every word he wrote and comprehended the formula "the criterion of truth is moral;ty, and the criterion of morality is Luth," and if he had had the courage to realize that history deprived of truth was a widow. Every artist of every country only harms himself by remaining for long in a state of constant resentment, for resentment devours his talent, and the Writer becomes so biased that the bias devours truth itself. Yuri V. Bondarev is a writer who won cr Lenin Prize for Literature in, 1972. ? This article WIS provided and trans- lated into English by the Soviet press agency Novosti, which wcA asked by , The New York Times for a critique of Mr. Solzhenitsyn's book. As- the pollee closed in, he kept Western reporters abreast at every turn. Twice he refused a summons from the secret pollee, and twice he let reporters in Moscow know about it. The comment he made the day before his expulsion was a particularly sharp challenge to the regime. He refused a summons because of what he called "a situation of general illegality" in the Soviet Union. So his behavior poses a problem. Why did Solzhenitsyn ask for it? What was he trying to prove? The answer lies in the achievement of party secretary Leonid Brezhnev. Mr. Brezhnev is on the way to solving the .problem of achieving economic progress without abandoning the iron control of the Bolshevik system. HIS method is what we call detente?the edsing Of tensions with the West. By, a Controlled flow of Western goods and technology and capital, Rus- sia keeps moving forward. The stand- ard of living has slowly improved. The frontiers of knowledge are explored.. , Televiiion sets automobiles and cont-' , puters, become part of the Soviet sys- tem. , Because ?this forward motion is achieved largely by borrowing the fruits Of Western initiative and inven- tion, the party maintains its supremacy, and the military retains its all-power- ful grip on Soviet resources. To be sure, in return for Its credits and technological assistance, the West does ask a price. Under prodding from the United States, the Soviet Union has lifted?a little?the barriers to, emigration of Jews to Israel. But political change is not set in motion. On the contrary, the dissident who advocate real change ate sent off one by one to -the prison camps of Siberia, or to various asylums or into exile. Against this background the logic 28 of deliberately needling the regime, of ? trying to force a confrontation, be- comes clear. Mr. Solzhenitsyn, like the physicist Andrei Sakharov, has de-' Med that it is no longer feasible to try and work within the system for reform. By courting trouble, and finally. achieving it, Mr. Solzhenitsyn is sig- naling desperately to the West. He was telling us that we should, ask far more than we have in return for our capital and technology. He was ask- ing us to insist on more changes in Russia, and more basic changes, as a price for Soviet entry to the advanced world. He was making the case that if the West cracks down hard now, Mr. Brezhnev will yield?not be forced to give way to a new set of hard-liners. My own sense is that Mr. Solzhenit- syn is right. It seems to me very clear that the United States should raise the price for detente. It is not enough for the Soviet Union merely to let out several thousand Jews through the back door. If the Russians want to be part of the developed world, then they are going to have to behave like an advanced country. That means, at a minimum, whittling down the military occupation of Eastern Europe and al- lowing the baste freedoms which one of the greatest writers in the world needs to continue his work. Up to now, President Nixon and Sec- retary of State Henry Kissinger could make the ease for moving discreetly for an easing of the Soviet regime in the context of detente. Now the weak- ness of that quiet approach is clear. If they don't press the Russians in a more open manner, it will be hard to resist the conclusion that, where mat- ters of liberty and morality are con- cerned, the President and the Secre- tary of State have a high threshold of pain. If nothing else, they will forfeit the American constituency for ? de- tente, which is already breaking up. (r) 1974. Meld Xisterpttees. Inc. Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 ? WASHINGTON POST Ire inesday, Jon. if); IA By Bernard D. Nossiter . wiellington Post Foreign Service ' LONDON, Jan. 22?The bi- zarre tale of CIA agents pro- teeting Britons from their own security negligence today blew up in the letters column of The Times of London. 4 The destruct button was pushOp by Miles Copeland, the 'AMegean source of the origi- nal account and a self-de- scribed "consultant" for the Central Intelligence Agency. \ Copeland wrote The Times, had no facts of my own to corroborate the information" he gave. the paper. But, he went on, if his story was not true, it should be. The curious caper began last Friday when The Times ran at the top of page one a /story headlined: "CIA men in Britain checking on subver- sion." : The tale, essentially an in- terview with Copeland, dis- closed that "between 30,-and 40 ,extra American intelligence 'men have been drafted to Brit- ain since the present state of emergency was introduced." Their mission, Copeland told Christopher Walker, The 1.T1mes reporter, was to ferret out subversives, particularly in British trade unions. "Rightly or wrongly," Cope- land was quoted as saying, "the ton men in the CIA be- lieve that the present spate of Strikes in Britain has far more sinister motives Than the mere ivinning of extra wages. They believe that the aim is to liking about a situation in Which it would be impossible New York Times 1 23 Jan. 1974 Time to 0110 11:3(e^ for the kind of democratic government you continue to enjoy here. . . There is no , doubt at all that it [the CIA) has agents operating inside the British labor unions. . . The CIA has been trying to convince the British for some time about the power of sub- versives within .the unions. . . . The present state of Brit- ain makes it a, professional troublemaker's dream." The Times did not report that Copeland, 57, makes a liv- ing in London advising what he says are multinational American corporations on "security problems." Nor did the newspaper disclose that Copeland has co-authored kf novel entitled "Black, Septem- , her" for which, he says, Simon Az Schuster has Paid an ad- vance of $70,000. When 'The Times story ap- peared, the American embassy here said that it "is so outside the area of truth that it must be denied categorically." The next day, Louis Fieren, The Times' deputy editor for foreign news and former ,Washington correspondent, wrote a signed front-page arti- cle describing such denials as "automatic and understanda- ble." Heren suggested that the CIA was only doing its duty, that "From Washington, Brit- ain must now be beginning to look like a Central American banana republic . . . It must Spook the Spooks? By C. L. Sulzberger MILAN, Italy?The role of intelli- gence in modern societies is now in- creasingly questioned as the result of /scandals, wiretappings, failures to evaluate correctly .what special serv- ices report, or inexcusable political i,. interventions like the recent C.I.A. case in Thailand. r Thus, in the United States and France, there have been flamboyant ? hugging incidents which threaten to topple leading officials. Greece's own i central intelligence agency, K.Y.P., has allegedly been at the heart or two sue.- tessive putsches. And Israel's highly elro Inslie 616-H:Dor seem that the Government is incapable of governing. Mili- tant trade unionists are in di- rect confrontation with au- thority." Today, however,' Copeland confessed that his tale was a classic case of the- wish father- ing the thought. He wrote: "On the evening of January 16, I reviewed with Christo- pher-Walker the information which provided the basis for his story on CIA men in Brit- ain.' Although I had no facts of my own ,with which to cor- roborate the information, it made sense to me in the light of my background knowledge of 'the war of the spooks' ... "I have chilling suspicions that the United Stats em- bassy might be speaking the truth in that pompous denial it issued on Friday and that the CIA really is in this in- 'stance as delinquent in the ? performance Of its assigned duties as the denial claims. I hope my -Suspicions turn out to be unfounded . . . Both Black September' and .the IRA have boasted that 1974 is to be 'the year of the killing' ." More prosaic intelligence sources here never took Cope- land's yarn seriously. They said that ever{ the CIA.which sometimes acts without con- sidering political conse- quences, must know that in- dustrial action by coal miners, expert spook apparatus produced cor- rect information that war was coming last October?yet the Government ig- nored these warnings. Many security organizations have acquired unsavory reputations. Both Britain's secret intelligence service (viz., Kim Philby) and the Soviet serv- ices (viz., Colonels Penkovsky and FOREIGN AFFAIRS Popov) have been demonstrably pene- trated by their adversaries. Moreover, the ancient business of Intelligence has been totally revolu- tionized by technological revolutions. The computer plays an enortnous role In analyzing the information of spies and special agents. And electronic eavesdropping plus space satellite pho- tography combine to open brand new fields .of espionage, fields that remain closed to small, poor, underdeveloped countries. Indeed, it is increasingly obvious that pooled intelligence among elhes and railway engineers here does not reflect a plot to over. 'throw the government but simply a wish for more money, in the case of the miners, .and preservation of the engineers as a separate craft in the case of the railwaymen. These sources, however, did say that Copeland had re- vealed a bureaucratic fact Of marginal significance, that the CIA office here has put on a few additional men. But this expansion was attributed to the importance of the new sta-, tion chief, Cord Meyer, rather than any increased activity. Meyer is the high CIA official credited with the ill-fated plan in the 1960s to buy up, through foundation funds, leaders in the American Na- tional Students Association , and several American trade unions. As for Copeland, he first 'achieved notoriety with the publication of "The Game .,of Nations," a purportedly fac- tual account of his derring-do on behalf of the CIA in Egypt and elsewhere in the Middle East. Today, Copeland Ay s he was but is no longer a man- agement specialist for the agency, sometimes working on the CIA payroll and sonic- times working under contract for a prominent management firm. is sensible even for rich and powerful nations. A former French Minister of Defense wonders whether France (whose intelligence services have been smudged with scandal) requires such agencies in peacetime. He says: "France is not an important , enough country to require a peace- . time intelligence service anyway. All . it needs is to have good relations' with its allies and enough of a new , intelligence service to be able to func- tion should there he a serious threat of war." The question of "intelligence pol- icy" is pondered by Stevan Dedijer, a Yugoslav-born Swedish citizen now on the faculty of Lund University, Swe- den. Dedijer has special expertise since he admits having worked successively for the Soviet N.K.V.D. (now M.G.B.), the American O.S.S. (precursor of the C.I.A.), then in "intelligence activities" for Yugoslavia?before moving to a Swedish ivory tower. Mr. Dedijer reaches the novel con- clusion that courses in "intelligence" . should he given in universities?where 29 Approved ForRelease 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-13 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 , everything from hotel management to embalming is now taught, Be says that despite a broad literature of case his- iorles and spy novels, there are "very few systematic social studies" on the subject. Yet there exists a contradic- 'Hon between "the need to democratize Intelligence and to control it on the one hand, and its secrecy and illegal-. ity requirements on the other." .14e points out that mass media and f other groups "are making Intelligence t` questions objects of public debate and t? ? political problems," adding: "The de- ,' mends ,for the democratization of in- telligence policy and its control are . being raised." He suggests examina- Hon of the following: ? "Is a wider and greater public con- trot of the intelligence production sys- tem, management system and policy system necessary, desirable and pos. sible? What does intelligence cost us? How many are engaged in it, who and where are they and how selected? What is the return on our investment In intelligence? How much waste and abuse is involved: Is the intelligence community subverting our basic na- tional values and quality of our life?" Mr. Dedijer concludes: "We are learning that /intelligence is too im- portant to be left to professional in- teltigencers. Intelligence, as all other LONDON TIMES 22 Jan. I.974 CIA operations in Britain if From Mr Miles Copetand . ? 7:Sir, On the evening of January 16, 1 reviewed with Christopher Walker the information which provided the ?. basis for his story on "CIA men in Britain" (January 18). Although I had no facts of my own with which to corroborate the information, it made sense to me in the light of my background knowledge of " the war ? of the snooks ", and although the sources were not revealed to me .? they could only have been persons, probably official, who knew what they were talking about. I am delighted to see Louis Heren ,bring perspective to the matter in ? Saturday's paper, but I am afraid he may be in error on one point. I have chilling suspicions that the United ? States Embassy might be speaking ?? the truth in that pompous denial it ?issued on Friday and that the CIA really is in this instance as delin- quent ? in the performance of its , assigned duties as the denial claims. ' .1 hope my suspicions turn out to be unfounded. While I can appreciate Mr Evert Barger's -concern over the possibility that Big Brother may shortly be descending on the ? Athenaeum, (Letters, January 19), the only two alternatives to the ? "community surveillance" methods taught by the CIA are much more distasteful. The first is to put police protection around the thousands of persons and places in the country which might be targets of the "new terrorism "?thereby giving Britain the "police state" image the leftist extremists want it to have. The second is to tolerate the terrorism. LONDON TIMES 26 Jan. 1974 Both Black September and the IRA have boasted that 1974 is to be "the year of the killings", and other elements of "the worldwide people's struggle against imperialism and capitalism "have made it known that Britain is a " theatre of operations ". There is no doubt a high percentage of wild talk in this but I none the less believe we must take it seriously. My friends in the intelligence com- munity who chide me for advocating that we go over to the attack would do well to reflect on the possibility that those Israeli Olympic athletes might be alive today bad they con- centrated on ferreting out the terror- ist plotters as I recommended at the time of the Olympic Games rather than relying on defences. May I add a personal note? I was never an "agent" of the CIA. A consultant of that organization is no more an "intelligence agent" than a consultant of the Ministry of Agri- culture is an "agricultural agent ". In the intelligence filminess an agent is a spy, and the CIA rarely, if ever, employs American citizens as spies. Its spies in Russia are Russians. in Syria they are Syrians, in Israel they are Israelis, and so on. Only citizens in good standing in those countries are capable of penetrating the " targets " in them?in the way, for example, that Rim Philby. a "citizen in good standing" (member of the Athenaeum), was able to penetrate taveets in Britain for the Soviet?. Kc:R. Sincerely. T?111.FS rOPELAND, ? 21 Marlborough Place, NWS. January 19. ?? Scepticism over reports of CIA activity in Britain From Peter Strafford New York, Jan 25 Mr Victor Marchetti, a former fficial of the Central Intelli- ence Agency (crA), said today hat he was sceptical about re- orts that the agency was check. ng on.," subversive" elements n British trade unions. He had left the CIA in 1969, e said, and until that time he 'd not think such a" high risk" peration would have ? been pproved. ? On the other hand, attitudes Washington had .changed inte Mr Nixon had become resident and Dr Henry Rissirt- er, the Secretary of State, had mil* the most powerful man American intelligence. The attitudes of the present Ad- ministration. combined with the advanced methods and tech. niques available, provided " the ingredients for a frightening formula ". , Mr Marchetti was ?with the . CTA for 14 years. and ended as assistant to the deputy director, then Admiral Rufus Taylor,. with a rank equivalent to that of colonel. He left the agency be- ' cause of doubts about its poll- cies, and about American policy ; in Vietnam, and has since .be- come embroiled in a bitter legal battle with the CIA. He has written a book called The CIA and the Cult of Intelli- gence in which he outlines thr. agency's methods and advocates key functions 4nd -institutions, has to be on tap but not on top of society." He believes: "The basic intelligence , goal for individual countries is chang- ' hug from intelligence for national ex- istence and security to intelligence for national growth and development." There is much to be said for his fresh approach to a field hitherto cloaked in dark suspicion and speckled with gaudy romance. Surely, for a sub- ject so vital to contemporary societies, there should be public discussion and even intellectual courses examining the needs and methods of what used to be an unmentionable trade. 'AiDON TIMES 25 Jan. 1974 e assy denial on CIA agents nee ted MR DAVIDSON (Accrington, Lab) asked the Prime Minister to find out from President Nixon whether there was any truth in reports in certain newspapers that CIA agents had infiltrated British , trade unions. If there is any truth in it (he said) will he assure President Nixon that we are capable Of dealing with industrial troubles in our own way and we do not need may help from him? ' MR HEATH?A categorical ? denial has been issued by the , American Embassy and I am con- fident there is absolutely no truth In the allegations whatever. ? MR LOUGHLIN (West Glouces.... tershire, Lab) asked what infor- mation the Home Secretary had on Increased activities of foreign In- telligence agents in Great Britain. ? MR CARR, In a written reply, said It is a long-established prac-, L rice that security matters are not discussed in public. But I think it right to say that as a matter of general practice any activities of foreign? intelligence agents in this country are kept under close scru- ? tul y. ? Any evidence of improper activ- ities is followed up at once and neither I nor the Foreign and , Commonwealth Secretary would hesitate to take any action we thought appropriate. ?In view of concern which has ? beei expressed about the CTA, would add that the Government fully accept the statement by the ' United States Embassy that there Is no truth in recently published allegations. MR HUGH JENKINS (Putney, , Lab) asked if the Home Secretary ' would deport to the United States ' any members of the CIA currently ? known to be in Great Britain? MR CARR, in a written reply, said : No. reforms. He is now fighting the :deletions that the CIA wants to 'make. ' Because of the legal situation, Mr Marchetti was not able to talk in detail about CIA activi- ties in Britain. But he empha- sized that relations between the American and British intern- ?gence services were very close Mr Cord Meyer, the station Chief in London, has received a fair amount of. publicity in the United States. A brilliant student at Yale, he lost an eye in the Pacific during the Second World War and emerged from his experiences a fervent idealist with a belief in world govern- ment. 30 ? lie joined the CIA in 1951 at a time when many liberal intel- lectuals did, and joined the department in charge of the secret funding of non- communist, left-wing publica- tions. He ran into trouble during the period of McCarthyism because of his links with com- munists among world federalists. Ile was suspended without pay for three and a half months and then reinstated. A recent article in The Mete York Times suggested that he was embittered by the experi- ence and moved to the right politically. Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 - SUNDAY TELEGRAPllp Lon cm 27 January 1974 y NORMAN K:RIMART., . Diplomatic Correspondent /FORE than 20 officers of the ligence Agency are now London. Their top priority at ;:avert future attacks by Arab terrorists in Eur- "ope and help Middle ,East peace moves. But apart from Middle East issues, they are inter- ested in possible effects of the British economic crisis and Communist influence on 'British trade union attitudes. ? The agents are working in Clese liaison with M.I. 6 and the British Government. Regular meetings are held With officials from the 'Foreign Office at which secret 'information is exchanged. Central Intel- operating in present is to A few men arc believed to have joined the C.T.A. team during recent months. Mr. Cord Meyer, one of the top-ranking intelligence officers from Wash- ington, is directing the opera- tions centre at the American Embassy in Grosvenor Square. At least five Middle East ex- perts are ?among the London agents. They are consulting counterparts in the British Secret Service on move.ments of suspec- ted Palestinian terrorists in European capitals. Man with grievance Both the British and American Governments have been embar- rassed by a recent report that more than 30 extra American agents have been sent into Lon- LONDON TIMES 25 Jan. 197/4 ? ? THE CIA UP T Information published in The Times last, week concerning activity by the United States Cen- tral Intelligence Agency in this country was to the effect that the number of American intelligence personnel operating in Britain had recently been increased by some thirty or forty, and that part of the reason for this was to gather material about so-called " subversive elements" in the trade union movement. That in- formation was denied by the United States Embassy and its denial was repeated and endorsed by the Prime Minister and Home Secretary in the House of Com- mons yesterday. It is in the nature of intelligence operations that the sources for information published about them cannot he publicly disclosed, and that denials of what is published about ? them cannot be reinforced by giv- ing chapter and verse. A conflict of assertion remains and people must make their own judgments about it according to the-inherent probabilities of the contradictory accounts and the credit and motives of those giving them. This much is agreed. There is a CIA station in Britain, and it is here with the knowledge and con- sent of the British Government. In view of the record of that organization there is every reason to be watchful of it?although there is much more reason to be ITS TRICKS? ' don and that C.I.A. men have infiltrated trade unions. A categorical denial of this by the American Embassy has re- assiired Whitehall completely. The American Embassy be- lieves that the story was . circulated deliberately by an American citizen in London who apparently harbours a grievance. , He complained that consular offi- cials were not helpfult when ?lie tried to obtain a new possnort. A string of 10 names also published in a London news- paper last week as being mem- bers of the C.I.A. who were serving or had served in Lon- don. Nearly all of these are diplomats engaged in other acti- vities. Since the 193945 was, pooling of information between the . American and British intelli- gence services has become in- creasingly important. This has led to detection of Russian and Communist spies in London and Washington, Lord Harlech, e former Bri- tish Ambassador in Washington, ? will mention the co-operation in a recorded interview to be broad- cast on B.B.C. Radio 4 tonight. Discussing the Cuban missile ? ? crisig cyf 1962, Lord Earle& says that some 13 ritish intelligence people, led by Maj.-Gen. Sir Ken- neth Strong, were then in Washington for consultations with the C.I.A. Key figures had failed to attend scheduled meetings with Gen. Strong. As result British . diplomats guessed that a crisiS- was building up over Cuba. Britain was consequently aler- ted before some members of the American Cabinet were told. ' concerned at the intelligence operations here of powers which are to be ranked as unfriendly. In his reply yesterday Mr Carr drew an implict distinction between proper 'and improper activities by foreign intelligence agents on British soil and said that he and the Foreign Secretary would not hesitate to take action to prevent improper activity. He did not indicate where In his view the line is drawn. As a starting point it may be suggested that for foreign intelligence operations within this country to be accep- able they must satisfy at least these two conditions: that what is going on is broadly speaking known to the security or intelli- gence authorities here and approved by them, and that the law is not broken. There is a further general con- dition to be satisfied which can be illustrated from an administra- tive distinction within the CIA itself. It has an intelligence branch and an operations branch, the latter nicknamed the" depart- ment of dirty tricks ". The primary function of the CIA is to provide the National Security Council and so the President with intelligence reports which may form a basis for policy decisions. It supplements and duplicates the information gathering function oi United States diplomatic missions: most of that part of its work is unexciting and unexcep- tionable from the point of view of the countries which are the objects of attention. It is also sometimes given authority?or takes it?to intervene actively in the domestic affairs of another country. The first type of activity is not in principle objectionable: the second most certainly is. These distinctions can be applied in the two areas in which, according to our information, the CIA has recently become active here: international Arab terror- ism, and " subversion " in trade unions. International guerrilla organizations must be countered by international action. If the intelligence agents of one country have a lead which brings them to the territory of another, they should be allowed to follow it provided they keep the authori- ties there fully in the picture, and provided that, if any rough stuff is required, the local en- forcement agencies are called in to do it. In the case of the trade unions (or for that matter the newspapers) of this country, there is no objection to the United States through the CIA or any other agencY gathering whatever information about them it thinks it needs, provided illegal or corrupt means are not em- ployed, and provided the opera- tion is not designed or executed in such a way as to attempt to influence the course of events. Information, yes: interference, no. .31. Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 TIMES (TOMO :5 'TAN 974 efeetor, eye als Ps' part II spy king y Christopher Sweeney, Details of an elaborate spy nig involving men-a:tars of arliament, civil servants and .a ouble agent in London in the 960s were given to the West y a defecting Czechoslovak telligence officer. ? . The defector, ,Mr Josef Frolik, former major in the Czech ntelligence serviee, told Imes last week in London that c had given the Central Intelli- ence Agency (CIA) the names f three people who were then !Ps who had received money or spying. ?He also named Mr Charles Karel) Zbytek,.a former Czech riny officer who was given olitical asylum in Britain, as he .double agent. For ?40,000, 1r Fronk claimed, Mr Zbytek ystematically betrayed inform. tion gathered by British intelli- elite, the CIA and the West erman intelligence service. Among other startling details wen to the CIA during his ?briefing were: That President Lyndon John- on was secretly warned in dvance by the Russians in 1968 f the impending Warsaw Pact nv.asion of Czechoslovakia ; Details of espionage activity' n Britain with the names of; gents. Mr Frolik claims that. us debriefing led directly to? he arrest of Nitholas. Praeger, ho passed on .radar secrets to he Czechs and was sentenced o 12 years' imprisonment in une 1971 ; Evidence that Nazi documents ncriminating prominent figures n Austria and West Germany ere in fact forged in Prague in 965 in an attempt to discredit ?stern political leaders; Details of agent provocateur ctivities in London, the Middle ast and Nato countries. Mr Frolik also provided de- ans of the rigging of ? anti- oviet demonstrations in Prague n 1968 in order to embarrass Ir Alexander Dubcek, then the zechosloyakian leader. These vcre planned by the Prague egional directorate of state ecurity and gave the Russians evidence " that Mr Du beck vas anti-Soviet and were used o justify the Russian action. lie claimed that the 1y5terious suicides in October, 968 of two prominent West email military figures, dmiral Hermann Ludke and ,eneral Horst Wendtland. were rontpted by the defection of adislav Bittman, a Czech ntelligence agent, who knew bout their betrayal of Nato ecretS. They killed themselves fter being ' tipped off by Ague of the defection. . Mr Prank, who now lives hi the United States under on .assumed name, is one of the most senior communist espion? age agents to defect since the war. Tor 17 year!: he worked for Czech intelligence in Prague, Britain and the Middle Bast. ? Last week the details of Mr' Frolik's defection and his position in Czech intelligence were confirmed in Whitehall. A 500-page manuscript based on his debriefing, and translated into English by the CIA, gives elaborate details of Czech espionage activities. The manuscript was submit- ted to. the CIA in July last year and in the version. I saw the intelligence authorities in Wash. ingtOn had deleted many names and more than 100 pages. ? According to Mr Fronk, the three then MPs who were named by him had not been arrested at the time because sufficient evidence could not be found to stand up in court. He told me last week in London however that after the information had been passed from Washington to London, the three were con- fronted with the available evi- dence and "their usefulness was finished ". . "It is not so easy to ge? t the evidence, it is standard practice in this business to cover all your 'traces and make sure that you protect your contacts: But the London people have other means up their sleeves to damage these men and they have already done so." Two of the people Who were then MPs were recruited by Czech intelligence . officers, Lieutenant-Colonel Jan Paclik and Vaclav Taborsky, during the 1950s. "Both worked for many years", Mr Frolik said, "and delivered important information concerning British defence potential and the domestic and foreign policies of the Labour Party and the British Govern- ment." ? Referring to his time in Bri- tain, Mr Frolik said :." I knew of no other place in the world out- side of Austria and West 'Ger- many where infiltration of the Government apparatus, of Par- liament, of the trade unions and of scientific institutes was so complete and on such a grand scale as in Great Britain." According to the account; by far the most effective agent was Mr Charles Zbytek, whose 'case officer Frolik briefly became in the 19G0s flis file looked like a small library consisting of thousands of pages which in fact was an encyclopedia on British intelligence." ? Mr Zbytek, codenamcd " Light ", was a filing clerk for the Czechoslovak Intelligence Office (CIO), an intelligence gathering centre connected with British intelligence. It was com- posed of former Czech Army officers who came to-. Britain seeking political asylum after' February 1948 and was headed by Colonel Prochazka. Prom the spring of 1056 Mr Ouch embassy In Washington. 'Zhytek passed ow the minies of reporting that thegusslai $ had 1,800 people involved with tipped off President Jo nson ,Westerti intelligence actions that an invasion of Prague was against the Czech Government Imminent. This informed was from the CIO office in Broad. received by Mr Dubcel,. just way, Whitehall.. Because of a before the notorious ? mt*ting bureaucratic slip, Mr ZbVtek, ? with Soviet 'leaders at Coma, who died In 1962, was able to near Cop. obtain the files of people who Among activities in 1.Onclon were agents or were involved in was the infiltration of a Czech intelligence activities for the agent, Jaroslav I-fodac (code- CIA, the West Germans and the ' named agent Lev), on to the 'British. editorial board of the . Czech According to the procedure exile newspaper Czechoslovakia. used in Mr Zbytek's office, tires The exile . leader, Mr ...Josef were attached to the fiks of. Josten, was twice set down for If people who were of interest to assassination, accordinv, to the , British and foreign hitelligence 'account, but these plant were agencies so that the Czech Intel-. called off, as were plans, to kid- ligence Office would not overlap nap Antonin Buzek. a correspon- their work or try to recruit the dent for the Czech Press Agency. . same people. ? . who had defected. ? ? ? ? Mr Frolik also claimed. that The ' forged Nazi documents the former Gestapo chief, Hein. were " uncovered " by. Czech rich Muller, one of the most Police in the Blake Lake area wanted Nazi war criminals, was of Czechoslovakia, near the Ger- ? kidnapped by Czech agents from . man border, in 1965. They were, Venezuela in 1954. Ile was im- . dramatically revealed by the prisened in Prague so that the then Minister of the. Interior. Czech Government could este!). . Mr ? Lubomir Strougal, in an lish from him the names of ? attempt to discredit German and people who had worked for ?the ':Austrian. politicians, and were Gestapo duri'ng the war. -; .. : accepted '-as 'genuine by- various During the " Prague Spring " international agencies investi- in 1968, Mr Fronk revealed that gating Nazi war criMes. . officers of Prague's regional ? Mr .Frolik also revealed a directorate of state security, bizarre episode in Wales in 1962 organized anti-Soviet riots to when he arranged ? for anti- ; embarrass Mr. Dubcck. These -Jewish slogans to be drawn on .1 rigged demonstrations included ' walls in German and cemeteries the "hockey riots" and the 'disturbed to try to galvanize ? damaging of Russian buildings :feeling in Britain against the In 1968, while' working in ' West German Panzer divisions Prague, he saw?" with my own .which.' were allowed to under... eyes "?a message from the take tank training in Wales. 32 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8' "WASHINGTON POST MGIIay, F ers, 1474 ? I What Are We Underwriting in Vietnam. , ? ' TN THE FIRST YEAR after the signing of the celebrated Vietnam cease-fire agreement of January 1913, there , was good reason for Congress and most of the rest of us , to bail America's disengagement from combat, to cheer rthe return of the POWs, to accept routinely the high cost of continuing military and economic aid to the Thieu , government, and more or less to turn 'a blind eye to the .fact that there was in fact no cease-fire and no per- ceptible progress toward a permanent peace. Soothingly, we were told that you couldn't expect the shooting to stop overnight, but that the foundations of a "structure ,for peace" were in place, and that the business of build- ing upon this structure to produce ekcttons and a divi- sion of territory and a sharing of political power was ; only a matter of time. With a year's experience, 'however,- it, is now clear that it hasn't worked out that way. (Well over 50,000 Vietnamese have reportedly been killed in , combat during this "cease-fire" so far.) Worse, there is :precious little' prospect that it will. So it is not only , appropriate but urgent for the Congress and the public to force their attention back to Vietnam. And the new ? budget, with its prevision for continuing heavy military ? and economic aid for the Saigon government, offers a . powerful argument as well as an opportunity for doing so. In his State of the Union address, the President spoke' ? witheringly of those who would abandon the South Viet- namese by abruptly shutting off all our aid?as if the ',issue was as simple as that. Of course, it is not. Most people, we suspect, are fully aware of this country's obligation to continue 'helping Saigon defend itself against flagrant violations of the cease-fire by the North Viet- namese; larger American policy interests over at least a decade and a half, after all, had a lot to do with creating , Saigon's heavy dependence on our continuing patronage. :But the real issue is much more complex, for it has to do with who is really responsible for the breakdown of ;the cease-fire. It has also to do with whether our aid, in conjunction with our diplomacy, is working to improve the chances of real peace in Indochina, or Whether it is ?,in fact working toward perpetuation of a vicious, costly war by discouraging the kinds of concessions on both sides that might bring about 4 genuine settlement. We do not profess to have the answers?and that is just the point. Nobody in Washington seems to have the , answers?or even particularly to care. For the past year, ;the general tendency has 'been to blame both sides for the myriad violations if not to 'ignore them; to cancel off these violations against each other; and to conclude ,somewhat cynically that this is the natural or inevitable or Vietnamese way of resolving conflicts. There is, more- over, the formidable difficulty of finding the facts. With their supreme interests at stake, both Vietnamese sides have had powerful incentives to highlight their own observances of the agreement and to 'hide their own vie- . lotions. Field conditions limit the capacity of objective observers; such as journalists, to judge for themselves. All this gives no reason, however, to avoid trying to get at the facts. For it should be understood that avoid- ing the ckuestion of which side is chiefly responsible for 4 the collapse of the agreement is answering the question to the benefit of President Thieu. Time and again, admin. istratien figures have drawn public attention to the' alleged vielatiorts of Hanoi and the Provisional Revolu- tionary Government (Vietcong). The imminence of a big Communist offensive has been built up as a special bug- aboo, while the open threats of some sort of pre-emptive strike by the South, as well as the plain evidence of provocations by the Saigon government, have been pre- sented to us as no more than legitimate acts of self- defense:To this have been added regular and wholly unrealistic suggestions of American re-entry into the war, including the possibility of renewed bombing of the North. ' ? We have 'been down this road before and we should know by now where it leads?to blind and unquestion- ing support of a Saigon government lulled into a false sense of security by our aid, with no real capability to defend itself, by itself, and with no incentive to yield up anything for the sake of a compromise settlement. From this, one can safely project an open-ended conflict be- tween the two Vietnams. True, it is largely their war now, which is a lot better than it being largely our war, as it was for seven agonizing years. But we are nonethe- less subsidizing a substantial part of it. Thus, it seems only reasonable for the two sets of armed services and foreign relations committees in both houses 'of Congress to conduct a searching inquiry into the administration's current Vietnam policy. For this country has a moral as well as a political commitment to the objective of a cease- fire and an ultimate Vietnamese settlement which the administration so proudly proclaimed to be very nearly accomplished facts a year ago. And the American public has a right to know whether, and how, this objective is being served by our continuing aid to South Vietnam. We would not argue that the answer turns entirely on what this country does or doesn't do for President Thieu. Part of the answer obviously must come from Hanoi. Part sf it also depends on the efficacy and, validity of that larger "structure for peace," reaching from Moscow and Peking to Washington, of which the President had made so much. But a big part of the answer, nonetheless, de- pends upon Saigon. So we think that before Congress approves more billions for President Thieu, it ought to try to find out whether the easy availability of this subsidy may not be 'prolonging an intensified Vietnam war by consolidating a militant, recalcitrant and repres- sive regime in Saigon. For there is at least some reason to believe that a more selective and judicious application ?or denial?of this money could make it work to far better effect as an integral part of a wider diplomatic effort to bring 'about something more nearly resembling a Vietnam peace. ' - 33 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 THE WASHINGTON POST TIturolq, Jan. 17, 1974 zag,I ff,he U S. Doing in Thailand? N EXTRAORDINARY.'!nstance of American over. reaching has just come to light in Thailand. It kvolves the CIA, an agency so habituated?at least in litailand?to acting like a sovereign state that it seems tt. have been unable to adjust to the winds of Thai change. It seems that a CIA agent sent a letter to the ' new prime minister, who came to power last fall replac- ing the generals identified with a close military link to the United States. Signing the name of a Comnannist .insurgent leader in Sekhon lklakhort province, the agent 'sounded out the prime minister on his interest in open- ing talks with the insurgents. The letter's internal in- consistencies struck Thai officials, they now say. Since it had been sent by registered mail, it was easily `. traced to the CIA office in a particular province. The government then evidently leaked the story to the Thai ? ',fess, which gave it a play worthy of the outrageousness of the event itself. "Really bad,". the prime minister stnnmed up. j The newly posted American ambassador, William R. ,IChttner, was forced to acknowledge and apologize for this "regrettable and unauthorized initiative." "No Amer- ican official is to be involved in any activity which ? ? could be interpreted as interference in Thai internal affairs," he announced. Yet this hardly puts the matter to rest. Is it more believable that the agent was acting , on his own or that, unmasked, his operation?whatever it purpose?was simply repudiated? Since CIA activi- ties in Thailand are supposed to be confined to provid- ing technical intelligence assistance to Thais, how is it , that the CIA appears to have set up what the Thai press New York Times 21 Jmn. 1974 calls "operation units in various areas"? The CIA's in-.1 discretion "demonstrates to the people that the United, States is involved in the fight to suppress the Commu- nist terrorists," the Bangkok radio noted, and thus it compromises the Thai goy- Aunent claim that the insur- gents, but not the gov:rnment, lack independence and sovereignty. How rvuld the CIA be insensitive to the central political value of this claim in a struggle against A what is said to be a foreign-supported insurgency? The most troubling aspect of this incident, however, goes beyond the damage that may have been done to. U.S.-Thai relations. Just how deeply is the United States; "involved in the fight to suppress the Communist ter-, ronsts, in the Bangkok radio's words? A Senate staff ? report issued last June stated that there were 545 Ameri- cans working in Thai counter-insurgency within the ' U.S. Military Assistance Command. But if, as the Thai counter-insurgency chief now says, "it .has especially , been the principle of [his program] that the fight to suppress the Communists is the Thai people's affair,", then what are all those Americans doing, whether they ; are inside or outside the CIA? The new Thai leadership, , by publicizing and protesting the affair of the letter, Indicates its own decision to put some nationalistic dis- tance between itself and Thailand's former American patrons. This is an understandable choice flowing from , the winding down of the American role in all of Indo- china. The Thais, who live there, are adjusting. But we ' Americans still have questions of our own to ask about, any residual counter-insurgency role. It sounds too much , like?one hesitates to say the word?Vietnam. ations Expected to Survive CJPAO Blow UOS.-Thai EeJ By JAMES F. CLARgTY special to The New York Times . BANGKOK, Thailand, Jan. 20 ?The admitted interference of the Central Intelligence Agency in an internal Thai affair does .not mean, in the view of knowl- edgeable Western diplomats, ,that the C.I.A. has garroted it- self with its own cloak in this 'country, but that it has at least pinked itself with its own dag- ger. . The incident, which stirred vigorous student protests in a country where students are the most influential political force, left Thai-American relations frayed, but not tattered, the diplomats say. The affair focused, new at- tention on the large American presence, mostly military, in Thailand. It also marred the en- trance on the scene of a new. United States Ambassador, Wil- liam R. Kintner, and forced the interim Government here to dis- entangle itself from another problem in the midst of the dif- ficulties it has been trying to. solve since it replaced the mili- tary regime deposed in a stu- dent uprising in October. In the view of some analysts here, the C.I.A. affair was an embarrassment to almost every- one concerned, including the of- fice boy whose registration of an ersatz letter led to the blow- ing of the cover. The plot itself seemed simple enough. An agent of the Amer- ican intelligence agency, not identified but sent home ear- lier this month, composed a letter purportedly from an in- surgent leader asking to discuss a cease-fire with the Govern- ment. The purpose of the letter, ac- cording to Ambassador Kintner, ,was to produce dissension and defections among the insur- gents who have been fighting the Bangkok Government for years. The registered letter found its way?how is not clear ?to the offices of .an English- language Bangkok newspaper,: The Nation. The paper traced it to the C.I.A. and published it, the ambassador admitted the American involvement and the scp.ndal was under way. In the succeeding two weeks, Dr. Kintner has apologized for the incident several times, in- cluding personal apologies to King -Phumiphol Aduldit andl- i cated. and said he had taken meas-i I The furor over the letter has ures to prevent American offi-1 cials from meddling in Thai- land's internal affairs. The stu-' dent organizations, which had first demanded the total ouster of the C.I.A. and the recall of Dr. Kintner to Washington, have not reacted to the Bang- kok Government's relatively mild reprimand to the United States and the ambassador last Thursday. Dr. Kintner, who was person- ally vulnerable to the student criticsm because he worked for the Central Intelligence Agency for two years during the Ko- rean war, said in a recent inter- view that the incident caused "chagrin" among Thai officials. It also, the ambassador saidd reflected a "patronizing atti- tude" that he has found among some of his embassy staff mem- bers?not necessarily members of the intelligence agency ? toward the Thais. The employe who patronized, whose attitude the ambassador describes as "Look. Charlie, we'll show you how to do it," will he trans- ferred, the ambassador in& Premier Sanya Dharmasakti, had a number of other effects. It has prompted the Gov, erninent ?to say that it is re- examining the extent of Central Intelligence Agency operations here. In the process of saying this, the Government has ac- knowledged that the American Intelligence organization pro.' vides it with various kinds of help ini internal security, coun- terintelligence, counterinsur- gency and narcotics-control programs. The United States attitude toward this kind of help, as indicated by the ambassador and other competent diplomats here, is that in future the Thais will get only the intelligence assistance they ask for. , No Thai officials seriously ex- pect the Central Intelligence Agency to stop operating here. They concede that a total ban would be foolish, as the agents would only continue to operate in mufti. There are now in Thailand, American officials say, 50 operating agents sup- ported by ;00 clerical and coin- Approved For Release 2001/08/08 CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 inunicatiotis assistants. Ambassador Kintner, an out- spoken man who has divided his professional life between the Army and the academic !World, says Thai-American re- lations have ? survived the. in,- :cident. He shrugs off questiOnt ;Whether it has caused friction lbetween him and the intelli- fOnce agency chiefs in Wash. New York Times 18 Jan. 1974 ington. ? ? Acknowledging that the in- cident took place without his knowledge after he became ambassador two months ago,' Dr. Kintner said of the present structure at the embassy Wei "I have full authority froth the President and the Secretary of State." Thailand Officially Chides,U.S. Ctver C.I.A.,. Interference There By JAMES F. CLARITY ' Special to The Now York Times BANGKOK, Thailand, Jan.-17 Thailand expressed official dissatisfaction to the United States today over the admitted [interference by the Central In- telligence Agency In That af- stairs: Foreign Ministry statement ',Wag the first official reaction to ,the scandal, which erupted fide nearly two weeks ago after it was disclosed that a C.I.A. agent had sent Premier Sanya Dharinasakti a letter purporting to be from an in- surgent leader seeking peace with the Government. The in- cident caused vigorous protests from student organizations, the most influential political force here since, the ouster of the. military government in Novem- ber': ? , The. Foreign . Ministry said that Ambassador William R. kibtner?.at hi S request, met With Premier Sanya and was foltVof ,"the: diSsatisfaction of students -and the..people with the event `that had !happened as well as the dissatifaction of the Thai people in general with the general behavior of C.I.A. units inside Thailand and their demand that 'the United States stop all actions of interference In the internal affairs of Thai- land." Dr. Kintner, who admitted the C.T.A. plot and apologized for It week, was said by the ministry to have assured the Premier again today. that prevent any action of interfer- enCe in Thailand's internal af- fairs from happening again." The statement said Thailand Was examining the Amerioan agency's connections with Thai agencies, but it did not indicate whether the Government planned any further action.' There was a widespread Opinion among Western diplomats that, unless the student organiza- tions refused to accept the Government's handling of the' issue in the statement today,' the matter would be allowed' to fade away. Ambassador Kintner, In an interview after he visited the Premier and the Foreign Minis- ter, Charunphan Issarangkun na Ayuthaya, said that the letter had caused chagrin among Thai officials but that senior offi- cials had assured him that they wanted ? relations to remain cordial. ? The ministry statement said Dr. Kintner had assured the Premier'that the agent respon- sible for the plot had been sent back to the United States and that the C.I.A. office in the northern town of Sakon Nak- hon, where the plot was born, had been closed. In the interview Dr. Kintner, a one-time C.I.A. employe who became Ambassador two months ago, said that the plot had been stupidly conceived and ex- ecuted. Its pure*, he said, was to produce,dissension among the leaders of insurgent ?"he would ,do everything to groups. ? NEW YORK TT WEDNESDAY, ,TANUARY 15, 1974 Thais Consider Ban or Curb oh the C.LAJ ? so ? 'By JAMES F. CLARITY jleefal to, ille New Yolk Times BANGKOK, Thailand, Jan. 15 ?Members of the Government et today and considered spe- tine proposals to eliminate or sharply reduce the espionage and other activities of the Utiit, ed States Central Intelligence Agency in Thailand. A well-placed Government source said that the Cabinet .of Premier Sanya Dharmasakti would act on the proposals later this .week or early next week. Privately, however, some Gov- ernment officials say that a categorical ban of the C.I.A. Would be impractical, the agents could continue to operate in varied grout*. I At issue before the Cabinet; I was the scandal that erupted here 11 days ago involving the activities of the agency in Thai- land. The United States Am- bassador, William R. Kintner, admitted that an agency of- tieer had written a letter to the Sanya, Government, purported- ly from an insurgent leader, of- fering to open peace talks with the -premier. The Ambassador apologized for the letter and said that he had ordered Amer- ican officials here to do noth- ing that might be interpreted as interference in internal Thai affairs. Mr. Kintner, who became Ambassador in November, dis- NEW YORK TIMES, SATURDAY, JANUARY 12174-: Thai Paper Names C.I.A. Chief In Bangkok as Flare-Up Lasts BANGKOK, Thailand, Jan. 11 (Reuters)?A Thai newspa- per today identified the head of the United States Central Intelligence Agency in Thailand in the latest episode in a stu- dent and press campaign 'against, the agency's activities in Thailand. The English - language Na- tion, quoting the assistant po- lice director general, Maj. Gen. Vitoon Yasawad, identified the agency chief as Hugh Toyer, who is listed in the diplomatic and consular list issued by the Thai Foreign Ministry. It was the first time that Mr. Toyer had been publicly named as the agency chief in Thailand, although his role had been known in informed press circles for some time.? A former C.I.A. station chief in Laos, Mr. Toyer is no longer in Thailand. . The C.I.A. became the target of student and press attacks last week when the United States Embassy admitted that A C.I.A. agent in northeastern Thailand had sent a fake letter to Prime Minister Sanya Dhar- anasakti calling for a cease-fire against Communist insurgents. The admission followed a re- port in The Nation that the agent had sent the letter to Mr. Sanya last month in the name of a Communist insurgent leader. cussed the incident'tdday in an interview with some Western correspondents. An ?American Embassy official present at the interview said the Ambassador recalled that he was "madder than' hell" when he learned of the letter. He said that he had personally apologized for it to Premier .Sanya and to King Phumiphol Aduldet, according to the Embassy official. The Ambassador also said, according +.o the Embassy of- ficial, that it was up to the Thai Government to decide whether it wanted the C.I.A. 'there to curtail Or suspend the assistance it gives the Govern- ment on counterinsurgency and counterintelligence work. The' Ambassador was also said to have stated that he wanted to end the "gung ho attitude" of the American agents here: In the future, the Ambassador said, plots such as the one involving the fake let- ter would be left for the Thais themselves to early out or re- ject. The Government officials dis- cussing the scandal today were said to include Premier Sanya and the Foreign Minister, Cha- roonphan Issarangun Na Ayut- thaya. The foreign Minister was said to have drawn upl alternate proposals for dealing Since the 'admission, stu- dents have staged mass demon:- stration outside the United States Embassy and forced Ambassador William R. Kint- ner to leave a reception after, burning paper American . flags in front of him. A Thai pressure group, Peo-, ple For Democarcy, yesterday cabled the United States Sen- ate calling for the removal of Mr. Kintner. Marshal Criticizes C.I.A. BANGKOK, Jan. 11 (UP.)? The United States Central In- telligence Agency has been op- erating in Thailand since World War II but "has no right to participate in our administra- tion," the Defense Minister said today. The minister, Air Chief Mar- shal Dawee Chullasapya, ap- peared at a news conference to discuss the letter written by a C.I.A. agent to the Thai Gov- ernment under the name of a Communist insurgent leader of- fering a cease-fire in exchange for autonomy for the rebels. "The writer of the letter did It with a lack of intelligence," the minister said. "The C.I.A. has no right to participate in our administration: The C.I.A. has absolutely nothing to do with our official activities." with the situation. One of them, according to the Government source, woutd order a total sus pension of all C.I.A. activities in the country. Another would spell out in detail permissible activity. ? Department' officials, the source said, have been ordered to tell the Cabinet what serv- ices the agency might be pro- viding and if the services should be continued. . Cabinet members were also discussing, the source said, the possibility of declaring 'Ambas- sador Kinter an unwelcome person. A demand for the Am- bassador's recall Was made last week by student organiza- tions, which constitute the country's most influential po- litical force since they over- threw the military government here in October. ? Knowledgeable Western dip- lomats said" here today, how- ever, that they would be sur- prised if the Thai Government took such severe action. The American Embassy also confirmed reports that Mr. Kintner planned to go to wash. ington in the next several weeks, but said the trip had been planneti before the C.I.A. incident and was not stimulat- ed by it. Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320994-8 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 . BALTIMORE SUN 3 Feb. 1974 a is a 59 est st isfit e of etente Ey JAMES S. HEAT Washington. ? "You want to write a long article on our Cuba policy?" a State Department official asked in some surprise. "Hell, you can say it all in one sentence." Here's the sentence: ,The administration will .do nothing to Improve relations with Cuba as long as President Nixon is in office. There are buts, however. Mr. Nixon's dislike of Fidel Castro's regime is no more deep-seated than was his anti-com- munism in the 1950's?when no one , would have predicted his seeking de- tente with the Soviet Union or the opening to China. That kind of dramatic reversal aside, the Nixon administration displays no Interest in resuming diplomatic relations , with Cuba, broken in 1961, or in lifting the trade embargo imposed by the Or- ganization of American States at United States behest in 1964. And, U.S: officials - insist, they have no reason to suppose that Mr. Castro is any more interested in- better relations. A brief flurry of speculation that Cuba was signaling a . desire to open political contacts was tonched off last month by a report of a press conference held in Mexico City by thd Cuban ambassador there, Fernando, Lopez Muino, but subsequent statements have cast doubt on it. Last week's visit to Cuba by Leonid I. Brezhnev, the Soviet party leader, also raised questions here about a possible signal to Washington that Mr. Castro ,might be interested in repairing rela- ? tions. Mr. Brezhnev pointedly spoke of ? the dividends of healing old wounds, ? between the super-powers, and Mr. Cas- tro for the first time had some kind ? words for detente. However, the hints?if that is what they were?found no response here. U.S. officials coolly declined to take any no- tice of them. The more cynical among , them suggested that Mr. Brezhnev 'might be trying to dump an expensive client on Washington, but the realistic Soviet chieftain could hardly believe ? that diplomatic relations would, bring economic aid in its wake. ; The fact remains that Mr. Brezhnev publicly rebutted some of the adminis- tration's favorite arguments against res- boring relations with Cuba, som-ething he would hardly do in Havana if he be- lieved it would displease Mr. Castro. There are two reasons for the admin- istration's deep antipathy for the Castro regime. Probably the most important is the fact Mr. Nixon detests Mr. Castro and all that he represents., The Presi- dent's Visceral dislike of the Cuban Mr. Kent is the diplomatic correspond- ent for The Sun. leader is rooted in 1958, when Mr. Nixon, then Vice President, was spat on and mobbed by leftists in Caracas, Venezuela. He believes the rioters were inspired by Havana. The other reason -- the one that is publicly stated ? is the administration's insistence that Cuba is trying to subject other governments in Latin America. Until Mr. Castro stops "exporting revo- lution," administration spokesmen assert, the United States will not normalize relations with him. Whatever the merits of the first reason, the second is hard to document. Many U.S. officials privately refuse to repeat the charge that Mr. Castro is still sending agents to disrupt neighboring governments. Others insist there is such evidence but say they cannot disclose the secret intelligence reports that prove it. ' Fewer of 'Mr. Castro's neighbors ap- pear to believe it, however. Seven Latin American nations plus Canada recognize the Cuban government. A bare majority Of the OAS membership was ready to vote last year against continuing the trade embargo despite strong lobbying , from Washington. The overthrow of the Marxist president, Salvadore Allende, in. Chile, however, deflated the issue. ? Perhaps the most effective argument against resuming normal relations with Cuba was put this way by a State Department Latin American specialist: "What's in it for us?" to critics who argue that the diplomatic isolation of Cuba is anachronistic after Mr. Nixon's summit visits to Moscow and Peking, officials reply that better relations with the Communist giants brought political dividends. With Cuba they would not. "I think we have demonstrated our pragmatism with respect to Cuba," Rob- ert A. Hurwitch, then a deputy assistant secretary of state, told a Senate foreign relations subcommittee last spring., , "Where there is no overriding U.S. inter- 36' Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : GIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8 est, there are no grounds -for seeking accommodation with an openly hostile nation. On matters of mutual interest, however, we have demonstrated that we can deal with each other." ? Mr. Hurwitch cited in particular the hijacking agreement that had just been , negotiated with Cuba, providing for pun- ishment in one country or the other of , persons forcing aircraft or ships to carry 'm across the 90-mile strait. , Ade from ending Cuba's attraction'. , as a haven for hijackers?which it had' not, in fact, been for, some time before. ?the administration sees nothing te be' gained from restoring relations with a' government that speaks of it with, venom. Heavily dependent on roughly $550 millien in economic aid from the Soviet Union each year, Cuba has a whopping trade deficit for a nation of only 9.2 million persons. Sugar, by far its largest export, is not needed here. Politically an, end to the 'war of words across the Straits of Florida would ',gain the United'. ? States nothing, in the official view. It would appear to condone not just Mr. Castro's ardent embrace of the Soviet Union in recent years, but also his introduction of Soviet weapons inlo this? ' hemisphere. Por all that, the continued U.S. at- tempt to isolate Mr. Castro is hard to justify. Despite the argument that prag-;,- matistn dictated one policy with regard to the Soviet Union and China but another to Cuba, the policy appears hyp- ocritical, especially to many Latin Americans. The contrast between its adamant stand on Cuba and its warmth toward the Communist giants is not the admin- istration's only problem with consist- ency. It has long proclaimed that diplo- matic relations no longer imply political approval, and U.S. ambassadors live in capitals that are not much friendlier than Havana. To many Latin Americans, the U.S., isolation of. Cuba is more of the old ? Yankee paternalism that the administra- tion has publicly renounced. Although the coup that deposed Dr. Allende caused rethinking of the growing feeling in Latin America that Marxism is the wave of the future, nationalism is still on the rise and dictates a different brand of pragmatism there than the one applied in Washington. Argentina, for example, is stepping up ' its relations with Cuba although its new president, Juan D. Peron, is anything but a Communist sympathizer. Argen- tina has offered Cuba $1 billion in trade credits and is bringing pressure on subsidiaries there of the three major U.S. automobile manufacturers to sell Cuba up to $95 million worth of cars and trucks. The application of the General Motors, Ford and Chrysler subsidiaries for exemptions from the ban on trade with Cuba presents U.S. officials with a difficult decision. It would be the first breach in the embargo for U.S. compa- nies and would be interpreted abroad as a weakening of U.S. resolve to maintain the sanctions. But under Argentine law the government can impose penalties on Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R00010032000.1-8 7 the companies if they reject the orders. If it can be argued that the United States has nothing to gain by resuming diplomatic relations and ending the embargo, it can as well be argued it has little or nothing to lose. A Cuba free to' , trade with more nations, even including ; the United States, would not be a much THE MANCIESTER GUARNAN January 1974 : As Havana prepares a restive reception for Mr Brezhnev RICHARD GOTT explains the timing of the Soviet leader's visit stronger nation since it has little to pay for imports. If the administration was right in arguing last spring that eco- nomic ties with North Vietnam would turn its leaders to thoughts of peace, the same is true of Cuba. What. might be gained is some rein- forcement of the administration's argu- ment that it seeks a new era in relations within the hemisphere. The isolation of Cuba doesismack of the old intervention- ist days. If Cuba represented a real threat to inter-American security,. the ? stigma would be worthwhile. Without such persuasive evidence, the ?gesture wOuld be +taken as one of strength not weakness. CUBANS' have been gearing ! themselves up to provide a , lavish welcome for Mr Brezh- 'hey, the General Secretary ,of the Soviet Communist Party, who is. due in Havana' today. The Cuban press has described it as "the most important visit ever to take place in our, revolutionary -homeland," and ? the official daily newspaper Granma says 'that the people are anxious 'to give Mr Brezhnev " the warmest, most enthusiastic, ? and most massive welcome in the history of our revolu- ,tiOn." kis the Russian leader's first visit to the Caribbean and the 'first trip to Cuba by, 'a prominent Russian since 'Mt Kosygin went there in October, 1971. The visit was , planned last. June and Mr iBrezhnev was supposed to' ',have been there for the fifteenth anniversary celebra- tions of the revolution, held at the beginning of the month. Fidel Castro went k twice to the Soviet Union in ? 1972 and a return visit was long overdue.. , But Mr, Brezhnev has been ',extremely reluctant to do anything that would interfere , with his new,found friend- ship with the United States. 'The Middle East crisis and the need to secure congres- sional approval for the lifting ' of restrictions 'on trade bet- -wenn the United States and the Soviet Union take prece- dence over the wishes of a minor. ally. Mr Brezhnev told , Carlos Rafael Rodriguez. ? Castro's emissary, in es into the fol December that he could not risk the possibility of 'being forced to stand on a platform in the Plaza de la Revolucion while Castro pilloried his Washington friends. Consequently the visit has. 'been postponed until the Rus- sians could be absolutely sure that their sometimes unpre- dictable friend would be on his best behaviour. They need not have worried. Castro has been sla- vishly following the Russian line in the past 'year and even if he were 'to permit himself some verbal excesses in the course of a major speech, these would hardly deflect Dr Kissinger from his set purpose of making 1974 the " Year of Latin America."' Kissinger,is bent on resolving the minor, almost symbolic, problems of relations with Cuba and Panama in order to embark on a much more grandiose scheme for regulat- ing the more real and fun- damental problems that divide the United States from . its allies in Latin America. It is no part of Kissinger's scheme to exclude the Soviet Union entirely from decisions that will have to be made about the future of the donti- nent. For while the Russians havb few 'battalions in this part of the world, their con- trol over the small but well organised local Communist parties has enabled them to play a not insignificant rOle in mobilising support for the nationalist governments of Peru and Argentina, govern- ments that Kissinger, too, is anxious to cultivate. Brezhnev is visiting Cuba WASHINGTON POST FA. 72.I974 ? ? ? Eaton: Castro By Edward A. O'Neill special to The Wnehtneton Post BALTIMORE, Feb. 11?ty-- i'tis S. Eaton, the 90-year-old multimillionaire industrialist, came here Sunday from six days In Cuba to say that Fidel Castro wants accommodation With the United States. , Eaton was In Cuba at Cas- , tro's invitation on the heels of a visit by Soviet Communist Party leader Leonid Brezhnev, who, according to press re- at a moment when the Rus- sian Government, the Cuban Government, and the Latin- .American Communist parties have a greater identity of purpose than at any time in the past. It is for this reason that the possibility of a con- ference of Latin-Ametican Communist parties has been suggested, to precede the world conference that the Russians are anxious to hold to mobilise support for their campaign against the Chinese. All this seems a far cry from the 1960s, when Castro was often at loggerheads with the continental parties and with Moscow, accusing them of betraying the cause of the Latin-American revolution. Now they all belong to a mutual admiration society, though the power and influence of the pro-Moscow parties in the continent has receded to its lowest ebb. In Chile and Uruguay, /where huge parties had a real grip over the working class, mili- tary dictatorships have undone the work of decades. In these circumstances the voice of revolutionary Cuba, ,once strident and 'dogmatic, has been strangely silent. Castro no longer claims unique ownership of the Holy Grail of revolution. He peers round the continent for friends, finding them in the ,barracks more often than in the hills. Where Cuba ? sup- ports' guerrilla movements it is more as the extension of the Cuban ? intelligence ser- vices than because Cuba sub- scribes to guerrilla doctrine. The loss of Chile has been ports, had talked to the Cuban prime minister about improv- ing relations with the United States. Eaton met twice with Castro for lengthy talks, as well as with Deputy Prime Minister 'Carlos Rafael Rodriguez; Pres-I ident Oswaldo Dorticos; Fl-' del's brother, Ramon Castro,: minister of agriculture, and other Cuban leaders. He said that he came away with an overwhelmingly posi- ,? a major blow to Cuba and to the Soviet Union, not just because of the brutal crush-, ing of a promising Socialist experiment, but because of the appalling problem of picking up the pieces. The Chilean Left was never a ? cohesive force at the best of , times. In defeat, the old divi- sion between Socialists and Communists is bound to reap- pear and may well prove a ? new bone of contention bet- ween Russia abd Cuba: For the moment, though, , Castro seems ? to , be soft- pedalling his interest .in foreign affairs, and with regard to Cuba's internal economy he has good reason to be grateful to the Soviet Union. In December, 1972, new agreements were signed between the two countries which were highly favourable to Cuba. The oft-quoted figure of one million dollars a clay in Russian aid, which , was based on Russia's buying of Cuban sugar above the world price, seems new ? with the huge increase in the world price ? a trifle exag- gerated. But in nickel mining and oil prospecting, hundreds of Russian technicians are performing a useful role indi- versifying the Cubah economy. These tangible benefits of ? the Russian connection will be much praised during Brez- hnev's visit, but behind the scenes the Russian . leader will be working as a nego- tiator for Henry Kissinger, discussing the United States proposal to re-establish diplo- matic relations with the island that has caused it so much trouble for so long. rats Better U.S. tive feeling that Cuba wants to regularize its relations with this country, with which it has been at odds since 1960. Eaton said in an interview, , "Fidel said an indication of his real attitude toward the United States and its people is the fact that he moved swifly to put an end to [airplane] hi- jacking." From his conversations. Ea- ton concluded that the Cubans want only high-level talks. Ties "It really requires Kissinger. 1 or Nixon or someone with ex- press authority to solve this, matter. There is no use to put Ibis to men down the line who do not have the authority to act. That's what happened when we first were trying to talk to Hanoi about. the Viet- nam war." (Eaton himself 37 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIAIRDP77-00432R000100320004-8 went to Hanoi in 1969 to talk about negotiations with the North Vietnamese,) Eaton, who used to have , substantial business interests ' in Cuba has kept up his con- nections since the Castro revo- lution in 1959 by other visits ? there and through the Cuban .Xlelegation at the United Na- tions. His basic interest is eco- nomic. He thinks an end to the separation would be advanta- geous to American industry. "Twenty years ago they were going to put me in jail because I advocated trade with the Soviet Union," he Said. "Now all kinds of Ameni-I can businessmen are. rushing to get into the Soviet market." U.S. Policy toward Cuba, Ba- ton said, seems still to be based on "fanatical anti-com- munism." "It is hard to believe that our businessmen and our State Department could he so shortsighted as to have as- sumed that Castro would have only a' brief regime and all would be over shortly," he said. "He has successfully en- dured for 15 years. Right now he looks confident and is cheerful about the future." Eaton said the Soviet Union recently sold Cuba 70 diesel DP77-00432R000100320004-8 locomotives for $28 million?: "that we could, have sold them"---and Argentina is mak- big freight cars for Cuban use. While he was in Cuba, 20 Can- Indian businessmen were there talking about increasing trade, he said. "A lot of the rest of the world is doing business with Castro," he said. "They didn't I have to adopt his religion or lack of religion, or his system' of government to do it." Eaton said a small group of Cuban exiles in the United States, mostly centered in Mi- ami, has been influent;a1 in the continuation of official NEW YORK TIMES, WEDNESDAY,' FEBRUARY 1974- U.S. policy. He predicted' a change in their thinking. "They were all joined," he said, "in a policy to kill off Castro. As the years have gone by and that policy has failed, many, of them now think, 'Why go on?'" - What they now want is to see "an end to it," he said. "I think we are going to have an expression from that group that Will have a powerful ef. feet on American opinion." , Use of a U.S. passport for travel to Cuba is forbidden. Eaton flew there from Nassau and returned the same way. A Signal Perhaps, From Havana By Ben F., Meyer WASH1NGTON?There is the nag- ging thought here that Washington .may have missed a signal indicating that Fidel Castro's Government may be ready to seek an end to the United States' 13-year boycott of Cuba. Various circumstances suggest such 'a sounding by Havana. Cuba's econ- omy still is in chaos and her depend- ence on the' Soviet Union is increasing despite Premier Castro's known desire for greater freedom of action. The question of United States-Cuban relations arose at a news conference *of Cuba's Ambassador to Mexico, Fer- nando L. Lopez Muhl% when he said: '"We are not in a holy war with the United States. We would be willing to talk to the United States? given a single and irrevocable condition?that It end the blockade of Cuba. , To many, this appeared a strong hint that if Washington dropped its boycott, ,imposed when it broke rela- tions with Havana on Jan. 3, 1961, Washington might find it possible to end the thorny problem of relations with Havana. Some newsmen in Moscow have even thought that the Soviet Union 'may have suggested such a feeler by Mr. Castro, The Soviet Union has been reported urging Cuba to drop her hostility toward other Western Hemisphere governments and also not to get caught in any more attempts at invasion or guerrilla warfare. ' The reasoning here is that if the " Cuban Ambassador was not putting out a feeler he could have answered the question by saying simply, "There As nothing new on .that matter." A Cuban Foreign Ministry comment, issued after Washington indicated no enthusiasm for the idea; was couched in the tart language characteristic of Foreign Minister, Rani Roa. But it did not actually rule out the idea of nego- tiation. ' If it was a feeler; it would not be the first time that Washington has fumbled in dealing with Cuba. A notable case occurred after a hijacked United States plane landed in Havana on Oct. 29, 1972. It had hardly touched ground before Havana suggested a discussion of means to end the bother- some hijacking business. A few days later another hijacked United States plane, carrying two rap- ists who had escaped from a Tennes- see prison, landed in Havana, adding to its growing problem of playing host to a collection of murderers and other criminals. Apparently still lacking a real response from, Washington, the Castro Government decided to force the State Department's hand. On Nov. .15?seventeen days after its original invitation?the Cuban Gov- ernment jolted the United States with a broadcast announcement,. patently aimed at public opinion and the Con- gress in this country, that Havana was ready to negotiate "without delay." Soon, afterward, an agreement was ne- gtiated and the hijackings from the United States ended. Recently, ? editors of outstanding newspapers in the United States, mem- bers of Congress and others have be- come increasingly vocal in urging an end of the United States boycott. They say that the trade embargo has out- lived any usefulness it may have had and that the United States stand on the sanctions, voted by the Organiza- tion of American States in 1962 and 1964 disturbs inter-American relations. In addition, the United States posi- tion patently forces Havana to remain .38 under Moscow's domination and gives the Soviet Union a splendid geo- graphical base for military,' economic, political and subversive activity in this hemisphere. United States officials concede that Cuba has diminished her subversive activity in Latin America, but say she has not ended it altogether. They say also that the Cuban situation poses no military threat to the United States or to other hemisphere nations?a con- tention that most laymen find hard to believe in the light of Soviet sub- marine, air and ship activities in the Cuban area. It would seem highly ad- vantagous to have relations that would permit much closer scrutiny of mili- tary' and subversive activities in Cuba. One thing bothering Washington is that Latin 'America is divided on the Cuban question. Only three countries, Argentina, Mexico and Peru, have re- lations with Havana, as do four former British colonies, Barbados, 'Guyana, Jamaica and Trinidad-Tobago. The ideal solution for Washington would be for Latin-American nations to get together and make a decision. But some countries are reluctant to' take the risks involved. For these, it mould be much simpler for the United States to stick its neck out" The issue might arise late this, month when foreign ministers of the Americas meet with Secretary of State Kissinger to present their ideas and to hear his about the future of United States-Latin American relations. There would perhaps be much more time for discussion of Cuba at the April meet- ing in Atlanta of the General Assem- bly of the Organization of American States. Ben F. Meyer is a retired Assoctated Press correspondent who has written about Latin America for thirty years. Apftroved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100320004-8