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April 22, 1974
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25X1A ?Approved For Release NEWS, VIEWS VIEWS and ISSUES INTERNAL USE ONLY This publication contains clippings from the domestic and foreign press for YOUR BACKGROUND INFORMATION. Further use of selected items would rarely be advisable. No. 5 GOVERNMENTAL AFFAIRS GENERAL EASTERN EUROPE WESTERN EUROPE NEAR EAST FAR EAST WESTERN HEMISPHERE CONFIDENTIAL 19 APRIL 1974 Destroy after backgrounder has served its purpose or within 60 days. Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 - Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 Govern menta IAffaws TIME. APRI1.22, 1974 WATERGATE A Bipartisan End to Patience The House Judiciary Committee finally lost patience last week with the cavalier and inconclusive White House ? responses to its six-week-old request for ? presidential tape recordings. Acting with impressive bipartisanship after a tense week of backstage maneuvering, the committee voted, 33 to 3, to sub- poena the evidence. In a sense the committee's historic ? action?it was the first resort by the House to a subpoena for evidence from a President in an impeachment inquiry ?was more symbolic than practical. Al- though the committee was on solid legal ground in issuing the subpoena, it has no effective way to enforce it. If Nixon chooses not to honor it fully, the com- mittee can seek a citation against him from the House for contempt of Con- gress. While ordinary citizens can be fin- prisoned for such contempt, the only ef- fective recourse for the House in the case of a President apparently would be to add such defiance as another article of impeachment. For Nixon, however, fail- ure to comply with the subpoena would have far more than symbolic impact; it would virtually confirm that there is in- criminating material in the subpoenaed conversations that he is trying to hide. The Judiciary Committee and Re- publican leaders in both chambers of Congress had worked frantically to avoid this newest constitutional confron- tation spawned by Watergate. After Democrat Peter Rodino, chairman of the committee, set Tuesday, April 9, as the firm deadline for a definitive White House response to its Feb. 25 request for 41 tapes, congressional Republicans repeatedly implored Nixon's chief Wa- tergate counsel, James St. Clair, to re- spond affirmatively and cooperatively. If he did not, they warned, the subpoe- na could not be avoided. As the deadline approached on Tuesday, Dean Burch, Nixon's newest high-level assistant, carried a copy of St. Clair's proposed response to Capitol Hill. There the Senate's top G.O.P. lead- ers, including Hugh Scott, Robert Grif- fin, John Tower, Wallace Bennett, Nor- ris Cotton and William Brock, read it and bluntly told Burch that it was in- adequate. "It won't fly," snapped one of these leaders. "It doesn't go far enough," complained Scott. "You've got to get a line in there on your intent to cooper- ate with the committee." In partial ex- planation, Burch told the Senate Repub- lican leaders that only one White House lawyer, J. Fred Buzhardt, and a secre- tary had been assigned to review the tapes. It took them a full day to tran- ? scribe just one confusing six-minute seg- ment of conversation on one tape, Burch contended. Some of the Senators elig- gested that if that were true, more man- power should be assigned to the task. Burch relayed the senatorial complaints to the White House. Insulting Letter. St. Clair then re- 4rafted his letter, which was sent to ouse Judiciary ed Committee Counsel John Doar. Couch in condescending terms, it asked for two more weeks to "review" the requested rolarpiptiwod F ? Clair said he "was pleased" with Doar for a letter on April 4 clarifying the ev- idence sought. St. Clair wrote that this "goes a long way toward providing the additional specifications we felt were lacking in your original request." He said, "The additional material furnished ' will permit the committee to complete its inquiry promptly," after this week's congressional Faster recess. He did not say what that "material" would be. Nix- on thus was reserving to himself the de, cision on what he finally would yield. St. Clair also seemed to link any further fur- nishing of evidence with his request that he be permitted to take part in the com- mittee's impeachment deliberations. Democratic members of the com- mittee considered the letter insulting, but most kept silent and let the Repub- licans complain. "It was offensive to the House," protested Edward Hutchinson, the committee's ranking Republican. "If this is a ruse to prevent us from getting what we asked for, I don't want to fall for it," added Robert McClory, one of Nixon's staunchest backers on the com- mittee. "The letter," conceded House Republican Leader John Rhodes in un- derstatement, "left a great deal to be desired." Rhodes and other Republicans phoned St. Clair to tell him that a sub- poena was imminent unless he gave more ground. Rodino, for his part, knew he had a majority in favor of issuing a subpoena. But he did not want the vote to be along party lines. He was also aware of three continuing sources of Re- publican dissatisfaction with his han- dling of the committee so far: 1) he had prevented any vote on whether St. Clair should represent the President during committee proceedings; 2) he had simi- larly postponed any decision on the pro- cedures the committee would follow as evidence on the President's conduct was considered; 3) he had not yet permitted a narrowing of the committee's inquiry, which included 56 areas of possible Nix- on misconduct. Republicans were chaf- ing under this Rodino rule. Rodino then moved adroitly to elim- inate these sources of partisan tension. He announced that he would convene the committee in the first week after the Easter recess to "decide on whether and how the issues can be narrowed." He and the committee Democrats caucused and agreed that St. Clair would be per- mitted to sit in on the presentation of ev- idence. Rodino said he would also con- vene the committee in the second week after the recess to "adopt rules to govern its procedures during the evidentiary hearings." A partisan split threatened again, however, when St. Clair made a desper- ate last-minute attempt to arrange a deal with the committee. At 9:57 a.m., just 33 , minutes before the committee was to consider the subpoena issue, St. Clair telephoned Doar. The review of the tapes, he now revealed, could be com- pleted in "a day or two:: after all, and he would then "try" to provide the tapes specified in the first I if siAncut,77-0 tieV 1 Clair asked: Wouldn't that make a sub- poena unnek:essary? Replied Dear: "I cannot sp,;.ik for the committee." When the committee met, Doar re- lated St. Clair's offer. Massachusetts Democrat Harold Donohue neverthe- less quickly offered a motion to subpoe- na all of the requested tapes by April 25. That is three days after the . end of the Easter recess, and it more than met St. Clair's original request for added time to review. Donohue then moved that debate on his motion be lim- ited to a half-hour (less than a minute for each of the 38 members). That set off Republican complaints. Dilatory. Tactics. With partisan passions rising, Dear was asked his opin- ion on whether St. Clair's belated offer was acceptable. "My recommendation," he replied in his flat, unemotional man- ner, "is that the committee issue the sub- poena for all six items today." Doar's patience and fairness in the inquiry so far has won respect among Republicans. Sonic then backed his view. Republicans Hamilton Fish Jr. and Lawrence Ho- gan complained about the "dilatory tac- tics" of St. Clair. Republican David Dennis nonetheless asked to subpoena only the first four items. Republican Delbert Latta, a Nixon loyalist, offered a motion that the subpoena be perfect- ed by making the last two items more precise, apparently an attempt to delay a subpoena vote. Too Equivocal. Reacting cannily and quickly, Chairman Rodino saw a chance to diffuse the emotions. He asked Latta if he had any proposed clarifying language in writing. Caught short, Lat- ta said it would require some time to pre- pare. Rodino suggested that the com- mittee should recess until afternoon, which would also, afford time for more extended debate. During the lunch hour, Latta searched for the ,proper wording for his amendment, finally adopted the language of a Doar memo explaining the last two items. Rodino gladly accepted it, declaring: "I'm not seeking a confron- tation. I'm seeking evidence." ? When the committee reconvened, Latta introduced his amendment, and it carried unanimously. The Republican resistance to subpoenaing all six items had virtually vanished. Robert McClory added a clinching revelation. He told the committee that during the lunch hour he had called St. Clair and asked whether Nixon's lawyer would put his latest offer in writing. St. Clair had re- fused. 1VicClory's patience too thus had expired. "I think the offer is entirely too equivocal," he said of St. Clair's stand. When the roll was called, only three Re- . publicans dissented. Among them was Hutchinson, who explained later "One, the subpoena is unenforceable. Two, they offered to turn over voluntarily the material, and I think in the end would have turned it all over. And three, the subpoena is not returnable until after Easter, and they offered us some ma- terial sooner." All of the subpoenaed evidence re- lates to whether Nixon discouraged efforts to cover up the true origins of the Watergate wiretap-burglary and tried to "get the truth out," as he has sb. *AO/013m whether. he in matconcealment. St. Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 ? Clair apparently was willing to turn over mostof the requested conversations covered by. the committee's first four requests, including talks among Nixon and his firmer aides, H.R. Haldeman, John Ehrlich man and John Dean, be- tween Feb. 20 and March 20, 1973. He did hot, however, agree to yield most of the requested tapes after March 21, when all parties agree that Dean told Nixon about the hush money and other, cover-up activities of the Pres- ident's associates. Two of the subpoe- naed items after that date involve Nix- on's conversations with 1) Ehrlichman and Haldeman between April 14 and April 17, and 2) then Attorney Gen- eral Richard Kleindienst and Henry Petersen, head of the Justice Depart- ment's criminal division, between April 15 and April 18. It was during this pe- riod that the cover-up was unraveling. Opaque Response. The White House response to the subpoena was opaque and critical. Presidential Press Secretary Ronald Ziegler would say only that "additional material" would be sup- plied by the due date of the subpoena and that this "will be comprehensive and conclusive in terms of the Presi- dent's actions." The White House had not been stalling in delivering evidence, he insisted; any delay was due to the Ju- diciary Committee's slowness in getting specific about its requests. The impact of the subpoena is still far from clear. Certainly, it further erod- ed Nixon's standing in Congress, where the Judiciary Committee's careful ap- proach to its unwanted and awesome duty has been well received. The sub- poena will hardly help Nixon's stand- ing in the court of public opinion. A Har- ris poll showed last week that Nixon had gained five points in general approv- al, to 31%; the poll was taken before his huge tax liability was announced. Har- ris also reported that for the first time a plurality of Americans, 43% to 41%, feel that the President should be impeached and removed from office. WALL STREET JO1JENLI..1 ? 8 APR V74 ? Encounter and the CIA Editor, The Wall Street Journal: I have just seen the report in your issue of March 22, according to which I am sup- posed to have referred to the Congress for 1 Cultural Freedom as a CIA front. I said no such thing. A "front" in common political , usage refers to a phony body set up for manipulative purposes. The Congress for :Cultural Freedom was never that, al- though most of its financial support came, as is now well known, from American foundations many of which derived their funds from the CIA. Tho Congress assem- bled writers and intellectuals who repre- sented a wide variety of opinion: liberals, socialists, conservatives. Its resolutions? .whether In the form of protests against cultural censorship, or in aid programs on 1:behalf of refugee intellectuals?were deter- mined ? by, its own disttnguished member. ? As for Encounter Magazine (and also Der Monat in Berlin which.I edited), its poll- ; des?whether under the founders whom you mention, Stephen Spender and Irving Kristol, or subsequently?were always de- !.termined by its editors, and the freedom to choose the articles, stories, and poems which Encounter published was always ab- solute and complete. That was the point of 'cultural freedom. MEnTIN J. LAsiar '/Jondon . . _ TIME, APRIL 22, 1974 Why Those Tapes Were Made Out of Mine own mouth will 1 judge thee. :?Luke 19:22 One of the continuing ironies of Wa- tergate is that Richard Nixon has be- come increasingly entangled in the scan- dal largely through a needless and voluntary creation of his own: his se- cret system for recording nearly_ all of his official conversations. If his clandes- tine tape recorders had not been silent- ly capturing his words and those of his most intimate aides, he probably would not now be in so imminent a danger of impeachment. If he is finally forced out of office, it may well be largely due to those telltale tapes. Nearly forgotten in the endless struggles over access to those recordings is the question: Why did he ever install such a potentially dangerous system in the first place? Men close to Nixon are now in fair- ly full agreement on the basic reasons. Foremost, according to them, was Nix- on's awareness of history and his place in it. Nixon yearned to write one day a definitive work that would be the clas- sic of presidential memoirs. With thou- sands of his conversations in the White House and the Executive Office Build- ing available for precise?if selective ?quotation, he could produce a detailed and colorful narrative far beyond the ca- pability of any of his predecessors. "More than most Presidents," recalls one of his former assistants, "Nixon spent a lot of time poring over what he said and did. It was vital to him to have an accurate record." Adds another aide: "Nixon wants a record of everything." ? The wondrous gadgetry of the sys- tem, with its tiny hidden m;kes, its voice- actuated mechanism that required only a few spoken words to set x ecorder reels twirling in obscure recesses of the E.O.B., fascinated the President, his aides say. Moreover, what assistant could be more efficient than this om- niscient and faithful monitor? Some presidential conversations, especially those with world leaders, were too im- portant to permit misunderstandings. In the first 21/2 years of the Nixon pres- idency, such advisers as Henry Kissin- ger, H.R. Haldeman and John Ehrlich- man laboriously took notes at important meetings. All three soon became much too busy for that; the recording system, installed in the late spring of 1971, was a welcome substitute. But a common-sense question in- trudes: Would Nixon speak in total can- dor, knowing that his words were being preserved on tape? There is every in- .dication that he did. Some investigators . who have heard many of the tapes have said that they were appalled by the de- grading conversation?talk that they did not expect to hear at a presidential level. "I wish I had not heard it," sighed one listener. Part of the offensiveness lies in Nixon's well-known private penchant for locker room language. What is less well known and more bothersome are the bitter and sometimes savage epithets he aims at individuals who have in some way angered or crossed him, and these highly personal comments include flecks ? of anti-Semitism.. Nixon's willingness to permit the re- cording of such language or possibly in- criminatory matbrial can be explained only by the hubris of the presidency, his absolute confidence that the tapes be- longed to him and could never be wrest- ed from him. The existence of the re- corders was originally known only to a, few Secret Service technicians and three trusted aides: Haldeman, Lawrence -- Higby and Alexander Butterfield. It was Butterfield who startlingly revealed the system in response to a throwaway ques- tion from a Senate Watergate-commit- tee staff counsel on July 13. Even then the -I:resident must undoubtedly have felt that he could still protect the tapes with his claims of Executive privilege. Indeed, there had been discussions among those privy to the system about dismantling the recorders as early as six months after the Watergate burglary, and again when the cover-up began to unravel. But nothing was done. "He nev- er in the world thought he would have to give up any of those tapes to any- body," insists one White House source. Again common sense asks why, once the Watergate investigation began, Nix- on did not destroy all of those tapes that even he concedes could be interpreted differently from the way he prefers? This could easily have been done before But- terfield revealed their existence?or even after, up until the time some were subpoenaed. Nixon was certainly under no legal obligation to keep them before they became sought-after evidence. It would have been embarrassing, of course?but not criminal?to have de- stroyed them in this interval. Some former Nixon associates offer a plausible theory to explain why the tapes were kept available in the White House as the Watergate scandal unfold- ed and before the public was aware of the recording setup. If any member of the cover-up conspiracy were to make any false accusations about a talk with the President, Nixon could contend he had taped that conversation because he had felt it was especially important. Then he could produce the tape and de- stroy the credibility of the witness. There is no clear indication yet of how damaging the tapes will prove to be for Nixon. Certainly his general re- luctance to yield them to investigators has created widespread suspicion that they hurt rather than help his cause. So, too, has the report of a group of tech- nical experts that part of one tape was deliberately erased. That conclusion is expected to be confirmed and strength- ened when the panel presents its full sci- entific analysis, probably this week, to Federal Judge John Sirica in Washing- ton. So far, two other tapes have been de- clared to be "nonexistent" by the White.. House. Never adequately explained has - been the fact that Haldeman checked out 22 tapes on April 25, 1973,-returned them the same day, then withdrew them again on April 26 and kept them until May 2. There is, indeed, still much to be explained about those fateful tapes that have contributed so much. to Rich- ard Nixon's difficulties and cbuld even end his political career. .2 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 A Apfiroved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 WASHINGTON STAR 17 April 1974 NIXON'S DILEMMA By Oe: aid Johnston Star-14 as Staff Writer It is gradually being real- ized in the administration and on Capitol Hill that the impact of Watergate on for- eign policy involves a great deal more than the survival of Richard Nixon's presi- dency. The issue far transcends , questions of short-term po- litical expediency ? for in-' stance, the apparent manip- ulation of events that leads the White House to insist upon a June summit meet- ing in Moscow even when it is increasingly evident that. impeachment proceedings in Congress will be ap- proaching the crisg point' about then. , More to. the point, it is a question of whether the Nixon administration can. continue to carry out its responsibility to conduct a foreign policy on behalf of the United States under cir- cumstances such as it finds itself in today. In the administration it- . self, where a solid chorus of official voices for months, has insisted that Watergate and foreign policy have nothing to do with one an- other, some discords can now be heard. Several weeks ago, a high-ranking official close to the ongoing strategic ? armS negotiations with the Soviets was confiding to associates his fear that the impeachment proceedings had infected a new uncer- tainty into the SALT nego- tiations. The Soviets, this official concluded, are de- termined to stall on the is-, sue until the impeachment' question is resolved. SECRETARY OF State, Henry A. Kissinger is stick- ing close to the official line in public, but his denials that foreign policy has been affected by Watergate have become less sweeping of late. The President, Kissin- ger told 'a group of report- ers at the White House ?illy last week, "does not con- duct himself as if he were in a position of weakness." Kissinger was addressing reporters in an effort to clarify his earlier admis- , sion, which he did note- , tract, that a comprehencMieor !ley Fears-.E.:se - detente policies are meeting resistance from a disparate coalition of conservatives, cold warriors, trade protec- tionists and liberals whci abhor Soviet repression of? Jews and intellectuals. Some are hard-core adver- saries of Nixon, others down-the-line Nixon loyal- ists. Most deeply distrust the role of Kissinger. Interpretation SALT agreement is unlikely this year ? so the net effect of his remarks was nega- tive. There is, further, growing evidence that Kissinger is deeply worried by the im- pact of the coming impeach- ,ment crisis on the basic pol- icy issues dividing the Unit-- ' ed States and the Soviet Union: In addition to SALT, these include the controver- sial trade package, the ? troop reduction and East-. ,'West security talks in Eu- rope and the Middle East. ' A congressional, critic of. , administration detente poli- ;cies summed it up in a sar-- ?donic aphorism recently: ? "Kissinger's current line is to blame Watergate for the fact that the Russians are ' behaving like Russians." ,. In a more friendly setting, the Senate Foreign Rela- tions Committee, Kissinger is understood to have ex- plored the problems at length last week. During an ' extended closed-door brief- ing, Kissinger reportedly gave the committee a som- ? ber account of his recent trip to Moscow and im- 'pressed on the members the urgency, in his view, of a SALT agreement in the next two or three years. In the discussion, the growing weight of impeach- ment as a factor in U.S.- Soviet relations was a re- curring subject, sources reported afterwards. One source ,close to the commit- tee remarked that Kissin- ger's failure in Moscow to achieve the "conceptual breakthrough" toward a SALT agreement, which he had forecast earlier, was confirmation that the Rus- sians have decided to mark time on arms negotiations. until the fate of Nixon's presidency is known. TO THIS TURMOIL with- in the administration's own' policy-making apparatus must be added the growing determination of Congress to exert its influence on for- eign affairs, an influence that is increasingly weighty, as,the executive appears to weaken. Opposing them are liber- als and centrists who be- lieve relaxation of tension with the Soviets is a basic necessity for survival and who fear a renewal of the Cold War would be inevita- ble if the Nixon-Kissinger detente policies are torpe- doed. Their best hope/ ac- cordingly, is a continuance of Kissinger's role as mas- ter of U.S. foreign policy, no matter what happens to Nixon., These opposing currents are still ill-defined and have not crystallized into coher- ent political movements. i But t is not too much of an oversimplification to say that Seh. Henry M. Jack- son, D-Wash., has clearly 'emerged as the leader of the first group, and that Sen. Edward M. Kennedy D-Mass., is moving into a position of prominence in the second. Running through this complex tangle ,of political notives, national security interests and personal am- bitions are three basic themes, layered one upon another and in some degree influencing every current estimate of the nation's re- lationship with the rest of, the world at a time of do- mestic turbulence and un- certainty: ? Nixon's motives. Will a president weakened by Watergate and facing a So- viet leadership that senses an historic opportunity for nuclear dominance, yield too much on SALT in order to preserve his popular image as a peacemaker? , Conversely, will Nixon, realizing he must rely on a nucleus of 34 hard-line con- servatives to escape convic- tion in an impeachment trial, revert to his Cold War persona of the 1950s as a man who "stands up to the But in Congress, also, Russians" and undercut his there are conflicting cur-own &qua,. policies? crectLFOreFtelatinistddiM8/08 TICIA-RD P77-00432 RO 0 S1 ? ? Soviet motives. Are the Soviets merely temperizing when they stall on SALT negotiations, or was the apparent bargaining rever- sal during Kissinger's re- cent Moscow trip a prelude to a new hard-line push' against a weakened U.S. leadership? Despite Pravda editorials denouncing Nixon's critics, does the Kremlin see the Nixon presidency near an end and are they preparing for President Ford? Will they try to do a deal now to forestall the emergence of Jackson as the Democratic candidate in 1976? Will their encouragement of Kenne- dy's still undefined presi- dential ambitions go beyond the current invitation to the reluctant Democratic front- runner to visit Moscow this month? ? Kissinger's motives. Under this heading come the substantive criticisms of administration foreign poli- cy, especially Kissinger's efforts to recast U.S. rela- tions with allies and adver- saries alike in terms of achievable national inter- ests rather than ideologies and mdralities. The ques- tions here are posed by both Nixon loyalists and Nixon opponents, who alike can be counted on to use the Presi- dent's difficulties against policies they dislike, aiming at Nixon's weakness when their real target is Kissin- ger. One of the most cogent and, in its way, most sym- pathetic assessments of Nixon's foreign policy ma tives came recently from an unlikely source: Rep. Les Aspin, a liberal Democrat from Wisconsin whose views on foreign and de- fense policies are usually tinged with the academic- intellectual' liberal ortho- doxy Nixonn personally abhors. ?' ASPIN, URGING on his colleagues a sense-of-con- gress resolution to keep Nixon away from summitry and out of vital foreign poli- cy negotiations so long as the impeachment issue is unresolved, presented this analysis: "A FAKE CRISIS is bad 00880008,411 there's some- Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 thing worse ? and that's a real one. What happens dur- ing aniimpeachment trial if we really do have a confron- tation\lwith the Soviet Un- ion, Old when Mr. Nixon announces it to the nation, everyone thinks he's just playing politics? If this happens, there would clear- ly be a\ temptation for the other side to raise the stakes, perhaps even to the point of creating a genuine nuclear showdown." Paradoxically, one of Nixon's theoretical defend- ers on this point is Kennedy, who is beginning to assert a more high-profile image on foreign policy questions than he has up to now. Some political commenta- tors are already suggesting Kennedy is preparing his ground for a concerted chal- lenge to Jackson's presiden- tial hopes as a harbinger of a renewed great-power ri- valry with th Russians after Nixon's detente policies col- lapse with his shattered presidency. Accordingly, Kennedy in an interview on the eve of his current extended trip to 'Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union brushed' aside any suggestion that a well negotiated SALT agreement would suffer from Nixon's own political misfortunes. It would be a "catastroph- ic mistake",for Nixon to try to ease the pressure of Wa., tergate by negotiating a "bad treaty" ? 'it wouldn't pass" when submitted to Senate ratification, Kenne- dy warned. But, he added, "there would be overwhelming support for a good treaty, even if impeachment pro- ceedings are well-ad- vanced. Much harder on Nixon is Sen. James Buckley, the New York conservative who was counted a staunch Nix- on loyalist until his 'unex- pected call a month ago for the President to resign be- fore an impeachment pro- ceeding cripples the coun- try. "I STRONGLY recom- mend against a presidential visit to Moscow while im- peachment proceedings are under way, Buckley said in a formal statement a week ago. Explaining after- ward, Buckley stressed that he was passing no judgment on Nixon's possible motiva- tions under the stress of an \ impeachment proceeding, such as Aspin sought to put forward. Rather, he was worried about the appearance of a weakened President in NEW YORK TIMES REPORT,13 April1974 RUSSIANS IMPEACHMENT MD Press Mentions Anti-Nixon Moves in Congress for First Time in Months , Shedd to The New Yorlt Timer MOSCOW, April 12?The So- 'vie t press, in a new sign of uneasiness over President Nix- on's future, reported today for the first time in months on Congressional moves for im- peachment. \ ' The mere mention of the is- sue, which had not been raised explicitly since November, was regarded as an indicator that Moscow was taking the pros- pects of impeachment much more seriously than before and was concerned about repercus- sions on Soviet-American rela- tions. The news appeared as Amer-- Can officials disclosed that the Soviet leadership had privately expressed serious worry in the last few days over the pros- pects for American trade credits. ? Pessimistic on Tariffs Belatedly recognizing Mr. Nixon's lack of influence with Congress on the trade bill, the Soviet leader, Leooid I. Brezh- nev,, and other high offiicals were pictured this week as being somewhat reconciled to not receiving reduced tariffs. But in talks with Secretary of Commerce Frederick B. Dent earlier this week, the Soviet head-to-head neogitatioii with the Soviets, and 'how this would -seem to U.S. al- lies in Western urope. Buckley's basic assump- tion ? that the Soviets have decided on a harder line as a result of Nixon's troubles ? is widely held among those who hold detente poli- cies suspect, but it is echoed also by those who see in the administration's foreign policies its only claim for distinction. The recurrent theme here is that if the soviets are not actually pressing an imagined bargaining advan- tage against a weakened president, they are at least stalling until the -crisis is over. ? 'ACCORDINGLY, that note of caution underscored 1/4last week's unusual mes- sage of confidency to Kis- singer from a bipartisan group of senators ? includ- ing majority leader Mike Mansfield, minority leader Hugh Scott, Charles McC, Mathias, R-Md., and Walter F. Mondale, 137Minn. ? leaders were said to have been disturbed at the prospect that Congress might block further credits from the Export-Import tank. In general, influential Soviet circles have lately displayed in one way or another increasing concern over Mr. Nixon'e domestic difficulties and their likely impact. on Soviet-Ameri- can relations. Kissinger Statement Worrisome Secretary of State Kissinger's statement discounting the like- lihood of a majer agreement on strategic arms during President Nixon's scheduled June visit is .also likely to bother Moscow, which has been taking a more optimistic line. In a move that suggested that Moscow was more anxious than before to maintain contact with the Democratic opposition, usually well-informed sources said that Senator Edward M. Kennedy would probably be re- ceived by Mr. Brezhnev and other high officials here next week. Nonetheless, some segments of the Soviet press, displaying obvious sympathy for Mr. Nix- on, have been quite shrill lately In chiding his domestic critics. Izvestia, the Government newspaper, reported last Friday that the President had been re- quired to pay $432,787 in back taxes. It charged that the mat- ter was being thcploited by politicians and publications hos- tile to the President, who were conducting campaigns against him. Impeachment Hearings Noted . Today's report, in the foreign-affairs weekly Novoye Vremya was the first, however, to link "th4 income-tax scan- dal" to pressures for impeach- ment?a topic not dealt with so :directly in the Soviet press since November. Without explaining what im- peachment is, the 'magazine reported that the House Judi- ciary Committee was expected to start hearings on April 22 or 23 to determine whether sufficient grounds existed for Impeachment. It said that the hearings would last until mid-June, 'before the scheduled date of Mr. Nixon's visit. The magazine concluded by quoting Vice President Ford as having said at a press confer- ence that he did not see any constitutional basis for im- peachment of Mr. Nixon. Another foreign-policy week- 13r charged that the President's /domestic critics were trying to cripple his negotiating power with the Soviet Union with the aim of "putting a mine under future Soviet-American nego- tiations." The weekly, Za Rubezhom, directed its attack mainly at -Representative Les Aspin, a Wisconsin Democrat, for hav- ing proposed legislation that would bar. Mr. Nixon from reaching agreements that did not automatically require Con- gressional approval. 4 NEW YORK. TIMES 16 April 1974 Nixon's Difficulties Likened in Moscow To Lincoln Murder By. CHRISTOPHER S. WREN Special to The New York Times MOSCOW, April 15?A Corn- manist youth newspaper here has drawn what appears to be a :?veiled parallel between the assassination of Abriham Lin- coln and what it described as a press campaign against Pres- ident Nixon. Both the 1865 murder of Lin- coln and press hostility toward Mr. Nixon were designed to elijninate political opponents from the American scene and thhs change the course of his- tory, the newspaper, Kom- somolskaya Pravda, seemed to suggest yesterday in commem- orating the 109th anniversary or Lincoln's assassination. Contending that the ?event was reflected in "current po- litical life in the United States," the organ of the Young Com- munist League said the assas- sination represented "almost the first major act of violent interference by reactionaries with the- historical course of the American people." Komsomolskaya Pravda did not mention Mr. Nixon by name. But in several references it 'implied that his domestic problems .were similar to those that had contributed to Mr. Lincoln's death. The most prbminent mentioned was hos- tility of the American press toivard President Nixon. The controlled Soviet press hal generally avoided mention of :the Watergate affair in de- ference to Mr. Nixon's Rapport wi h the Kremlin leadership. omsovolskaya Pravda ob. served that "in the arsenal of re,ection, the bullet of the hired or fanatical killer is the ex- treme but not the only means of eliminating poltical oppo- nants from the scene." 'It said that the American press had set the stage for Lin- coin's assassination by being "especially zealous" in attack- ing him. "Again and again reaction- aries have repeated their des- perate gamble in the belief that, having eliminated a president (by whatever means) whose policy did not suit them, they would be able to turn back the course of history," KoM- sovolskaya Pravda said. It recalled that Lincoln, be- fore he was killed, had tried to improve relations between the United States and Russia. Approved For Release 2001/0818-: CIA4ZDP77-00432R006100330008-3 ? Arikiroved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R0001,003300'08-3 NEW YORK TIMES 15 April 1974 Cuts That C.I.A. Sought. in Book Touch on Official Slips By ERIC PACE The C.I.A. tried to censor from 't a forthcoming book about*,the agency slips of the tongue\ by the then Vice Presi- dent Agnew and the then CIA. chief, Richard M. Helms, that sAmed to betray ignor- ance of foreign affairs, a New York publisher has disclosed. The Central Intelligence Agency demanded last year that 339 passages be cut from the book, "The C.I.A. and the Cult of 'Intelligence," written by Victor Marchetti, a former C.I.A. employe, and John Marks, a former State Depart- ment employe. But a Federal judge has ruled that the pub- lisher, Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., can bring it out with only 27 cuts despite the government's contention that publication would injure the national de- fense. As disclosed by Knopf, though, some of the other, ear- lier cuts that were demanded seem merely embarrassing to the agency or to the Adminis- tration, such as this description of a Cabinet-level meeting at- tended by President Nixon: "Vice President Spiro Ag- new gave an Impassioned speech on how the .South Af- rican, pow that they had re- cently declared their indepen- dence, were not about to be pushed around, and he went on to compare South Africa to the United States in its in- fant days. Finally, the Presi- TIME 22 APR 1974 ESPIONAGE dent leaned over to Agnew and said gently, 'You mean Rhodesia,- don't you, Ted?" Another deleted passage which referred to Mr. Helms at a National Security Council meeting in. 1969, went as 'fol- lows: . "His otherwise .flawless per- formance was marred only by his mispronounciation of 'Mala- gasy' (formerly ? Madagascar) when referring, to the young republic." The C.I.A.'s blue pencil also affected disclosures in the book that are reported in the current issue of Time magazine; and were characterized as, "doubt- less authentic" by an intelli- gence expert in Washington yesterday: Time says the book recounts tin the ninteen-sixties the agen- cy helped the Government of 'President Fernando Belaunde Terry of Peru to crush a local insurgent movement by build- ing a jungle military installa- tion and recruiting an anti- guerrilla unit. The book also reports that the agency learned of an air- plane-hijacking by Brazilian ra- dicals?but let the hijacking take place so as not to betray its knowledge Of Brazilian guer- rillas', activities, the magazine 1;says. Reference to Vietnam Group ? The original deletions that werb reported by Knopf Includ- ed a passage that has to do with, equipment used by mem- Trying to Expose the CIA The controversy is not a cause c?bre of the proportions of the Pen- tagon papers, but for two years the Cen- tral Intelligence Agency has employed its wits, wiles and considerable manpow- er in an effort to stop publication of large chunks of a book called The CIA and the Cult of Intelligence. The agency has fought so hard because the book's prin- cipal author, Victor Marchetti, 44, was a CIA officer with access to much secret material and a zeal to reveal it. Although its reliability will be questioned, the book is the most detailed expos6 of CIA tac- tics to date and is bound to pose em- barrassing questions about the aims and activities of American espionage. The book is still involved in a legal tangle. The CIA is contending that, as the result of a contract that every CIA employee signs. Marchetti has no right to publish any material that the agency deems. classified. Nonetheless the bOok ; will be published this June?in a most unusual form. Blank spaces will appear where 168 passages have been deleted at C/A insistence, and the courts have not yet finally resolved whether or not the missing material deserves national- security classification. A larger number of portions initially ueleted by the agen- cy and then reluctantly restored by iL CIA helped Peru to quash an indigenous other hidden source of funds is the Approved For Release 2001/g8/08 : CIA-RDP77-004811R900100286008i8America: ;h. bers of an ethnic group in Viet- nam, the Nungs, who were hired by the C.I.A. and sent on forays along the Ho Chi Minh trail. The passage says: "Since most of the Nungs were illiterate and had great difficulty in sending back quick, accurate reports of what, they saw, the C.I.A. technicians de, veloped a special kind of radio transmitter for their use. ' "Each transmitter had a set 'of buttons corresponding to pic- tures of a tank, a truck, an artillery ,piece or some other military-related object. ?Whea the Nung trail-watcher sawi a Vietcong convoy, he , would push the appropriate button as many times as he counted such objects go by him. Each push sent a specially coded impulse back to a base camp which could in this way kepi) a running account of sup- ply movements on the trail. In some instances, the signals would be recorded by observa- tion planes that would relay the information to attack air ,craft for immediate bombing raids on the trail." Several other of the original cuts, as reported by Knopf, in- volved assertions that the C.! A. had sent "special operations" personnel to Bolivia "to assiSt Ilocal forces in dealing With the rebel movement." The beok also reports that a C.I.A. opera- tive tried in vain, 'to prevent the Bolivian authorities from having Ernesto Che, the rebel will be included; they will be printed in boldface type so that a reader can read- ily identify those tales, statistics and names that the CIA would just as soon not have had made public. Some of the boldface incidents have appeared in print before or were gen- erally known: the agency's loan of V-26 bombers and CIA pilots for the uprising against Indonesian President Sukarno in the late 1950s, the drifting of balloons laden with propaganda over mainland China during the Cultural Revolution, the training of the Dalai Lama's moun- taineer troops when they were driven out of Tibet in 1959 by the Chinese Com- munists. But often the book adds fresh detail. For example, in tine of their pe- riodic raids on their homeland, the hardy Tibetans helped resolve a debate that had been going on CIA headquar- ters in Washington: they captured doc- uments showing that Mao Tse-tung's Great Leap Forward had been a flop. Other episodes in the book are set down for the first titne, and some of them will provide fuel for critics of the agen- cy and perhaps trigger unpleasant ca- bles to Henry Kissinger from foreign capitals. A likely instance is the book's recounting of how in the mid-1960s the leader, executed. 'Another of the cuts involved a passage describing agency- Organized "guerrilla . raids against North Vietnam, with special emphasis on intrusions by sea-borne commando groups"?although that at pect of the agency's operations had been disclosed before., ? Also deleted' was part of a passage saying the Federal Bur- eau of Investigation practiced wiretapping against numerous foreign embassies in Washing- ton "in cooperation with the Chesapeake and P,etomac Tele- phone Company (a Bell subsi- diary)." ' Commenting on the dele- tions, a Knopf senior editor, Charles ;Elliott, 'said in an in- terview that some of them had been frivolous, and he observed, "Some things were talien out Isimply to protect the C.I.A." Knopf, the co-authors and the Government have all filed 'notices of appeal since the' March ruling that reduced the cuts to 27. The Government, under pressure from opposing lawyers, had previously reduced' its original list of 339 pas- sages by half that /number? including the ones now dis,. closed. ' The legal 'status of the re- maining delations is unclear, pending' further legal action, and Knopf fears that lack of time will require that these passages be left out of-the first' edition of the book, which Is to come out in June. ' guerrilla movement. At. the request of the government, heade.c1 by Fernando Belaunde Terry, the agency erected a miniature Fort Bragg in the heart of the Peruvian jungle and recruited a crack counterinsurgency team, which made short work of the guerrillas. Another -.- passage reports that in1969 the agency learned of a scheme by radicals to hi- jack a Brazilian airliner. The CIA kept the news to itself for fear that it would expose the agency's penetration of Bra- zilian Guerrilla Leader Carlos Mari- ghella's band and thus jeopardize a plan to capture him. The plane was hijacked on schedule--and Marighella was trapped on schedule. Secret War. The book reports that contrary to the general impression, the CIA devotes about two-thirds of its annu- al budget of some $750 million to covert operations and only 10% to intelligence gathering. The $750 million, moreover, is merely part of the money spent on the CIA. The Pentagon contributes hundreds of millions of dollars for technical proj- ects that do not show up in the CIA bud- get. The Air Force, for example, funds the overhead-reconnaissance program ?mostly spy satellites?for the entire U.S. intelligence community. Though the CIA conducted a secret war in Laos for more than a decade, the bulk of the $500 million spent each year was stip- plied by the Defense Department. 4a- Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 Asia and others?which gen- erate tens of millions of dol- lars every year by providing charter service for Govern- ment agencies. For anyone not privy to the CIA'S files, it is difficult to judge just how accurate the book is. The original manu- script was censored under the guidance of four CIA deputy directors. The CIA refuses to attest to or deny any portion of the book, and the court rec- ord is mixed on the point. During the long court battle. one of the deputy directors, , William E. Nelson, deposed I that he had not deleted any material on grounds of inac- curacy because "untrue [ma- terial] per se isn't classified." Yet another deputy director argued the opposite, claiming that false material could be classified and that there were errors in some portions that he censored. Says a high-ranking agency official: "Some of the book is true, some of it is slightly wrong, and a lot of it is totally wrong. Marchetti has strung a few facts togeth- er and done a lot of hypothesizing." The authors, to put it mildly, are not sympathetic to the CIA. Marchetti, who is responsible for most of the book, and Co-Author John Marks, 31, a former Foreign Service officer, believe that the agency should not intervene in other na- tions' affairs in any circumstances. Pointing out the inefficiency of many ,CIA missions, the authors would restrict _ ; the agency to intelligence gathering and , strip it of all its covert operations. That I argument is sure to be aired fully once ' the book is published; for now, the CIA 'is arguing that the book is dangerous on narrower if no less vital grounds. It fears that the book will expose secret op- erations and covers, jeopardize if not eliminate relations with foreign secret ' services, and encourage other disgrun- tled employees to spill what they know or claim to know about the agency. The ' conflict is yet another example of the public's "right to know" v. the national interest; there is no easy answer. For most of his 14 years with the 'CIA, Marchetti was a bright young agent on the way up. After serving with U.S. Army intelligence in West Germany during the early '50s, he returned to Penn State to major in Soviet studies. Be- cause of his background, he was recruit- ed for the CIA. He spent a year in train- ing in covert operations, then became a an intelligence analyst, concentrating , largely on Soviet military matters. In 11968, he was named executive assistant , to the agency's deputy director, Admi- ral Rufus Taylor. If he seemed to be something of a Boy Scout to his col- leagues, it was appropriate that Scouts first caused him to have misgivings about his employment. Sour Belly. While he was working with community organizations, he re- calls, "Eagle Scouts came around with their lohg hair telling me they were not going to Viet Nam. I had a hard time ar- guing with them. It seemed to me that the world was changing quite a bit, and neither the CIA nor the Government was changing along with it." Disillusioned, he quit the CIA in 1969, but stayed quiet. "I didn't feel free to speak at the time," he says. "I was too well trained." Instead, he wrote a veiled expos?a novel called The Rope- Dancer, in which the head of an Amer- ican intelligence agency turns out to be working for the Russians. The book was not widely noticed, but the agency com- municated its displeasure to the author. Undeterred, Marchetti decided in the spring of 1972 to tell all?or almost all. An enterprising literary agent, David Obst, who is also the agent for Water- gate reporters Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein (see THE PRESS) and Daniel- Ellsberg, held an auction for the rights to Marchetti's book. Alfred A. Knopf Inc. was the winner. One of the losers leaked the outline to the CIA, which con sidcred Marchetti to be a turncoat who had developed a "sour belly" over U.S. intervention in Southeast Asia. A month later, two federal agents, whom Marchetti dubbed Marshal Dil Ion and. Chester, appeared at his door with a temporary restraining order for- bidding him to show the manuscript to the publisher until the CIA had exam- ined it. The agency based its position on the contract restricting present or past employees from revealing anything about agency operations without first getting its consent. Marchetti phoned the American Civil Liberties Union, which went to trial on his behalf. It ar- gued that the CIA was exercising prior restraint?preventing publication?and thereby violating the First Amendment. But the U.S. District Court Judge Al- bert V. Bryan Jr. ruled that the First Amendment did not apply in the case of contractual obligations. Marchetti lost on appeal, and the U.S. Supreme Court declined to hear the case. Almost ready to, abandon his proj- ect, Marchetti met John Marks, who was WASHINGTON POST 5 April 1974 Judge Stays Ruling on -CIA Book U.S. District Court Judge 'Albert V. Bryan yesterday granted a stay of his ruling al. lowing a controversial book about the Central Intelligence Agency to be published. The stay will give attorneys for the government time to ap- peal to the Fourth Circuit [Court of Appeals in Rich. Approved I working as an aide to Senator Clifford ! Case. Together, Marchetti and Marks ; revised the manuscript, with Marks con- tributing a section on relations between the presf and the CIA. They submitted the man ' script to the agency in August i ' 1973. It ,as returned with 339 deletions indicate,, Some of the excisions were baffling Nat. perhaps _simply inexpertly done. Chapter 2, for example, begins with a deleted remark by Henry Kis- singer. Yet another passage makes clear that he was discussing, a CIA project to prevent the 1970 election of Chilean President Salvador Allende Gossens, Last October the authors and Knopf joined as co-plaintiffs in a suit against the Cm They charged that most of the dele'_?:.d material in the manuscript had never been formally classified and was actually in the public domain. By the 'time the trial began in February, CIA of- ficials had reinstated the numerous seg- ments that will appear in boldface. But the CIA continued to argue that what- ever it said was classified had to be con- sidered classified. Judge Bryan objected; he ruled in favor of restoring most of the remaining etas of material that had not been properly classified. The CIA is appealing his decision, and so are the au- thors and Knopf, which anticipates that its legal fees will be between S.50,000 and $100,000. In the meantime, the book will be published with 168 deletions, which present something of a structural prob- lem for Knopf Editor Charles Elliott. He is puzzling over how to make a page break where there is a blank space. At one point, a footnote refers to a deleted ? passage. "We don't know where to put the asterisk," he says. Quiet Offices. To the degree the book is accurate, it illuminates more than any previous expos?he fundamen- tal dilemma of using covert activity as a tool in foreign policy, of a secret agency operating in an open society. flow are the two to be reconciled? If the CIA is to be held accountable, are the present watchdog functions of congressional committees adequate? In a world of ever-shifting political currents that still present threats to American interests, can the nation conduct its foreign policy in a perfectly open manner without re- 'sorting to covert operations? Particular- ly in a dangerous world where other powers employ covert means to achieve their global aims? The book will sharp- en that debate. And it is sure to be must reading in some quiet offices all around the world. mond. The government had chal- lenged the book, asking that hundreds of paragraphs be de- leted because they endangered national security. After Wil- liam Colby, CIA director, testi- fied 'to that effect, Judge Bryan ordered that the CIA cutbacks should be limited to a handful, and that, the book may be published. ' The book is by Victor Mar- chetti and John D. Marks, for- mer CIA employees. The case is considered a test of.how far Ithe government can go in the area of prior restraint on pub- lishing in such cases. i For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 6 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3. HUMAN EVaiTS 6 APR 1974 Media Harms U.S,-,Security Operations Rep. ',John Ashbrook (R.-Ohio), the ranking' minority. member of the !louse Committee on in- ternal Security, has charged that "advocacy journalism" is 'playing a major role in doing serious injury to Amer- ica's intelligence gathering and its internal security op- erations. We are weaker in this field "than ever before in our history," says Ashbrook. "When an American journal- ist revealed, as did Jack An- derson," said Ashbrook last rr.7"..r.t 1 I ASHBROOK week, "that the CIA was listening to the telephones in Soviet officials' cars, that operation had to be discontinued. We now have less information about Soviet plans for ? alzr?miice.:- irt:t7.T 7.1T jr :'7.t-1:7 ?Vall"hre 4:::) 1 71F4. ZAIT -rni)it4g.) -ptrson nil. even though these groups encourage -desertions and at- tempts to murder officers?fragging." The investiga- tion, said Ashbrook, "was canceled after the cover on the operation was blown by an 'advocacy journal- ist.' " ? ? Media pressures, argued Ashbrook, have had a baleful influenee, over our internal security Opera- tions as well. "The Subversive Activities Control ' Board, which had the responsibility of holding hear- ings on and citing Communist fronts, has been abolished.... "The Internal Security Division or the Depart- ment of Justice has been reduced to .a section of the Criminal Division. Police departments throughout the country that hate done -valuable work in watching the violence-prone radicals have cut hack on their operations and in many cases have closed down their intelligence units." These cutbacks, charged Ashbrdok, "have often ' resulted from journalistic attacks which panicked ! timid city fathers. Or as in New York, where (Mayor , John] Lindsay used it as an excuse for wholesale I destruction of valuable files on violent organizations.: "The Army has stopped 'watching civilians. The Pentagon brass retreated when their surveillance of! ; subversives was attacked by the Senate Subcommit- tee on Constitutional Rights, chaired by Sen. Sam ' Ervin, and the hysterical elements in the press." Army surveillance, Ashbrook asserted, had proved WASHINGTON STAR 15 April 1974 Downey 'Pretty Content' 'invaluable in gathering critical facts on subversives and potential rioters and in keeping police and na- tional guard units well informcdt But a star witness for the Ervin committee "and a hpro to the press was ? John M. 'O'Brien, a former military intelligence _agent who alleged that the military had engaged in 'widespread surveillance of innocent civilian activity and. had used illegal methods to accomplish this." Yet the first opportunity anyone had to cross- examine O'Brien, said Ashbrook, suggested that he was less than a totally reliable witness. After he testified for the defense last November in the "Chicago 7" contempt case, Federal Judge Edward T. dignoux-concluded that "Mr. O'B-rten's testimony was flatly repudiated in all presently sig- nificant aspects.... The Court rejects as utterly in- credible the testimony of Mr. O'Brien." Just how far the military has retreated in the face of media pressure, said Ashbrook, was revealed in November 1971 when Rowland A. Morrow. the di- rector of the Defense Investigation Program Office, teed iiex:cu.:J:7c ssi(zrr ter? P: :use Ccrn- 77::!:-.. et :J.: : v :rTs -Tat: T.7. : ? . a su.bversives, ever) fjCS on those who have been active in subverting the military. Morrow admitted, said Ashbrook, that we have reached the point where d member of the Armed Forces who leaves a military post to attend a sub- versive meeting cannot be observed by military in- , telligence. ? "As you know," said Ashbrook, "the Federal Bureau of Investigation has the primary responsibil- ity in the investigation of subversive activities. In the past, this work has been enhanced by the activi- ties of military intelligence, local police departments and congressional committees. Now, even the FBI's! responsibility to do this important work is under attack. "All security conscious people breathed a sigh of relief when William Ruckelshaus was forced out of the Justice Department. On Sept. 13, 1973, during his confirmation hearing to be Deputy Attorney' General, Ruckelshaus twice referred to his plan to separate intelligence-gathering from the law enforcement functions of the FBI.' Translated from 'government gobbledygook into English, this means getting the FBI out of the field of investigating subversion." ? But* Ashbrook implied that such disastrous schemes are frequently promoted by the media. In the Ohioan's view, then, the media deserves no small share of the blame for the increasing weakness of America's internal security apparatus. John T. Downey, who spent 21 years in a, Chinese prison camp on espionage charges, says he is "pretty content-wit my life now" as a stu- dent at Harvard Law School and he plans to be- come a small town lawyer. Downey, 43, along ' with Richard Fecteau of Lynn, Mass. was shot down in a plane over China during p spy mission in November 1952. He was released in March 1973 at the request of President Nixon. 'Downey was A p p ro velitEariEtekdastft (131111410 ttorNiA-RD P 77-00432 R00010 a 30008-3 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000109330008-3 RADIO TV REPORTS, INC. 4435 WISCONSIN AVE. N.W.. WASHINGTON. O. C. 20016. 244-3540 /71,0GRAM Eyewitness News STATioN WTQP TV DTE April 2, 1974 5:30 PM CITY Washington, D.C. , AN INTERVIEW WITH VICTOR MARCHETTI GORDON PETERSON: A U. S. district court judge has handed the Central Intelligence Agency a setback in -:cs battle to keep the lid not only on its covert activities, but on what its former employees say about the agency. Judge Albert Bryan ruled that the CIA exceeded its authority in ordering many deletions from a book on the CIA by a former CIA intelligence officer, IVictor Marchetti, and former State Department intelligenc..1 officer, John Marks. In effect, the judge ruled that the CIA cannot declare something classified simply by saying it ought to be classified. Two years ago, Judge Bryan had ruled that the CIA did have a right to censor Marchetti's manuscript. At that time, it hadn't even been written. I talked to Marchetti at his suburban Virginia home today. VICTOR MARCHETTI: The book is both a critique of the CIA and the U. S. intelligence community. But it also points out that the intelligence is a necessary function and that some of the things the agency does are worthwhile and should be continued. The criticism is that -- focused on what is known as the covert action activities. This is propaganda, paramilitary activities, disinformation, the penetration of various student and cultural groups; the things that are usually described as dirty tricks. PETERSON: Well, as I recall, the CIA was after you to stop publication of this book even before you had any of it down on paper. Is that right? MARCHETTI: That's correct. About two years ago when .they learned that I was going to write this book, I had first written a novel called "The Rope Dancer," in which I was critical f the agency in a fictional fashion. When I decided to go onfiction and they found out about it, they immediately took e to court and managed to get a permanent injunction against e, so that as of today, anything I write about the CIA or intelligence actual, fictional, or otherwise, must first be given to the IA for censorship. PETERSON: Is that true even in the light of this ost recent court decision? MARCHETTI: Yes, the injunction has not changed. 11 that the judge has done -- we won a great victory. But hat he has done is he has let the injunction stand while saying hat, in this particular instance, the CIA has been unreasonable nq arbitrary in its attempt to censor my book. And so he reduced a Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R00010 III Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R00010033008-3 ? their request for three hundred ?.roughly three hundred and forty deletions down to something like twenty. PETERSON: What were some of the things they wanted tq" delete? MARCHETTI: Well, because we're under -- still under ,a protective order, I can only generalize about these things. -- But it's references to the CIA's activities in Chile in the.. overthrow of the Allende government; references to the CIA's relationships with certain leaders of foreign governments; references to various activities such as propaganda and disinformation, , sponsoring books, for example, that are aimed at exposing, say, the KGB, for example, but, in the process of doing that, th.ey're also propagandizing the American public. And it's a wide variety of matters that they tried Ito stop. In essence, whenever I would make a general criticism ;in the book and then try to support it with specific examples ifrom my experience and those of other officers whom I knew, !these were the things they tried to take out, the examples. PETERSON: Under the heading of national security? MARCHETTI: Under the heading of national security. PETERSON: I understand that Mr. Colby, the Director of the CIA, is suggesting legislation to tighten up security in government. MARCHETTI: Yes, he is. He has drafted a bill which the administration, I assume, is going to shortly submit to Congress. There will be, in effect, the same thing as the British National Secrets Act that will give the government carte blanche on maintaining secrecy, particularly with regard to former personnel. But already the FBI has informed its agents that if they speak out that they will be prosecuted under the Marchetti precedent. So it's getting a little spooky. I mean if they can beat me down and pass this new law, you'll have more secrecy In government than ever before, and that's bad. PETERSON: Marchetti says he'll continue his fight for release of the book, which is to be published by Alfred A. Knopf under the title, "The CIA and the Cult of Intelligence." GUARDIAN (MANCHESTER) 4 APR 1974 On acccunt TIM GNOMES of Zurich are having a quiet smirk at the , knots the United States ; Government is tying itself in over its dealings with the ;Swiss banking community. ! On one band the FBI is ;?trying to pressure the Swiss rto make known to them the ) identities of American indivi- I duals?and business concerns 1 who are taking advantage of traditional Swiss secrecy in order to avoid taxes, while on , I the other hand the CIA is i making full use of the Swiss.: ' system in order to conceal its ' activities from other intelli- gence groups, and other US Governinent agencies. But that's not all. The CIA Is also dealing in gold on the-, Zurich market. which is file- t gal under US law, which reserves this right for the 1. Treasury alone. One Swiss hanker has revealed that the CIA uses gold rather than currency to fund its agents in certain parts of the world. and that the nA buys W- horl which it then deposits hi Swiss bank accounts En this purpose. Presumably the USI Treasury could provide the necessary bullion, but it is thought that the CIA would' rather handle its budgetary .dealing well away from any: possible survey by other sections of the Administra- tion, and continues to guard its privacy and independence Jealously. Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 9 Approved For Release 2001/08/08.: CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 RADIO TV REPORTS. INC. 4435 WISCONSIN AVE. N.W., WASHINGTON. D. C. 20016. 244-3540 EtROGRAM All Things Considered... STATION WETA Radio NPR Network DATE April 1, 1974 5:00 PM CITY AN INTERVIEW WITH JOHN MARKS Washington, D.C. - MIKE WATERS: For the last two years the CIA has been blocking publication of many sections of a book about intelligence activities. It's co-authored by a former CIA agent and former State Department employee. On Friday Judge Albert Bryan Jr. ruled that only 15 of the 162 CIA-censored portions of the book should not be published on grounds of national security. John Marks, one of the co-authors, learned of the court's decision today. Judy Miller interviewed him this afternoon In our studios. ? ' JUDY MILLER: Mr. Marks, the CIA seems to have suffered a major defeat in their efforts to censor Victor Marchetti 's and your book on the CIA. What, in effect, has Judge Albert Bryan decided? JOHN MARKS: Well, we got word today that Judge Bryan has decided that of the 162 items that the CIA demanded be censored from our book, that 147 of them would be returned to us. In other words, the CIA now is only successful in censoring 15 items, not 162. And I can say we're very happy about this decision. MILLER: What kind of items were censored and what reasons were given for their being censored? MARKS: Well, the CIA in court didn't give very many reasons at all. They essentially said, "We know what the national security of the United States is and it is up to us to decide ,what items contravene or hurt the national security, and we say these items are bad and therefore they're bad. They were things that discussed, for instance, the 1CIA's role in Chile in 1970, the CIA's black propaganda efforts around the world, the CIA's use of dummy front companies, in other words, companies that are supposedly private, but actually !belong to CIA. Things of that sort. 1MILLER: And how many items will now remain censored from your book and how will your plublishing company handle the 'deletion of these items? 1 MARKS: Well, were not exactly sure on how we're igoing to handle them because the decision just came through i ,today. We were originally planning to publish a book that had Iblank spaces spread across its pages. I've just seen the gallye 'proofs and it's quite impressive. I mean some pages are all 'white. But now with this material returned, I think what 10 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 'we're going to do is put it in, but in bold-face type so the public can see the kind of material that the CIA did not want, ip the book. I 1 Incidentally, I might add that the government still 114s the option to appeal this, and considering the unprecedented ilegal effort that they've gone through in the last two years itd block publication of this book, I would be very surprised .1-n they didn't appeal. But we're hopeful that the appelate coisrts will quickly clear the material because Judge Bryan made a decision and under the terms of the laws and the injunction he was working under and everything of that sort -- that we were working under and that sort -- and I think that it would be unlikely that an appelate court is going to overthrow. ' MILLER: What kind of evidence did the CIA present to the court that the information that you wanted to publish was in fact classified? MARKS: Their main tactic was to bring in front of the court -- and I might add it was a closed courtroom, at the insistence of CIA, but they brought in the four deputy directors of the agency who said, "We are men who are authorized to classify material and we hereby say that this material is classified." And they didn't submit much evidence beyond that, though they did put various pieces of paper on the record, on the secret record, which supposedly showed why the information -- that the information was in fact classified, but the judge carefully read through that information and he found only in 15 cases I did it prove the fact of classification. MILLER: Is this a total victory for ?you and Victor 'Marchetti, or do you feel there's still something that has to be done? MARKS: Well, in practical terms, it's a very large victory for-us, but on First Amendment grounds, we won absolutely nothing. MILLER: How so? MARKS: Well, the judge did not address the fact of whether or not the CIA had the right to censor our book. All he addressed was the question of whether they had properly or improperly censored, and he ruled that in the large part they improperly censored it. But we feel that under the First Amendment, that the government has no right to censor our book and that this whole framework of censorship we've been working under Is unconstitutional. You might remember that the reason the government says they have the right to censor is that Marchetti used to work for the CIA and I used to work for the State Department, land when we joined our respective agencies, we called what are !called secrecy agreements in which we signed a piece of p'per !saying we would not reveal any information without the permission of the governmentAnd the government's position all along has been that they are trying to enforce a contract, the contract being that secrecy agreement and it has nothing to do with the First Amendment. Our position is that you can't sign a piece of paper that signs away your First Amendment rights. MIL gPove45-(0-4411atatiabffitLe m OARWii-854311zotbi603006013-3ii Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 are still to be decided. MARKS: That's ri the)Supreme Court on the Fl Civil Liberties Union has b say, without the ACLU, we n this far. They've been won In the constitutional issue on today. But I can say it issues, too. ght. And we plan to appeal up to rst Amendment question. The4American een representing us. And I might ever would have been able to come derful. And the ACLU is more interested than the technical issue we won 's very nice to win on some technical MILLER: Thank you very much, Mr. Marks, John Marks, co-author with Victor Marchetti, of "The CIA: the Cult of Intelligence." OKLAHOMAN, Oklahoma City 24 March 1,74 IA ssiers on By Jack Taylor The In1liencAencv keeps dossiers on American tourists, some of whom are asked to act as part-time spies dur-?,,- ? ing trips abroad, The Sunday ;Oklahoman has ? ?learned, ? ? ? There are indications the same files are ; used for loyalty checks by other government : agencies interested in whether a particular in- dividual can be considered a "team player." Such a scenario was indicated in a newly. : disclosed Defense Depahment document and- : confirmed in an interview with a former CIA-. officer. It has been known for some time that CIA agents often interview returning tourists who may have picked up useful information while ;'overseas. i? But it has not been generally known that the ! CIA apparently. approaches tourists in ad- vance, suggesting they volunteer for specific, !t,missions. generally miner in nature. ! And there has never been an indication that , the intelligence agency keeps track of who has .or has not cooperated, with such lists used for 'loyalty checks ; ? . . _?. . , A CIA spokesman acknowledged the long- standing practice of interviewing returning ! tourists, but refused to discuss whether ad- vance coritact is made with overseas travel- ers. ??- ? ; The spokesman did admit such a tactic is probable, but stressed that any such activity on the part of tourists would be strictly volun- lary.. One former CIA official told The Oklahoman. ; the agency began the program of contacting, ; tourists in advance of trips abroad in the 1950s.. The agency would ask the tourists to take on : specific chores without jeopardizing them- selves?tasks such as picking up road maps, , ?taking photographs and so on. ? Occasionally, some of those tourists would ; !. be arrested and kicked out of the country in which they were traveling, the tamer agent I said. 11 Ile said the Soviet Union's accusations of es- 'I pionage against some participants in the Hel- sinki Youth Conference in the early 1960s was ; partially valid ; because they had undertaken , certain CIA-suggested chores. ? The former CIA agent said, however, he did' not know the agency may be keeping track of .such assistance for possible loyalty checks. . Ms 446: 'a rists vea!re : He said based on his knowledge of the CIA's ? ?, operations, the agency probably "wanted to When asked specifically if th IA t t ? tit ou they operate. Loyalty is the top order of the day." ? , The suggestion that the CIA maintains such. 'dossiers is contained in a Defense Department idirective goverithig background Investigationg io military and civilian personpel_assigned. to I f I presidential support acti- Vities. I The directive had been: !restricted for official use ;only, but was released to the public after The Okla- homan appealed under the Freedom of Information , 'Act. The military document mentions in three specific instances that CIA records , should be checked during ' background investigations of anyone who has trav- eled abroad or had contact with persons or organiza- tions in communist areas. ; When asked about CIA contact with American! tourists, Angus McLean' Thuermer, assistant to the CIA director, readily ac- knowledged the well- known 'debriefing' policy,; , but was less candid on ad-, valve contact. . "If there is a chance that a private American citizen traveling abroad has acquired foreign in for-. mation that can be useful ; to the American policy-; 1 maker, we are certainly ; I going to try to interview ; ! him," Thuermer quoted ! from remarks made by ! : former CIA Director Rich- ard Helms in a 1971 speech to the American Society of Newspaper Editors. find out it they're a 'team player,' the way ? ? 12 I in advance and asks them 'Ito undertake certain tasks, I i however minor, Thuermer I ' replied: 1 I "Sometimes I suppOse this is done, yes. Butit's a volunteer thing and they're not paid for 'it and they're not ? these are not agents." IAsked if such requests have been made of tourists I who have been among the i increasing number of I Americans traveling to 'mainland China, Thuerin- 1 ex said: ' "I don't know any of the specifics or any particula country involved, nor do think it's probably appro 1. priate to, discuss that sor of thing." The, State Departmen reports that following th -1971 Ping-Pong diplomacy at :least 23 U.S. groups traveled to China through the end of 1973. One of those was the : American Society of News- Ipa p e r Editors-sponsored tour in September, 1972. ' Robert Fichenberg, ex- e cut iv e editor of the :Knickerbocker News-Un- ion-Star in Albany, N.Y., who was in the China 'group, said he is sure no one in the group was asked ; by the CIA to undertake lany chores. ; He said during the group's briefing at the U.S. , consulate in Hong Kong , however, they were sort o "plaintively a ske d" if, upon 'their return, they would "'report anything pf Interest. ; ? Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R00010033'0008-3 EDITOR AND PUBLISHER ,3qmAR 1974 letters J3OURNALIST 'SPIES' Your righteously indignant editorial con- cerning the 40 Central Intelligence Agency persons employed in news media capacities overseas surprised me. It is a reasonable assumption that there arc at least 400 trained intelligence agents employed ir news capacities inside the U.S., and the figure may well be closer to 4,000. It is further reasonable to assume that substantial numbers of these men and women?if not all?are, or have occasionally been employed in intelligence contract work while functioning publicly as reporters, edi- tors and publishers of newspapers or broad- casting stations. The U.S. government has trained thou- sands of men and women during and since World War II for clandestine operations in the intelligence branches of the Army, Navy, Air Force and State Department and Department of Defense in addition to the CIA and other intelligence units. Addi- tional thousands have received other kinds of intelligence training, all of it quite rigorous. ? These men and women may well resign, retire or be discharged from formal duties, but no one who ever took the oath to serve the country and obey the provisions of the U.S. secrets act, formally known as Title 18, ever really leaves that service in the ; ultimate sense except by death or imprison- ment or incarceration in a mental hospital. , Thus, when some service needs them, . they usually respond by serving. . And news people are in an ideal situa- tion to perform useful intelligence and counter-intelligence service. I think your indignation is misplaced. It is possible such government service 1 might compromise some noble journalistic ethic but it seems to me' to be unlikely. And in a free country how else could your government agencies defend you and against similar incursions by foreign gov- ernments, including the USSR and China, who, incidentally, can secure phenomenally valuable intelligence about our military, in- dustrial, economic and social weaknesses I and strengths ' by detailed intelligence ' analysis of daily newspapers and news I broadcasts. i Any intelligent person who thinks about i the true meaning of government intelligence i values can find a dozen breaches of good 1 judgement on someone's part concerning i military secrets and ' other useful-to-an- Ienemy information in any daily newspaper of even medium size. ! We are grateful for the Constitutional guarantee of a free press in the U.S., and . we should be, but that very freedom allows the uncontrolled hazards to our national . well being to exist. WASHINGTON POST - Jack Anderson ? 24 MA R 7974 No one who loves freedom will suggest the hazard should be eliminated, least of all me. ' But le51; us hear no more prattle about infiltratiop of news media' by U.S. intelli- gence personnel. I don't: like it either, but I am willing to accept it as a compromise price whicli must be paid to avoid paying the far morF costly price of revoking that constitution/I guarantee by imposing censorship. At that point, neither you nor anyone else could complain about anything at all. And like it or not, one of the benefits of this legion of "spies" in our midst is the kind of investigative reporting that would be unavailable to the press without the fre- quently used surreptitious "old boy" net- work of those very spies. A close examination of the rosters of network newsmen and newspaper reporters exposing local, state and national political co ruption, crime and scandal will reveal numerous men and women with close ac- cess to that "old boy" network. Close access solely because they are a part of it. And if an overtrained machine sometimes produces excesses, like Liddy, Hunt and Co., perhaps it is unfortunate, but I think the record will show most such excesses get stopped, many before they become a hazard. EARL BRADSHAW (Ft. Lauderdale, Fla.) Secret Agent Diplomacy The world of diplomacy like the moon has its hidden side where intelli- gence operatives and agents provaca- teur cavort in the half light. We have had access to the latest se- cret intelligence reports which provide fleeting glimpses Into this shadowy, subterranean world. Behind the cordial handshakes and cocktail patties of detente, the reports reveal, the power struggle rages on. In Africa, for instance, the Chinese are conducting guerrilla schools, the Rus- ;sians are training and equipping troops, the Arabs are supplying arms and the Americans are wheeling and dealing. American Ambassador Robert Yost reports from Burundi that President Micombero "siispects the Chinese and has great dislike for the Russians." Nevertheless, Yost says, Burundi has "moved closer to the Arabs and Chi- nese and, to a much lesser extent, the Soviets... "A substantial number of Burundi military officers are now being trained" in Communist and Arab coun- tries, he asserts. These include "30 in the Soviet Union, 60 in Algeria, 10 in Egypt, that we are aware of." . ? Yost! reports "regular' shipments of arms and ammunition have been corn- ing . . . front Algeria on Algerian planes. One shipment of arms and am- munition from Libya was received." finother confidential dispatch from Burundi, he urges strengthening ' the 1.1.8. embassy "to monitor PRC Republic of China), North -Korean, Arab and Soviet activities in ? ',Central Africil" A confidential State n can diplomats ostensibly are cociperk- ! !Department memo to the White House I ; ing to bring peace. But the detente -ip- ' ;.urges improving "access to Burundi I parently doesn't extend to the subter- ! :leaders who might be influenced to iranean level. Int-Iligence reports wept. ; . support the U.S. on international is- ' that the Soviets believe Secretary. of 1 sues." .StateHenry Kissinger is trying to dint- , ? Throughout Africa, the scenario is inish their influence in the Arab I the same: the Chinese, ,Russians and . !World. They reportedly are working .I ; Arabs train and equip friendly troops 1 1 behind his back, therefore, to belittle 1 or insurgents while the U.S. maneuvers ; i his efforts. , desperately to stay in the ballgame, ; ;. In Guinea and Tanzania, for exam-: 1 posite sides in the unpublicized ittixg- The U.S. and. Russia also supnorf en- i .pie, the Chinese are conducting guer- ; , gle over Oman, which controls tlie.cn- t ' trance to the strategic Persian. Gulf. ; rilla schools. The graduates are sup- i Most of the Mideast oil, the economic I plied with arms and ammunition to 1 ! lifeblood of the West, must flow past !stir up revolution in such countries as I Oman. The U.S. is working behind the 'South Africa, Mozambique and Angola. I scenes to bolster the reighihg !State Department documentS reveal ' ,sheikhdom; the Soviets would liko to ; that Rhodesia, in particular, has Chi- ! 'establish a Kremlin-controlled rfoyern- ; nese and Russian trained guerrillas 1 !ment in Oman. t, . . :operating from . bases in Zambia and! , In Iraq, the tables are turned: 'the ; Mozambique. . _ . . .. . _ . I I Soviets support government troops in I. Surprisingly, tiny North Korea is ac- ! their campaign to quell the fierce ' ; tive in terrorist movements around the : Kurdish tribesmen in their rugE:ed ' world. Both Communist China and mountains. The U.S. has used its Mid- , ! North Korea have provided revolution-, . eastern ally, Iran, as a front to Supply ary groups with guerrilla instructors. ? 'military aid to both the Sheik of Oman ! ! They have written guerrilla manuals and the Kurdish rebels. . .. political kidnapings. which encourage, among other things, ? Our intelligence report from.' Iraq warns ominously that the Iraqi troop9 ; These manuals have now reached are now getting chemical warfare "the United States where extracts-14ve training from the Soviets and may use ; been printed in underground newspa- Soviet-supplied gas to route the Ktifils pers. .. . ...-'..... from their mountain hideouts. The kidnaping of Patricia Hearst by , In Southeast Asia, Burma has ?be.. the Symbionese Liberation Army, for. come the latest theater of two-facedsil- example, appears to have been takett plomacy. China and Burma resumed. right out of a Chinese text. The Man- diplomatic ties just three years 'attn.' ual even suggests that the kidnap. Mc- yet Chinese troops have been filtering* tim should be ransomed for food: to, across the border into the misty MOM)- . feed the poor. Approved FoVIRtPreavae260 twat ElirldCMIRIDP7;130432R11281 KOISso 0?6 8 3 rthern ? Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R0001003. 0008-3 WASHINGTON POST 7 April 1974 Burma. . . .. nists, in attacking settlements utile . known as "white flag" Corininii- Kissinger Races They have joined forces with insur- gents,remote siahlands. One intelligence-re- . ? port e ates that 10,000 Chinese 'Cl troops, all by Peking-trained guerrilla officers, p are now operating iniicfe Burma. A But int Rangoon and Peking, ^the Burmese and Chinese leaders still clink thelil cocktail glasses and engage. In cordial chitchat. Throughout the netherworld, mean- while, secret agents specialize in torrid boudoir romance, violent death on fog- sheathed waterfronts, low treachery and high courage. 49 1914. United Feature Syndicate WASHINGTON POtT 5 April 1974 V. A. Jovick, :Retired Agent With CIA Vance A. Jovick, 69, a retired Central Intelligence Agency agent, died Tuesday at his home, 1600 S. Ends St., Arling- ton, after a lOng illness. . He had retired from the CIA in 1959 . because of ill health. He had 'been with the agency since 1946. Born in Butte; Mont., Mr. 'Jovick attended Carroll Col- lege in Helena and came to Washington in 1930. where he attended? George Washington ? Unieersity and received bache- lor and master's degrees in law from Columbus Law, School. f He had worked for a num- ber of federal government agencies, ineluding the Agri- culture Department, before joining CIA. Mr. 1Jovick was active for many years in the Montana State Society here, serving at one time as its president. He is survived by his wife, 'Virginia M., of the home, and 'four brothers, Thomas A., Ed- 'ward J. and Frank, of San Frincisco, and William J., 'of 'Riverside, Calif. , 14 OCK in Ou? for Lasting impact "Anyone wishing to affect events must be fan] oppor. tunilt to some extent. The real distinction is between those who adapt their purposes to reality and those who seek to mold reality in the light of their purposes . . . pure opportunism tends to be sterile . . ." , ?Prof. Henry A, Kissinger, on the strategg of Otto von Bismarck, Germany's "Iron Chancellor.' By Murrey Marder Washington Post Staff Writerl , In six months as Secretary of State, Henry Kis- singer has been running a frenetic race against a domestic clock that can strike at the power, and Indeed the life, of the Nixon administration. No man below the rank of President ever held so much influence over American global power as Kissinger now possesses. The Haldemans and the Ehrlichrrians are gone; Treasury Secretary George P. Shultz is departing, Defense Secretary James R. Schlesinger, although an intellectual challenger In his own right, is. usually more of an associate of Kissinger than an adversary, ',and Schlesinger's 'international scope is admittedly mailer. As the world sees him Kissinger is virtually acting president for international affairs. This is an exag- gerated perception. But in terms of the power he commands', there is more truth than falsehood in the characterization. Unbelievable as it may seem to Kissinger's critics, ?the man who jocularly concedes his own "megalo- mania" privately says he is troubled now by the 'magnitude of his image, for it' really represents ,presidential weakness. As much as he relishes adula-? tion, what preoccupies Kissinger is usable, not il- lusory, power, and the only tangible power he com- mands flows from the President. There have been very .powerful secretaries of state before him; Dean Acheson for Truman, John Foster Dulles for Eisenhower. Sometimes they' too, eclipsed their masters, but none served a Presided simultaneously crippled by a crumbling domestic base and a threat of impeachment. Exceptional authority has piled up in Kissinger's hands through a series of extraordinary coincidences. Kissinger moved to State replacing William P. Rogers, leaving no foreign policy rival at the White House; Kissinger's hat remained there, too. Water- gate removed almost all the Kissinger second- guessers and outright antagonists from the Presi- dent's inner circle, where they had warily guarded presidential power and prerogatives. Other power centers were vacated; less-dominant personalities moved in. And, while Kissinger is not. a free agent In the literal sense, his clout in the bureaucracy is massive. It is an illusion that President Nixon .ever did grapple with the details of most foreign-policy is- sues, many sources report. "Perhaps the whole secret of Kissinger's success with the President," said one associate, is his ability to anticipate "where the ,President will come down on an issue." The President, it is said, will frequently tell Kissinger, "We have to get this done; work it out, you have my support." "On a lot of things," one source said, "he [now] can make a decision without going to the President. For remember, this is the second term of an administra- tion, and the basic policy is set." -This has been invaluable in working with the Russians," said another associate. "Henry is able to report to the President without constantly seeking instructions and holding meetings." When Kissinger goes to the President, said another source. "he goes with confidence that he will be supported, and he is." But not always. Sometimes even .Kissinger loses, or is obliged to give way to a combination of forces. The most potent combination ..is the Joint Chiefs of Staff, joined by the Secre- tary of Defense, if they can more strongly appeal to a presidential in- clination. . Within two weeks of the day Kis- singer was sworn in; as Secretary of State, the Arab-Israeli October war crashed over the American-Soviet de- tente policy that he had done so much to create, over his ambition to "institutionalize" the concept and style of foreign policy identified with him, and over the entire pace of activity he envisioned in his two-hat role as both Secretary of State and presidential na- tional security adviser. Six months later, with more than, 120,000 intervening mites of air travel, and hectic visits to 25 countries?some- times three or four of them in a single day?Kissinger is still picking up the pieces and the thread of . his original objectives. ,In between, the shadow of Water- gate and the threat of impeachment has expanded from a poSsible hazard for the conduct of American foreign policy to an engulfing challenge with- out precedent in the nation's life. Offi- cially, all goes on as before; in reality, almost nothing is the same. ? Now the course of East-West de- tente, the search for peace and stabil- ity in the Middle.-East and other objec- tives of U.S. policy have personal, as well as national, significance for a ;President under siege. The Nixon administration's foreign- policy record is itself the ultimate fall- back defense 'for the survival of Presi- dent Nixon. And that too has now he-: ; come a domestic' political issue, as evi- denced by the eruption. in Congress last week of extraordinary demands to put tight strings on the President's ne- gotiating power during the impeach- ment-consideration process, to prevent him from succumbing to any Soviet ; strong-arm negotiating demands. This pattern Inevitably Intensifies the pressure on Kissinger. "It's going to he a bitch of a time" operating through the impeachment sequence in Congress, said one high- ranking foreign policy strategist. "It is going to be damn tough to ,have a for- eign policy if it comes to an indict- ment"?an impeachment vote by the House of Representatives. There is a widespread impression in official Washington that if President Nixon should resign or be impeached, Vice President Gerald R. Ford, who succeeds him, would be certain to keep 'Kissinger as his foreign-policy archi- tect, and therefore there would be no particulr obstacle about maintaining the continuity of American foreign pol- icy. But many experls (possibly inelud. ing Kissinger himself) see this as too simplistic an assumption. A change of Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R00010033101: ? Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 Presidents is a fundamental shift, al- tering internal relationships in the fed- eral power structure and almost invert; ably producing at least an interlude of! reconsideration in the policy process,' as well as a recalculation by foreign, governments. There is no immutable plan that pro- jects U.S. policy on the most complex subjects, which are highly susceptible to interaction among nations. . For all' i its international accomplish- ments, the Nixon administration so far! has penetrated only the outer layers of many of the toughest international! problems. Only the easiest stages of American-, Soviet nuclear strategic arms limita- tion (SALT I) have been accomplished;., 'ahead is the problem, of SALT II, ; achieving permanent control on the ; use of offensive nuclear weapons. With all of Kissinger's furiously paced shuttle diplomacy in the Middle East, only a start has been made on f Arab-Israeli military disengagement as ; a prelude to enormously complex' peace negotiations. "Each success,"' Kissinger has said, "only buys an ad-' mission ticket to a more difficult prob-. lem." The recent open clash between the; United States and its European allies over allied consultation exposed the? depth of the breach to be repaired In Western policy coordination. The oil crisis revealed. monumental dangers I for international stability in an uncont- rolled scramble for energy, and the: profound economic consequences of ,tripled or quadrupled oil prices even if there is international cooperation. ? There is no built-in uniformity of ; position even in the present ,adminis- tration on the most critical world is- . sues. For example, inside the adininistra- tion there was not universal dismay that the Kissinger mission. to Moscow .last Month failed to achieve the de- sired "conceptual breakthrough" for limiting multiple nuclear warheads for. SALT II. ? As one authoritative source at the, Pentagon put it, there was even. 'a lit- tie mood of relief" at top levels of the . Defense Department, especially among i the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Before Kissinger left for Moscow; these sources said, Pentagon strate- gists were determined that the United. States should take and hold a "tough , enough" position to assure a decidedly more favorable outcome for the United States in SALT II than the SALT I re- ' sults in , 1972, which .made the Joint I Chiefs uneasy. According to these sources, Presi- dent Nixon favored the more demand- I log Pentagon position over the State " Department's preferences, and this, was the approach that Kissinger car- ried to Moscow. He encountered an, equally firm Soviet counter-proposal on the method of controlling mutliple nuclear warheads. ; "You could be sorry, of course, that J the Russians were so obstinate," said ! one Pentagon source, "but it won't be disastroui for us if we have to wait ah- other Year" for an initial SALT Il ac- cord. With the impeachment threat hang- ing over President Nixon, one Penta- gun source said, "all of the (official ? Washington) pressures, it seems to me, are going to be, 'Don't be nushed 'into anything, be ,prudent, be cautious.' That seems to be-the Same mood on the Hill too." For Kissinger this presents a multi- Approved For plc dilemma. He already faces, in Con- gress, powerful demands to extract a freer emigration policy from the So- viet Union as the price of tariff and' trade benefits for promised expansion of U.S.-Soviet trade. With all his en- hanced authority, he is obliged to bar- gain, simultaneously, with the Soviet Union, with the Arab-Israeli complex, with European and other allies, with the Congress, and with the federal bu- reaucracy- "No man, not even Henry Kissinger, can sustain this pace for three more years," a core member of the Kissinger apparatus said, troubled, last week. Kissinger's specialty' and reputation In world affairs is as a "great con- ceptualizer" of balance of power diplomacy. This tends to create the impression, as some diplomats put it, "that Henry can walk on water." The reputation of diplomatic genius Is an invaluable asset for him; but it also has its great drawbacks when he missteps, orfails. With the world spot- light on Kissinger, one aide said rue- luny, "If he belches, it becomes an International incident." Kissinger has achieved a remarkable honeymoon relationship with the Con- gress; with the expenditure of great time, effort and blandishments, Even so, he has not taken into camp and bent to his will such a prime chal- lenger on SALT and Soviet trade-emi- gration, terms es Sen. Henry M. Jack- son (D-Wash.). The "co-opting of Congress" by Kis- singer is described in this manner by one insider: "In manY ways, this is the same phenomenon Henry accom- plished with the press. He is highly ar- ticulate, he conveys a sense of inti- macy?and he gets them to do so much listening that they have very little time for questions." Kissinger has overwhelmed the Con- gress, individually and in groups, with private breakfasts, leadership break- fasts, lunches, invitations to accom- pany him on trips, appearances in closed hearings?but notably, he has had only one public hearing in the en- tire six months. Significantly, he has not been a pressed for public testimony and tough ' ' peblic questioning. Most congressmen , exult, instead, over their "inside" off- ; the-record access, while Kissinger em- ploys press conferences, airborne back- , s knowledge' that the Kissinger pledge "to infuse the Department of State' . with a sense/ of participation, Intellec- tual excitement and mission" remains largely illusory. ! The abnormal demands on his time and energy imposed by the unexpected blow of the Middle East war, waif Its diplomatic requirements for secrecy, have largely thwarted these public and institutional objectives, many Kissinger subordinates maintain. ' Other Kissinger associates agree? but only up to a limited point. The nat- ural, not the aberrational, style of Kis- singer, they concede, more candidly, is essentially secretive: working in snail, intimate groups of tested, self-effacing loyalists, with the publicly visible re- sults of the output carefully orches- trated only by Kissinger himself. ! As the revelations lumped under the ! term Watergate show. there was virtu- }ally a conspiratorial attitude iqside the Nixon administration from the outset, Jwith the President and his original In- ner group looking on much. of the out- side world as enemies?including the , federal bureaucracy, inherited from Democratic administrations. F Kissinger arrived at the White , House with his own long-standing anti- pathy toward bureaucracies, but for different reasons. Bureaucracies, to him, were grossly overstaffed, slow- witted, initiative-stifling, press-leaking, foot-dragging, responsibility-shirking institutions. They needed to be circum- vented until they could be slashed to the bone, drastically reoriented and made responsive, to the will of the . White House. ? "The only way secrecy can be kept," l'Kissinger wrote in 1968? "is to exclude from the making of the decision all those who are theoretically charged with carrying it out." To the brittle, suspicious "Berlin Wall" types around the President, how- ever, Kissinger, the German-Jewish professor from Harvard, was himself an intruder, and a subject of distrust. , The lull story of the rivalry between the Kissinger apparat at the White House and the Haldeman-Ehrlichman pparat has yet to !be revealed. The Im pending Watergate trials, and a law- uit filed by a former Kissinger aide, Morton Halperin, over the wiretapping f Halperin's telephone during and af- ter the time he worked on the National eeurity Council staff, raise some haz- ground talks with newsmen, plus pri- vate individual meetings with coinm- ; nists and editors, for his unprecede- P . dentedly extensive public-relations op- erations. This mix ,gives Kissinger , w enormous influence over what is re- ported or broadcast about him. X j , He has a major advantage over his h ! immediate predecessors, Dean Rusk and William P. Roge/s. Rusk had ! fun- damental differences with Congress , over Vietnam policy; he was caught in an almost constant adversary relation- et ship. Rogers' appearances before Con- gress were much easier; but Rogers si could never convince Congress that he, not Kissinger, was in charge of foreign policy. of rds for Kissinger's 'determined at- empt to disassociate himself corn-' letely from the Watergate scandals. "I'm told that he [Kissinger] is clean ?that they can't lay a glove on him," a iSsinger? insider hopefully said last eek. The ousted presidential advisers owever, are at least likely to try to ut the onus on Kissinger for stimulat- ng much of the near-paranoid obses-? 'on with secrecy at the White House, n grounds that he demanded it to over his secret negotiations with hina, the Soviet Union and North VI- nam. There is no shortage of former Kis- nger subordinates with caustic mem- ries of operating under the whiplash his work liabits and massive ego. The most bitter of them describe Kis- singer as an arch-manipulator of peo- ple, a dissembler, a liar on petty is- sues, a tyrant who succumbs to petu- lance, bitter scorn, shouting outbursts. "No question about it," says a hide - Kissinger has no such problem. And yet, he has fallen considerably short of his pledge to initiate, with his secre- taryship, "an open articulation of our philosophy, our purposes and our actions" in order to restore the Ameri- can consensus on for e gn policy shat- hardened loyalist who survived; "he is tereil by the Indochina war. an extremely difficult man to work S,ome of his associates readily ac- for. He demands excellence.- But this is RM8WWgg2CtbitiCiVieS iliciA1Ropry-0o132R000100330008-3 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 where the action is." ' The action Is now ;divided into two centers; the State Department and the White House. Kissinger spends morn- ings at the White House with his Na- tional $ecurity Council hat, then leaves; is deputy for the NSC staff, Brig. gin. Brent Scowcroft, physically In command. Kissinger goes to State to put onis secretary hat. This 'does not mean that Kissinger:1 surrenders control of anything. At! State, either .he or his extremely able ' ;chief eicectuive assistant, Lawrence S. Eagleburger, are in continual commu- nication with the NSC operation. I With his NSC hat, Kissinger retains; Interdepartmental coordinating author- ity across the web of committees he created, with President Nixon's full .blessing. Kissinger, of course, chairs, almost all the committees. He brought his key NSC aides to State with him, including Eagleburger; Helmut Sonnenfeldt, Kissinger's alter 'ego; William G. Hyland; Winston Lord, Mid other top aides, and the action center has shifted to State, but the NSC has not withered on the vine. One NSC official has a special function; young Peter W. Rodman, a Kissinger favorite,. is keeper of the se- cretive record on all major Kissinger trips abroad. On Aug. 1, 1973, there were 140 peo- ple on the NSC staff,' 52 of 'them classed as substantive officials. On April 1, 1974, there were still 114 NSC employees, 41 counted as officials, with three more about to be added to fill: vacancies. Insiders are extremely wary about discussing hoi, much' time Kissinger spends with the Watergate-impeach- ' ment harassed President these days. After long hesitation, one 'authoritative source ,guardedly said, "Maybe some.' 'what less time face-to-face, but much more on the phone?so it probably works out to about the same." Others doubt that. Inevitably, there has been "some re- sentment" inside the bureaucracy over Kissinger's doubled "two-hat" power, a senior aide concedes. But "it is smoother now," he insists, since. Kis- singer sorted out the roles more. At least one high Defense Department of- ficial agrees, perhaps in part because, as one State source added, "I think he [Kissinger] just has been too strong [for any one else] to do anything about" in any event. Now that Kissinger is operating as the institutional head of the State De- partment, at least his selected top offi- cials share in some of the secrets. The "old insiders" are amazed that the se- cretive Kissinger has widened his priv- ileged circle as much as he has at State; the outsiders take just the oppo- site view. "You are rid of that crazy business," said one knowledgeable insider, "where; Rogers didn't know, Laird (former De- fense Secretary Melvin R. Laird) didn't know" what Kissinger ? was doing; "it was a crazy scheme." Now, he said, the system is "much better; and stronger." This in no way means that Kissinger Is now "Mr. Open." On the contrary, the essence of his operating style is basically unchanged; tightly knit groups of loyalists, sometimes deliber- ately Put in competition with each other in rivalry for the boss's approval, as he sweats them through redrafting; rewriting to produce, in the magical Kissinger term,. the proper "conceptual approach'; to a problem. "His managerial imagination does not run below the assistant secretary level," said one experienced "country director" official at State. But this is the way Kissinger wants it, with the asSistant secretaries holding responsi- ?bility for running their regional bu- reaus while the peripatetic Kissinger jokes, "Someday! I will visit the State Department." ; , . Some of, his loyalists maintain that the existing pattern is aberrational, be- cause of the preoccupying'dernands of Washington Star-flews 1 Friday, April 12, 1974 I John S. Earman Jr., Aide To 3 Directors of CIA , John S. Earman Jr., 60, an aide to three directors of the Central Intelligence 'Agency, died Wednesday in Richmond following a mas- sive coronary. Mr. Earman joined a CIA predecessor, the Central Intelligence Group, in 1947. He then moved to the CIA and from 1950 to 1962 was special assistant to CIA Directors Walter Bedell Smith, Allen W. Dulles and John MeCone. , From 1962 until he retired ' in 1969 he served as inspec- tor general of the agency. The Covington, Va., na- tive attended Greenbrier Military Academy and the Hampton-Sydney College. He joined the Army in 1942 and after the war was presi-' dent of Commonwealth Oil Co. of Virginia. Earman leaves his wife, Olivia Harvey Ear- man of Irvington, Va. ; a son, John S. III, of Minneap- olis, and a daughter,. Mrs. Bruce Earman Viles of Concord, N.H. Graveside services will be at 2 p.m. tomorrow in Covington. the Middle East crisis; other4 contend the pattern is immutable Kissinger style. They, worry that Kissinger has entrapped himself in endless, over-per- sonalized diplomacy, a "Flying Dutch- man," in effect. ; Kissin ' ger by contrast, claims frus- tration with the "mediocrity" and lack ; of creativity he found at State. ; One middle-level State official pro- ' tests: ' I "The secretary keeps' complaining about the lack of creativity . . . You can do all the shaking up in the world. but unless the man tells you what the 'architecture is, nobody can see the *plans. You can tell it's a cathedral and not a beach house, but you have to know how it translates into flying but- tresses and crypts. You can't be of use to him unless he tells you what the sit- uation is." Kissinger, writing In 1968 about the 19th Century German chancellor, Bis- marck, said, "The impact of genius oin institutions is bound to be unsettling, of course. The bureaucrat will consider originality as unsafe, and genius will resent the constrictions." However, Kissinger added, "Statesmen who build lastingly transform the personal act of creation into institutions that can be maintained by an average standard of performance. This, Bis- marck proved incapable of doing." Kissinger is not the unquestioning idolator of Bismarck or Metternich or Castlereagh many who have skimmed through the Kissinger writings tend to assume. He was intrigued by their dip- lomatic prowess, but also by their faults and miscalculations. His own to- tal immodesty tempts him to try to surpass their, accomplishments. But in his perception, the damnable threat of impeachment can confound his loftiest aspirations. Washington Post staff writers Marilgh Berger and Dan Morgan both contrib- uted to the assessment of Kissinger's first six months in offiee. WASHINGTON STAR 4 APR 1974 British Ask CIA To Help Restrict . Arms to Ulster 'BELFAST, Northern Ire- land .(UPI) ? Police said today they have asked the American Central' Intelli- gence 'Agency and Interpol ! to help track down the sup- ply routes for new, illegal automatic weapons reach- ing Northern Ireland. Searches this week uncov- ered American, West Ger- man and Russian rifles 16 which police said they be- lieve arc part of .a large consignment of weapons ' entering the British,prov- ince.. The weapons found are ! the ? American -ARM a ' sports version* of the'Irtili- ; tary M16,:.- the German ! Landmann 22, which police ' said was recently outlawed ! in West Germany, and Rus- sian World War II model guns. Police Said dossiers were supplied to Interpol, which is checking possible links with arms dealers in Belgium. . Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 ' WA INGTON STAR '15 April 1974 FOOD CRISIS' U.S. HiI By Judith Randal Ster?Isiews StalT Writer ? The Nixon administration has been careful never to mention the ? words "energy crisis" and "food crisis" in the same breath. Yet the signs are unmistakable that one is taking shape from the other and, whereas the Arabs have been the villains in the first round of the scarcity saga, the United States very likely is going to be next. ? Indeed, it has been predicted that . unless the United States acknowl-: edges what already is happening and begins to exert some leader- ship, people dying of hunger in droves in the underdeveloped coun- tries will be featured on nightly tele- vision news within as little as a. year. Consider for example, the 'Plight of such places as Bangladesh, Ne- pal, India and Pakistan. For years, these countries have depended on Japan to supply them with fertiliz- er. But now that Japan ? which, of course, has no oil of its own ? is having to pay more to import it, it has stopped making this energy-in- tensive product for export and so has none to sell. In addition, fuel for running irrigation pumps is perilous- ly scarce. The result is that India alone may ' be short ,10 million pounds of food this year, even if the weather holds up. ? IN A paperback entitled "Agenda for Action: 1974," the Overseas Development Council points out that almost a billion people a quarter of ail those on the globe. ? live in the "fourth world" countries which, like India, are the poorest of the poor. It would be bad enough if fuel and fertilizer were their only agri- cultural problems. But, as the ODC report makes clear, the land in many of these nations has been so ravaged by growing numbers of people and livestock that it has be- come progressively, more unsuitable .for growing food. Until World War II, most nations were food exporters and so were in NEW YORK TIMES 10 April 1974 The ,Watergate- Summit *Watergate, after a considerable lag, now has begun.' to impinge increasingly on President Nixon's ability to conduct the nation's foreign policy. 1; The White House chief of staff, Alexander Haig, drew 4 contrary conclusion from the 'President's Paris visit last weekend. "A viable Presidency is a cornerstone of world security," Mr. Haig said, drawing the questionable conclusion that theApptiktfOCItin0FlikUtkPaellitlaWilne/08 ? 1 ? s C reds 'a position to pitch in. But now only Australia, Canada and the United States have crop surpluses, and the margins are perilously slim ? the more so because little or no idle ag- ricultural acreage remains. According to calculations based on government figures; the world grain reserve is down to' the point where it could vanish in a mere 27 days. And if Canada and the United States, which share the same cli- mate, were to have a season of bad weather, even this cushion would disappear. ALL THIS would make it sound as if a scenario of mass starvation were inevitable. However, the Unit- ed States is the major power least harmed by the energy crisis, and in' the long run stands .to benefit in trading relations with the newly wealthy Arabs because of the re- bounding strength of the dollar. Food ? particularly protein ? has, like energy, become the object' of a seller's market and the United States holds all the cards. Clearly, we can, if we have the will, do some- thing about making it more availa- ble to all. Among the options: * Diet ? The 'average per capita grain consumption in the United States and Canada is nearly a ton a year, most of which is consumed indirectly as meat, milk and eggs. , The result' is that it takes almost five times as much land, Water and fertilizer to feed an average North American as it does an average Colombian, Nigerian or Indian. Although many of the industrial- Point of View ized nations are creeping up on us as their mounting affluence increas- es the demand for meat, they still '! lag far behind Millions of tons f ' 'grain could therefore be diverted to ? the hungry if North Americans made a commitment to curb their .appetites for animal protein. particu- larly. beef. Such a commitment, ? moreover; could' pay dividends in public health. Evidence increasing- ly points to excessive intake of ani- mal products as a major risk factor in heart disease and some of the more common forms of cancer as. well. ? Research ? The fourth world must become more, nearly self-suf-. ficient with regard to food. But if this is to come about, more must be learned about how to increase the productivity of soybeans and other. vital plant crops when adverse fac- tors such as aridity are taken into account. Scientists at the Depart? ment of Agriculture could provide the leadership. But tinder the stew- ardship of the Nixon administration, such expenditures have dropped. International political coopera- 'tion ? Except for the military vari- ety, foreign aid has never been pop- ular with Americans, many of whom regare it.as a giveaway. However, people might feel differently if they realized that we spend less than 3. tenths of 1 percent of our gross na- tional product on overseas aid ? less by far than we spend on alcohol and tobacco, and less proportionate- ly than all but two of the other 15 nations which extend a helping hand to the under-developed world.. The Food for Peace program has been cut, and in recent months the Nixon administration ? fearing the political repercussions of a price rise for bread here at home ? has stopped making wheat available to voluntary groups such os World Church Service. Nor has Congress behaved well. In January, for in- stance, the House voted down sup- port for a vital aspect of the World Bank.' What it all means is that the peace the President is so proud of having achieved is threatened by our selfishness, whether intentional or not. If in a few years the world is again at war because so many have unjustly gone hungry, who will be to blame but ourselves? demonstrated bY Mr: Nixon's reception in Paris. But Mr. Haig:s judgment was piemature. Mr. Nixon's diplomatic conferences and street appearances have come under bitter criticism in France as unseemly at a time of memo- rial services for the late President Pompidou. The charge is made that this activity was designed to counter Water- gate by providing evidence of the President's continued influence abroad. Even more important is the acknowledgement by S. eatAaRtnippattoliktkoottioggyots_adviser that Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 Watergate played a negative role during Mr. Kissinger's recent talks ? and many diplomatic disappointments? in Moscow. State Department Counselor Helmut Sonnen- fellt indicated that Soviet leaders, as a result of Water- g4, hesitate to enter into new agreemeicts? with the Nixon Administration. They "are biding their time and checking their bidding a bit," he said, concerned whether the l President can carry, out agreements that require Congressional approval. Congressional resistance on trade agreements made by Mr. Nixon two years ago was mentioned by Mr.. P^nnenfeldt as a specific example. But a second strategic arms limitation treaty (SALT H) would also require Congressional approval. Mr. Kissinger's biggest disap- pointment was his inability to' make an agreed "con- ceptual breakthrough" with the Russians on SALT II.? Soviet Communist party, Secretary Brezhnev and Mr. Nixon both seem determined to ? maintain the d?nte atmosphere and to proceed with -Mr. Nixon's Moscow visit this summer. But that does not assure the conchi-- sion of important agreements. The danger in regard to SALT is not, as some suppose, WASHINGTON POST. 8 April 1974 that a weakened Nixon will sacrifice American interests to obtain a Moscow agreement as a counter to Watergate. The real danger is that a reasoniible SALT H agreement will be attacked even more violently than the reasonable SALT 'I agreement. Mr. Brezhnev pr Mr. Nixon, or both, -might prefer to delay a SALT h agreement rather than have it repudiated by the United States Senate. The American national interest, however, lies in achieving a SALT II agreement this year. Otherwise, the approaching Soviet deployment of newly-developed MIRV multiple warhead missiles could take the arms race past another critical point of no return. If that deployment pattern is not limited in advance by mutual agreement, a further American buildup and a new spiral in the arms race will be hard to avoid. All this points to a need for the Congress to proceed with all deliberate speed in resolving the Watergate de- bate. That would be so even if Mr. Nixon were not plan- ning a Moscow trip this summer. But the prospect of that voyage and the need for anew SALT pact make it more desirable than ever that the national political crisis be resolved before many more months have gone by. Labor's Ties Abroa By Selig S. Harrison Washington Post Staff Writer. American ties with Western Europe ' and Canada, already frayed in the dip- lomatic and economic arenas, are rap- idly wearing thin in the labor field after , three decades of postwar co- operation. ? ? East-West detente has Spurred the formation -of a new European Trade, Union Confederation stressing the 1 common bonds of all European unions rather than the ideological struggle between Communist and non-Com- munist labor groups. The European group is on the verge of admitting the Communist-dominated Italian CGIL labor federation later this month des- 11 pite the bitter protests of. AFL-CIO, 11 leaders. In Canada, rising nationalism has II provoked mounting demands for the ;1 secession of the Canadian affiliates of 1 American-based unions. Canadian local union presidents of the International Paperworkers have just voted to set ? up a separate Canadian group, and a 'referendum of the 52,000 Canadian ' members of the Paperworkers now ? under way is expected to give formal , approval for the break by April 30. By far the greatest concern of the AFL-CIO is focused on Western Eu- rope, where American labor has chan- neled millions of dollars since World' War II to build up anti-Communists labor forces, especially in France and 'Italy. AFL-CIO leaders have lobbied intense- ly and unsuccessfully 'to block the soft-line trend reflected in the, forma- tion of the European Trade Union Confederation as an alternative to the oribund anti-Communist Interna- tional Confederation of Free Trade Unions. '? At its inception, the ETUC voted to omit the word "free" from its name, a decision 'acidly dismissed by AFL- CIO President George lVleany, who observed that "they took the word 'free' out on the argument that put- earince 777177p ? ting it in there would in some way interfere with what they call 'de- tente.'" In January, leaders of ETUC mem- ber unions joined in a Geneva meeting with Soviet labor chief Alexander Shelepin and representatives of the Communist bloc's WFTU. Early last month, the ETUC executive committee on April 10 looking to the admission authorized a key round of negotiations 'tif the Italian CGIL at the May Copen- hagen convention of the European fed- eration. "The Geneva meeting and the ETUC decision represent a complete reversal of the anti-Communist policy pursued '-. by the European free :labor movement during the last 'quarter ? of: a, century," de- dared the AFL-CIO Free :? Trade Union News in its cur- , rent special issue, "European Labor in Crisis." "There is no hiding the ; ugly truth that a major and crucial change has occurred on the European labor. '-scene, a change benefiting , Communism."-.. ? ? ? ;?1 AFL-CIO eyes, free un.' ?-?-ions and Communist unions I :'have nothing in "common,' Hand contacts between them .1 only give Communist forces Ian aura of respectability :that could 'smooth their ulti- mate rise to power. f?,' If the Communist-domi- ' 'nated CGIL in Italy is ad- .! mated to the, ETUC, AFL- ? =CIO leaders argue, the poW- ,:erful CGT labor federation "in France' will soon have to i ',be admitted. This, in turn, is -? expected to undermine the. 1 - Position of anti-Communist,.: 1- labor groups in France such 1'as the', American-backed. , Force OuVriere?sirengthen-- ing the bargaining power of the French Communists in, 18 1- their alliance with Socialist --leader Francois Mitterand. " The AFL-CIO. view:Is that' ,?-: the soft line Of the ETUC' serves Moscow's long-term ! strategy in Western Europe ,-: and basically reflects a dan' , i, ?? gerous ideological erosion : - of detente. -' . . . .. '` European, diplomatic and ,. 1- i'? labor ? sources; believe this' ,?? i? 'greatly oversimplifies '.the :-. ETUC. approach. 7?These:, I,: sources-stress .the .growing:., i; resulting .from? the climate b' European desire to assert an.:'7,?, il identity 'separate from 'both, 'the United States and the .1 ' Soviet Union:,--- -' ? . ?,,. ? .--. By bringing Communist' ' unions into a European la-r: bor framework free of ideo-; , ''logical barriers, these -1 ' sources say, many . ETUC leaders hope to advance the a: ''overall cause of European Integration and . to '-strengthen existing trends pushing the CGIL and CGT?' ? toward Lmoderate', "national - . Communist" policies die. :gated by domestic political - factors in their home coun- tries ...,'-`...-. - `'.. '' .. ? -- '- -,:, Int this . view, the impencV; - Ing merger of the Italian ? CGIL -and two rival labor federations, the Christian , -Democratic CSIL and the- -smaller Int, reflects grow.':, -1:Ing moderation on the part; of the CGIL in foreign air.; _. well as domestic policies? .>:?,?-. .' One example of this mod.; ,eration often cited is the fact that CGIL officials and other ? ,Italian Communist leaders have ? criticized So- viet suppression of digs!, dents and were. pro-Commoni:w Market well' before Moscow, reluctantly- gave the green!' light for 'local Communist Support of the Common Market, In 'West Euopean.. Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 Apriroved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 . ? countries. ??;.-? The independent posture shown by CGIL leaders to-. , ward Moscow is widely con- trasted' with the compara- tive orthodoxy 'of the CGT; Unlike the CGIL's bid for admission. to. the ETUC, ? which has the backing of its 'non-Communist ? ? potential. mergerpartneri, a CGT ef- -. fort J.0.1 win entry would be strongly opposed not only .?_:by the 'Tome Ouvriere .and. ? the " Christian?unions- in ' France. but by some other , key ?UnionS.?:':',;.---;? .'? - ? Many. observers ?feel 'that CCT. entry to the new con-. federation could only. come- after a long battlerend some question whether the CGIL will 'actually be -admitted in; May,: suggesting :that a onez, year.postponernent might be necessary to avnid7a rift. ? : In:. most Internal ETUC battles over' policy toward Communist . unions, AFL- CIO, hostility toward admis- sion-of. the CGIL has been 'echoed by the Force Ouvri- ere, -the West German DGB- and -Austrian unions, with the 'British Trades ? Union. Congress. the Belgians and' the Italians leading the pre-1, ,1 CGIL camp. ?? %i? _. At ? the key Executive, ' Board meeting authorizing ` negotiations with-the-Italian group, however, the influen-:':' WASHINGTON POST 6 April 1974 Clayton Fritchey DGB abstained. This has been attributed partly to the labor group's close ties to ' .Chancellor Willy Brandt's ruling SPD party, with its Ostpolitik policy, and partly, too, to the reported .ambi- itions of ? DGB President ? Heinz Vetter to succeed the -British TUC's Victor Feather . as ETUC secretary-general. , . ? British TUC sources promised to. oppose: the ad- ? miSsion of the CGIL in pri- ? vale meetings . with !CIO leaders at their Febru- ary Executive :Councir ses- sions, but ended:up Voting to authorize the negotiations* with. the Italian. group now . in ,progress,',AEL-CIO sources said_ ?-? The An?tro Free Trade Union ' News. blames the British role in ETUC on the fact that "in Great Brit- am, the Communists and their sympathizers have 1 . gained increasing control in 1 some of the major trade un- ions and have , influenced the TUC More and. more in a direction which Moscow's - international la- 1 boipblicies." ?: Defendeis , new and, other European Conn- and other Eureopean coun- tries say that American-con- trolled multinational corpo rations pose a . threat t o- C mmunist and free trod ? unionists alike ...irrespectiv - , 1,? of ideology. These- source I I see a kindred spirit in the current European effort to assert independence, from . - the superpowers and the new- Canadian ,natiOnalist pos. I ',;tiire toward., U.S.-based un-. ' lons.? '? ? ?? : All told., US.-based unions I claim. more. than 1.4 . minion t Canadian members, which is . why they . are known . as: '''hiternational" Unions. the: :Steelworkers claim the ',big.,.: :test ' Canadian member-ship ? 'with 100,000, followed by the Il 'nited Auto Workers with 1 ' 120,000; 10 per -cent .of thel Unleills total niembership. --, ,. The., defecting , Canadian members .of the Paperwork. , era represent .some. 20 per. cent Of the unloh's ' overall :?atrength. , With- nationalism growing - in . Canada, in- formed fiources say, Cana- dian .Paperworkers leaders ? want autonomy . from . their' ?Anierlean parent': to , gain , , nalonalist luster lif theft: competition for srecrults with, the Pulp, Sulfite and 1' Paper Mill Workers. ' f !' 'The Canadian - branch of il the Paperworkers union has., , long had autonomy. In most - spheres, with its own Cantl- e ?dian director its own re e 'search program and its own e bilingual 'newiptiper.?? How. s I. ever, The union has. not had. :.the right to collect dues or to operate. Its finances inde- pendently., , ' PaperWorkerS iiresident ' ? ? Joseph P. Tonelli greeted the separation move with a ? pledge that "we are .taking . every . precaution and insu lating ? our future arrange- ? ments:w1th the Canadians so that we will have a continu- ing relationship that will be 'helpful to both the ,;United 'States:, and collodion paper workers." ??? " " ? ? "When something is !nevi- 1.. table,", he said, "I do not ?be- lieve In. prolonging ,or hold- ing 'onto a position just for tile Sake of retaining the Sta- tus huo."-",6,-..?. ;.'? ? . ? . ? ? Explaining he' :secesilon Move; : Canadian ? director Henry 'Lorrain ,pointed .to ;"an intangible, ? mood which finds Its -expression in the popular press. Where one sees with ?Inereasing fre- quencythe word 'Canadian' and the Word 'independence' linked together. It 'haste do with an awareness ,'.with- On understanding, with. a feel for what the people are talk- ing about in the Mill towns this nation Of elm" ? ? : ? Icredits that we give numerous other, ? ti but less important, nations. Labor and Forel gnPolite ; fore the Senate Finance _ Committee, Listening to Mr. Meany testify be- When and if all other bonds fail, Britain and the United States will still have in common their labor move- ments. It is astonishing how the unions in both countries are so similar in their parochialism, their isolationism and often their shortsighted percep- tion of their own interests. ? , There is nothing new about it, ex- cept at the moment the labor leader- ship in the United States as well as England is doing its utmost to resist the claims of the 20th century. British labor is doing all it can to fight off the economic advantages of the Common Market; American labor simultane- ously is doing all it can to oppose de- tente with Russia and the expansion of International trade. The best thing about the Industrial Revolution is that its high productivity has immeasurably improved the work- er's standard of living. Yet the Anglo- American unions keep right on resists-. Ing new efforts to increase productiv- ity. It Ls the same with foreign trade. Prosperity and high employment in- variably are marked by flourishing free trade. Conversely, the depressions and recessions have usually coincided with inhibited trade and limited mar- kets, distinguished by high tariffs, quo. ' however, it might be thought Mr. s It wouldn't be so bad if it affected only the unions, bid in the United States and England the power et labor can and does influence the cotirse of foreign policy. In Britain, for instance, the new Labor government of Prime Minister Harold Wilson is obliged to renegotiate England's place in the Eu- ropean Economic Community, which , means further obitaeles to European Economic Community, which means' further obstacles to European unity and all it promises. In the United States, the AFL-CIO opposition to a long-overdue new deal with Russia and the Third World could wreck the nation's hopes for an era of coexistence, disarmament and peace. It Is one tif the great ironies of our tithe that the most celebrated of all anti- Communists, Richard Nixon, should be accused of being soft on communism by the head of American labor, George yeany, president of the AFL-CIO. As a result of Watergate, Mr. Nix- on's public standing is so low these days that he is a vulnerable target for Mr. Meany's assaults on his foreign trade bill, regardless of the legisla- tion's merits. ? Among other things, the bill would permit the administration to restore normal trading relations withjLelsia eh:050121Mi UilIWOO ;as and other restraints. But the un- . ions never seem to learApprOved FTcifdR Nixon and Dr. Kissinger were about to *sell out to Moscow. Actually, their principal aim is to get a new trade bill ,that, irrespective of Russia, would give the President?any President?author- ity to negotiate internationally for lower worldwide trade barriers and freer trade. What they are opposing N an amend- ment, sponsored by Sen. Henry Jack- son (D-Wash.) and backed by Mr. Meany, that would require the admin- istration to continue discriminating against Russia, even though this could undermine an already fragile detente. The AFL-CIO boss calls the detente "an absolute fraud." And he adds, "I don't know anything we need so bad we have to give them the Washington Monument." The senators, who en- joyed Mr. Mean y's extravagant lan- guage, seemed to be persuading them- selves that Russia has done nothing to carry out its part of the bargain. There is little acknowledgement of Moscow swallowing the U.S. mining of Haiphong harbor, of pressuring Hanoi toward a cease-fire, of easing tensions over Berlin and West Germany, of go- ing along with Dr. Kissinger's peace effort in the Middle East, which could easily derail, and of joining the United States in the first steps toward arms 41"tr be guessedlN33th-3 It caat behind the Approved For Release 2001/08/08: scenes Moscow has done other things to further detente, which for diplo- matic reasons it cannot afford to talk. ,? about publicly, and which, therefore, cannot be cited by Mr. Nixdn' in de- sending himself against charges that ',detente has been a one?way. proposi- tion. 'Aside from detente, Mr. Meany TI NEW REPUBLIC 6 APR 1.974 -RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 Implacably opposed to the trade bill as a whole, for he believes freer trade will mean fewer jobs in the United States. Experience shows it is a short- sighted view. The greatest depression and the worst unemployment the United States has ever known occur- red during the heyday of the Smoot- Hawley tariff wall enacted in 1930. Mr. Meany, in any case, is a little tardy in,accusIng Mr. Nixon of being Indifferent to unemployment and the worker's iiiterest. After all, unemploy- ment has,bharacterized the Nixon ad- ministratien from its start in 1969, but that didn't prevent Mr. Meany from helping to re-elect the President in 1972. Apparently, he can't forgive hilt- self. 0 1974. Los Antekos Times Captive Families, Governments and Corporations The Kidnapping Epidemic by Eliot Marshall ? Since February 4 the networks and papers have sup- Last week another diplomat, John Patterson, was plied an eager audience with details on Patricia Hearst, taken hostage in the town .of Hermosillo, Mexico, by her family, her kidnappers, the messages passed be- a "liberation army" that wants $500,000 in cash. tween them and the many squabbles that have broken Since 1963 the ? US has been trying to persuade out. No one knows how it will end, but it is beginning governments to adopt this uncompromising position, to look as though it?will end badly. What attracts the with partial success. Cuba signed an extradition agree- attention of the media more than the cruelty of the ment with the US in 1973 that classifies hijackers as . crime is its political coloring. Last year the Justice De- criminals who must be returned to the country of ? partment won 71 convictions against kidnappers and origin. Several other important agreements have been turned 146 other cases over to local prosecutors. None reached, but Hoffacker says the program became "bog- received anything like the attention the Hearst case is ged down" at a 1972 UN conference "in a debate over gettitig. It brings America its first bitter taste of politi- what some countries called justifiable, as opposed to cal terrorism, pitting an articulate, wealthy business- legal, violence even against innocent parties." ? man in a life-or-death struggle against local terrorists There are drawbacks to the US policy, the most ob- with a cause. vious being that governments may see the logic in re- , If we; need reminding that ours has been made one fusing ransom, but corporations find it difficult to live . *world by rapid communication, no better example is with that logic, and families, impossible. Exxon was needed than the speed at which bad examples now tested to the breaking point in Argentina. It first re- travel. Latin America has provided some of them. Kid- fused to pay the $14.2 million, then after the guerrillas nappers in Argentina have collected about $50 million announced that Samuelson would be "executed" for since the beginning of 1973, most of it from foreign the crimes of his company on February 25, Exxon businesses. As a result about 60 percent of the US ex- relented. ? ecutives stationed there have left, their jobs taken over The Hearst kidnapping has "worked" in the sense . by- Argentines. Those who stay must work, travel and that it has been prolonged by similar, conciliatory tac- live under constant guard. Exxon set a record last tics. The kidnappers chose as their victim the daughter month when it paid the largest ransom ever, $14.2 mil- of a man whose power lies in managing the news: pub - lion, to rescue a refinery manager in Argentina, Victor licity becomes a part of the ransom demand. Besides . Samuelson. He has not been released yet. commanding the printing of legalistic tirades in , What can be done to prevent such extortion? On the Hearst's paper, the San Francisco Examiner, the Symbi- ! world stage the United States takes the position- that onese succeeded in having their symbol?a seven- kidnapping and hijacking can be discouraged only if headed cobra ?printed on every package of free food the "parent" countries or companies refuse to negoti- paid for by Mr. Hearst. The Symbionese demanded ate with terrorists. A couple of years ago, when hijack- that two of their members accused of killing Marcus ings- and political killings seemed to have reached an Foster, a superintendent of schools in Oakland, be unbearable level, President Nixon created a Cabinet given national television time to plead their case. Here Committee to Combat Terrorism and asked it to.co- / they failed, despite Hearst's lobbying. If it were in his ordinate the anti-terrorist policies of the CIA, State Power to grant the request, there is no doubt that he Department, Secret Service, FBI, Transportation De- would. This media-napping is an insidious aspect of partmcnt and other federal agencies. The current chair- the case, and it hints at crimes yet to come. ? man of the committee, Arribassador to the Cameroons Fanatics feed on publicity. Thus when Reg Murphy, .Lewis flofracker, wrote an article in February that editor of the Atlanta Constitution, was kidnapped not ; sums up the official view: "Tactics vary in each crisis long after Patricia Hearst, it looked as though the East situation, but one consistent factor should be under- Coast would have its own version of California politi- stood by all parties concerned: the US government will cal terrcrism. But after making a few reactionary not pay ransom to kidnappers. We urge all other gov- swipes, Murphy's captors took a fat ransom and let it ernments and individuals to adopt the same position." go at Wilt. Two people have been arrested. The FBI lic noted that in the last five years 25 American offi- handled ? hoax in New York in March that worked on cials have been kidnapped abroad and 10 murdered. 20 the inver.e principle: the kidnappers had no hostage Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330098-3 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R0001003 0008-3 ' (it turned out later) but demanded four hours free time on station 1A'ABC for the "alternative political action comMtitce." Three have been arrested. Then there is the !Stational Caucus of Labor Committees, which ?hasnq,\physically injured but has pestered professors and journalists in New York, Chicago and Boston. ? Ther are some who imagine that the FBI, if only it had the authority to .do so, might have infiltrated the SLA and prevented the Hearst kidnapping. This is a , misconception. Although the FBI is under pressure to keep a low profile, there are no legal barriers to its in- filtrating or spying on any group it suspects of violent, illegal intent, nor are any such barriers being pro- posed. The courts have somewhat limited the FBI's freedom to bug and wiretap, for there are important constitutional restrictions on surveillance, but not to ' the point of making it impossible to do so where rea- sonable cause is shown. The FBI's problem, well il- lustrated in Hoover's campaign against the antiwar activists, is thits it misguesses. The groups it chose to infiltrate in the '60s were more vociferous than danger- ous to the civil order. Double agents are not ordinarily invited to join the bomb throwers and kidnappers and the Hearst case is no exception. The FBI never learned i of the Symbionese until after a crime had occurred. In- :deed no one had heard of them until last November :when they suddenly took credit for shooting Mareus Foster with cyanide bullets. Even today the names of only seven members are known, and of these, four are conjectures. The FBI has a good record for investiga- ? tion. It has handled 10 major kidnapping cases since , the Hearst case on February 4, and all 10 have been "solved." It probably knows where Patricia Hearst is being held too, and waits only for permission to act. _ WASHINGTON POST ' 14Apr11 1974 Jack Anderson But the bureau cannot be expected to keep tabs on and prevent crimes by groups whose very existence is deadly secret. - Realizing how difficult it is for the government to stop kidnappings, many businessmen are beginning to act on their own. Pinkerton's protective service re- ports a surge in demand for armed bodyguards since February. The Burns International 'Investigation Bu- reau in the last few weeks has run out of stock of a pamphlet called "Security Handbook for Businessmen Overseas." (It is hurriedly reprinting its boOk ivith the new title, "Executive Protection Handbook.") Fred Rayne, director of Burns' headquarters in Miami, says that today mo3t inquiries about his work come from people who want protection inside the United States, whereas only a few weeks ago the demand was for protection abroad. Rayne speaks complacently about the epidemic: "Everybody's a potential target nowa- days. I think the new thing won't be to go for million- aires, who are too welIprotected. Robbing banks.is too hard now with numbered money and cameras. I think. they'll go for small guys, it's much easier just to pick up the victim at the door." For $500 Burns will provide a day-long seminar for 25 executives, complete with handbooks, on 'how to guard against kidnapping and terrorism. Included in the fee is a specially tailored "emergency program" designed to give the group a systemized response to threat. With offices all Over the world, the agency screens and trains domestic servants anywhere and provides year-round advice (minimum fee $2000) on keeping your office free of bugs, bombs and political terrorists. In South America several corn- ? panics often share the cost of a Burns 24-hour radio alert'system to keep watch on all the family. Lifting the Turkish Opium Ban ? The streets of America have become 'safer since opium growing was out- lawed in the distant hills of Turkey. 'But by early summer, barring a politi- cal miracle, the Turkish government will tell thd impoverished opium farm- ers in the remote Afyon region that they can once again plant their tradi- tional money crop: the opium poppy which gives Afyon its name. Thin expected Turkish action would have an inevitable impact on the U.S. ;-ime rate. For out of the new opium hast would come an illegal flood of heroin into this country. As more her- oin became available, hundreds of ? thousands of young people would try it ,,and become addicted. Most of them would be forced to turn to crime to ? 'support their habit. The effect on U.S. cities, narcotics officials tell us, would be measured in robbery, violence andAtilinlbadymap _words like "disastrous" and "catastrophic" to describe the conse- quences. Yet the pressure to lift the opium ban is coming, in part, from a few U.S. pharmaceutical firms looking for , cheap morphine. They are in strange company, ranging from opium growers and international smugglers td Mafia mobsters and corrupt Turkish legisla- tors?all eager to revive the heroin ?traffic. . Before 1972, when opium growing :was banned iii Turkey in exchange for $35.7 million compensation from the American taxpayers, huge opium ship- ments were diverted to France for re- fining into heroin and then were smug- gled into the United States. We have obtained a secret House re- port, which estimates at one point "up to 80 per cent of heroin in the United With the decline in addiction came a Reim State; altafati gar* a Ift0432811Q9449439410tan in crime and duced the flow into this country until ? only the hard-core addicts could obtain heroin. Suddenly, it became almost un- available to the young drug "thippers," who like to live danger- Jusly. The House report, authored by Nar- cotics Subcommittee Chairman Lester Wolff (D-N.Y.), describes what hap- pened after the Turkish connection was cut off. "Heroin addiction," it states, "(was) reduced from bekween 500,000 and 700,000 to about 200,000 ac- tive addicts ... "The price of one milligram of her- oin in New York City was 44 cents in 1972; by mid-1973, (it) had risen to $1.52. The street level purity of her- oin sold to addicts decreased ... from 7.7 per cent to 3.7 per cent." 21 Approved For Release 2001/08/08': CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 misery. "Overdose deaths, drug-related hepatitis and drug-related property crimes," declares the report, "have de- , dined throughout most areas of the Unitid Sthtes for the first time in six yea0." tY The end of opium planting in Tur- key \ caused repercussions, indeed, throughout the subterranean world of i drugs: In Europe, the Corsican crimi- nals who had made huge profits from 4, heroin smuggling were compelled to Invest their money in more or leas le- ' ; gitimate businesses. The federal nark r 1 cotics investigators warn, berever, that the Wirt is keeping Ste Wrest- ' menta semi-liquid in anticipation of a reopening of the opium traffic. , , In Southeast Asia, opium traders in, the mountainous Golden Triangle of Burma, Thailand and Laos began to feel out the United States on an ex- change deal similar to that made with. Turkey., One group offered to sell 400 tons of opium to the United States to get it off the market. In India, the Soviets began buying up legal opium feverishly for medical/ ? purposes. Suddenly India, which leade the world in legitimate opium sales, also found about 25 per cent of its crop ..being diverted to criminal elements. ? But in Turkey itself, an outcry ! NEW YORK TIMES 19 April 1974 Late in 1963, when he was a lower-echelon Navy officer, according to Adm. Elmo R. Zumwalt Jr., now Chief of Naval Operations, he wrote a report saying "our national ; interest would not be served by becoming militarily in- ' volved" in Vietnam. "The , superior that Overruled my recommendation was named Dr. Daniel J. Ellsherg," Ad- miral Zumwalt told a Tufts !University audience in Med- ford, Mass. Dr. Ellsberg, who; joined the Defense Depart- ment in 1964 to work in de- cision making regarding Viet- nam, at first supported the war but later became disen- chanted and made public' . what was to become known' as the Pentagon papers. ? 11 against the ban began to swell. The farmers who were supposed to get the American aid complained it arrived late when it came at all. They sus- pected, with some justice, that the U.S. payments were going into the bottont- less pockets of corrupt officials. Chairman Wolff, accompanied by Rep. Charles Rangel (D-N.Y.) traveled into the Turkish hinterland to get, as the report puts it, "some insight into ' the poppy ban in Turkish eyes." Feel- ing among the opium traders ran so high that the two congressmen had to be guarded by armed Turkish and ' American security men. The congressmen met a 70-year-old farmer who "had grown poppies on those hills every year until 1972," they relate. "He had, at the government's suggestion, grown sunflowers as a sub- stitute .. But he did not like the taste ;?C sunflower seed oil. He also planted hawkey now ... but it earned less two; than the poppy." VllejS esked him whether he wanted It ogee 4...;ppies again. "yes," said the di( 411010.11P limply. kiwi* ef those interviewed along the rocky reads of Afyon felt the same / way. Some said grudgingly they would *, abide by the government decree. But otters were .openly rebellious, admit: ting they had illegally sold opium gum. "Two opium pressers spoke with in- dignation about how their small busi- nesses disappeared with the end of the THE ECONOMIST APRIL 13, 1974 The opium war Money can't buy Turkey's decision to reject further American anti-opium compensation and resume poppy-growing has cast a heavy shadow over the corresponding "honourable bribery" being offered by the United States to opium growers in the Golden Triangle where Thailand, Burma and Laos meet. The Americans, financing a similar campaign there, have already paid $7m to reward Thai tribesmen who agree to discard the opium petals for maize and vegetables with guaranteed markets. Thailand's King Bhumibol himself has intervened to encourage this Mafia-Rotarian switch from opium-growing. A recent estimate claimed that in five north-eastern Thai villages where the compensation scheme had been opera- 22 poppy seed supply," recounts the re.., port. "A local doctor said that the ban was imposed with haste and without , 'adequate consideration." But perhaps Wolff' s most disturbing discovery was the role of some U.S. pharmaceutical firms in the backstage campaign to lift the opium ban. He found the firms were quietly but ac- tively lobbying with the Turkish gov- ernment, Geneva narcotics conference and even the U.S. Congress. Ih short, these pharmaceutical firms are more interested in reducing the price they have to pay for opium than in prevent- lug drug addiction and street crime. The secret report concludes, gloomily: "An apparently insolula- problem faces the United States and Turkey concerning the opium ban. Each has taken a course which, when fulfilled, will probably result in a fron- tal collision with the other." The report urges that the channels be kept open with Turkey and that the crop diversification program be pur- sued. "Raising the level of understand. ing in Turkey about the international drug problem is a vital basis for any future cooperation," states the study. ? 1974. Milted Feature Ilindleat? ting opium production had fallen by 40-50 per cent. But the Golden Tri- angle produces more than 700 tons of opium each year and no one has been quite sure how much it would cost the Americans to seduce the thousands of villagers from their simple, traditional 1 and rewarding poppy-growing. World opium prices have been soaring and this year's harvest in south-east Asia will double the local poppy-growers' return of $50 per chia (1.6 kilo- grammes) last year to $100 this year. The collapsed American venture in Turkey cost $36m in compensation over two years. The experiment in the Golden ' Triangle would greatly multiply the initial American investment if it were pressed to a conclusion. After the Turkish about-face, it is doubtful whether the south-east Asian _project can go on getting that sort of money from the United States. Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 Apiiroved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 . Easte u.r ..ope LC6'2,11NGELES TIMES 31 tilarch 1974 Two Americans Tar et of Russ Spy MURRAY SEEGER r?. The recent exiling of Lipson sa id tha t he Times Staff Writer MOSCOW?The Soviet government. has barred a 1 Harvard University! professor from leading in- ? dependent tours through the country, and has re- cently expelled a man de- scribed as a CIA agent dis- guised as a tourist. In both cases, the U.Si ? Embassy in Moscow was! not notified of any such; actions and the professor,1 Alexander Lipson, who ; ? has not visited here for a , few .years, said he knows I nothing about the govern- I ? ment's move against him. I The so-called CIA agent was only vaguely iclenti- ? fied as H. Riegg, ?a grad- uate of the University of Pennsylvania, in the Com- munist Party newspaper, ' Selskaya Zhizn. There was no indication when he was expelled but his (Lime was distributing"anti- Soviet 'literature." . "We go through this nearly every spring,"- a Western ? diplomat ? s a Id. ? 'This is part of the cain- paign to warn. the Soviet !people about mingling'. with foreigners. It is part of the spy mania." . ,? While the Soviet Union ; is always apprehensivel about the visits by large; numbers of foreigners and; takes careful precautions i against the Importation of book s, magazines andj newspapers it considers ; likely to poison the .purel. Soviet cultural atmos- phere, vigilance is eve- ' daily high now.. ? ? . The relaxation of cal tensions between the Soviet Union and the : United States and West- ern Europe has encour- ; ? aged Russians to believe that all controls on their ? lives will be loosened. Since the ruling Commu- fist Party is still engaged ? in a policy of "ideological warfare" with the ' West, ; however, it has tightened Its controls on the flow of novelist Alexander Solzhe- nitsyn to the West and ef- forts by Western countries ; to negotiate easier move- ment of people and ideas ; at the European security I conference in Geneva have ; also heightened the offi- cial barriers against out- side ideas. . { . 1 For example, a 16-year- old Boston boy, who ar- rived in Leningrad in mid- March as part of a tourist group, was forced to turn over to customs agents a n e w English - language copy of Solzhenitsyn's "August, '1914," a travel , gift from a friend. The book was not returned ' when he left the country.: According to Selskaya 1 Zhizn, the anti-Commu- nist world has failed to; i break down the walls of ; the Communist societ y t ? with alternative theories l ; and is now trying to bore? from within. I Prof. Lipson, who !teaches Russian language ' and literature at the Har-. ; yard graduate school of education, was accused of !Wino' the character of a , 1"hardeened anti-Sovietist."?1 ; behind his academic exter- ; : ior. i' "Lipson visited the.: U.S.S.R. with the purpose 1 of gathering as much dirt ! ; as' Possible for anti-Corn- I.? !anunist propaganda," ? the.! , paper said. "He &minted! ' that- members of his tour- ist groups get, the necessa- ? ry information bs? their own 'independent' ways. ? ? ; "Lipson himself behaved! I with lack of responsibility : 1 t and sometimes was openly! Iboorish. He was prohibit- ed from entering 'the' iU.S.S.R. in the future." ; . From Cambridge, Mass., ! Lipson said he could "shed no. light on what they are talking about." He started taking ?sToups. ? ; of 30 to 100 students to the, . Soviet. Union during sum.; :mem starting in 1963 after: 'attending Moscow Univer- sity in 1964. He has not , ;been in the Soviet Union this yeap. ideas into the country- pprove or Re leas dF RI e 2001/08/08 : CIA-RW7-00432R000100330008-3 ;warned all his tourists about the restrictions So- : ?*viet law places on visitors and that he would disasso- ciate himself from any tourist who got into trou- ble with the authorities. "I don't know every- thing they do," he admit- ted. He never received any reports of trouble with his tourists. ? ? ? For Moscow observers, however, the Lipson tours 'were the kind that make. the internal security pol- icy most nervous. They want .all tourists in the country under the surveil- lance of the government agency, Intourist, which is associated with the secret police (KGB). The police are especially it about Contacts between young people. ?Alleged CIA agent Riegg, the paper said, had been recruited by t h e agency in college and tried to enter a scientific section of Leningrad University ! but was turned down. He then entered the country as a tourist and "started spreading anti-So- viet literature, gathering t e ndentious information and fulfilling other un- seemly errands," Selskaya Zhizn continued. "The tourist was caught Mania --- red-handed ancl thrown out of the U.S.S.R." ,. The paper did not ex- plain why the government issued a tourist visa to' a ' man the polgce knew had been recruited by the CIA in college. Most tourists who . get into trouble in the Soviet Union have problems ? when they -try to take ; snapshots that are com- mon in any other Einar). , can country. In the Soviet , Union, it is illegal to take , pictures of railroad sta- ations, facloties, acapoits, airports, 'telephone offices, radio . stations and any I hing of a military charac- ter. - A Pasadena tourist des , scribed how she and 'her husband visited Novgorod as part of an Intourist "art tour" and saw. a retired American professor ar- rested after taking a pie- Lure of a large poster ofa Lenin on the side of a ; ? The guide' secured the ton m'ist's release but. he ? had to surrender his film because the building was a'. chemical works. ? .All air travelers in the' Soviet Union are warned, they cannot take photos-. out of airplane window,' and in airports tourists are told to cover their cameras' or put them Away. Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 ME TIMES, London 5 April 1974 ' Rptssia told Klan dosses' in US Army From Edmund Stevens Moscow, April 4 American press coverage and comment on the recent Moscow talks of Dr Kissinger, the United States Secretary of State, are sharply censured by Mr Boris Strelnikov, the Wash- ington correspondent of Pravda. Insisting that much was accomplished,. he writes: "The role of mass Information media consists of sup-porting the posi- tive tendencies and in no case hindering the strengthening of mutual understanding and deve- lopment of contacts between the ' two countries. "However certain organs of the American bourgeois press and especially the influential New York Times and Washing- ton Post, disregarding the facts, publish irresponsible informa- tion. They do their utmost to present matters as though Kissinger's Moscow mission failed completely because of Kremlin obduracy." He darkly suggests that The New York Times, Washington Post and other newspapers may be involved in a plot, sponsored by the military-industrial com- plex and Zionist lobby, to dis- rupt the American-Soviet dia- logue. Mr Strelnikov's advice to the American media on the need to support the positive might well he heeded by the Soviet press, including his own news- paper. Despite certain improve- ments, much Soviet coverage of America is hardly calculated to further mutual understanding Red Star, the organ of the armed forces, reports on "the activization of racist organiza- tions in the armed forces of the United States, where the Ku- Klux-Klan burn their ritualistic crosses and beat up and kill Negroes, even on the territory of military installations, and where criminals of the Lieu- tenant Calley type are looked upon as heroes. This comes from an article marking the twenty-fifth anni- versary of Nato. The article also claims that the Nato staff is riddled with neo-Nazis ? Another anniversary article, in Sovietskaya Rossiya says: "The militarist colossus has grown to such dangerous pro- portions that there are no grounds for a relaxation of vigilance by the peace-loving forces ", a Soviet synonym for the Warsaw Pact forces. Professor Nikolai Molchanov, an eminent Soviet historian,.. accuses the Institute of Strategic Studies in London of providing exaggerated, doctored figures on the strength of the Soviet mili- tary establishment, to justify the Nato build-up. CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR 9 April 1974 'U.S. press ?threatens detente'. Pray . By Leo Gruliow :- Staff correspondent of The Christian Scienoe Monitor - ? Moscow The Russians are annoyed by cur- rent talk in the West 'about the need for strength- in the -face of Soviet military power and by Western calls ' for tough bargaining with Moscow ' over nuclear arms limitation. Apparently what has stirred things up in Moscow is the comment in the Western, ? and particularly the American ? press after Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger's failure to bring about a much-hoped-for break- through in strategic arms control , when in Moscow last month and the speculation after Defense Secretary 1 James Schlesinger's earlier adjust- ment in basic U.S. nuclear strategy. While Pravda decries the American !public discussion of defense needs and strategy, Soviet military spokesmen, in internal pronouncements, never cease to proclaim essentially the !same doctrine as held by the Penta- gon ? that ultimately peace rests on their own country's strength. I Soviet strategy, however, is not !subject to public discussion. When a istrategy review brings debate in America and, as in this instance, an . outcry for a stronger force or tough !bargaining with Moscow, the Soviet press reacts sensitively to all the talk. The sensitivity now appears com- pounded by Mr. Kissinger's failure to I achieve a fresh accord on nuclear. 1 arms. Evidently Moscow feels that Western concern over this setback plays into the hands of what it calls a coalition of U.S. military-industry ? spokesmen, right-wingers, and Zion- ists. To allay concerrf, all Soviet media have been presenting a bold front of? optimism about prospects for a fur- ther arms limitation agreement by 24 the time of ,Mr. Nixon's expected summer visit to Moscow. Specifically "Moscow is critical of Western press comment on two counts: , ? ? Although Secretary of State Kis- singer's Kremlin visit failed to bring a hoped-for breakthrough on a strategic arms agreement, the soviet media have repeatedly complained that the Western press reported the situations with undue pessimism. Pravda even charged that the pessimism was de- liberate "political sabotage" of de- tente. ? In the first major military corn- mentary following Dr. Kissinger's visit, Pravda said Sunday that the American public discussion of a re- vised nuclear strategy "cast a ' shadow" on the Breztutev-Nixon 1973 pledge to prevent nuclear warfare. 'Detente spirit' cited A review of nuclear strategy would seem to be an internal matter for the Pentagon planners, the Pravda com- mentator admitted, but he implied that all the hubbub about the strategy review ran counter to the spirit of detente and could build up momen- tum for a new arma race. ' Two months ago U.S. Defense Sec- retary Schlesinger announced plans tot shift emphasis from the earlier Inuclear strategy of retaliation against an enemy's urban centers to one of targeting part of the missile ,etrike force on Soviet missile bases. , The Pentagon's strategy, Pravda said, also contemplated the use of tactical nuclear weapons in Europe so as not to leave U.S. allies at a disadvantage in converktional war- fare. This would mean "mini-nu- clear" war, the Moscow paper de- clared. Pravda confessed that all of the hypothetical strategy could be Ig- nored because there was a long way ! between belligerent plans and actual warfare. I3ut what troubled the Soviet I commentaor was the thought that military declarations and policy deci- sions might be used for psychological pressure on the Soviet' Union. Mr. Schlesinger, the writer said, had talked of this. ' Even more than psychological pres- Sure, the commentator feared that advocates of an arms race might utilize the strategy review, if linked to moves to improve weapons and in- crease their range, to build up mili- tary power. Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R00 ApProved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 THE ECONOMIST APRIL 13. 1974 Jets for Russia Boping's turn It is Boeing's turn to go to Russia next: month to talk about the 20 wide-bodied. jets that Aeroflot wants to buy from; the west, and the factory that the Russians intend to build to turn out their own versions thereafter. These talks, have been going on for more than three I years. Nobody any longer doubts the 1 Russians' serious intent. Although 1 they have a huge military freighter in ; production, they have nothing approach- ing a wide-bodied civil aircraft. Even more I important, there is no Russian engine. This is the first difficulty. When ; Boeing at one stage suggested pro- viding an American airframe for a Soviet-built engine, the Russians' embarrassment was obvious. The gap is going to be filled by the Rolls-Royce RB211, which the Russians intend to buy and later to build under licence as they did the first Rolls-Royce jets immedi- ately after the war. So why not buy Lockheed's Tristar to go with it? After all, the Tristar is wide-bodied and the! only aircraft using the R8211. Because, apparently, the Russians have mis- givings about Lockheed's financial ! stability and about the company's announcement that it is not going to ; make any major developments to the r Tristar. Lockheed teams have been to I Moscow and may yet pull the deal off, ; but many in the company think their ; Moscow trips are a waste of time. McDonnell Douglas has a suitable ? family of wide-bodied DC lOs of all sizes and ranges, either developed or under development; but it is owned by ; a man not particularly interested in Russian business. That leaves Boeing as the other serious contender with a family of wide-bodied jets on offer to the airlines. But only the 747 is actually in production, so the Russians would be taking a chance on the rest. . Technical problems apart, money could be a difficulty. Up to $500m is at stake, and there could be political trouble in Washington when the ques- tion arises of providing such credit to Russia. One alternative would be to raise the funds in London. Preliminary sound- ings suggest this would be possible, but at a price the Russians might not like. The cost might, however, be concealed elsewhere in ;the accounts. 1 This is what happened during Germany's 1 negotiations with Russia over the Kursk ; steel complex. WASHINGTON POST 16 April 1974 Victor Zorza soviets Prefer Ford Could, the Kremlin be considering whether to dump Mr. Nixon in favor of Vice President Ford? In a remarkable interview with John Osborne of The New Republic, which Ford now says he intended should re- main off the record, the Vice President has described ? the administration he might form if Mr. Nixon should step down. If he became President, Ford ? might drop Secretary/of Defense James Schlesinger?the man Moscow regards as 'the Nixon administration's evil spirit responsible for blocking fur- ther progress on detente. The Kremlin is obviously reassessing' its attitude to the Nixon 'administra- tion. The June summit in Moscow still on, but Foreign Minister Gromy- ko's attitude in Washington last week made it clear that no real SALT agree- ? ment will be forthcoming. ? The Kremlin's study of the ,options 'would presumably begin by asking whether Mr. Nixon's survival in office would still be to its advantage. Even if he survies, his position would be seri- osuly weakened. He would no longer be able to conclude major agreements , 'on arms reduction, trade, and the-like, which have made his adminigtration so attractive to Moscow. But Ford, as a new ,President, could start all over again?and Ford has said that he would keep Kissinger. That would be worth a lot to Moscow. Mr. Nixon has had to default on his: ptilitical debts to the Kremlin, but Ford would be able to repay some of 'them. Most important of all, Ford would be ? a natural candidate for re- election in 1976, and this would make him more susceptible to subtle pres- sures and bargaining offers from a Kremlin which now knows how to play the American election game. It was,Mr. Nixon who taught the Kremlin ow to play the game, by in- tertwining his last election campaign to a President who is also a candidate: The television coverage, the promise of a generation of peace confirmed by, an affectionate send-off from Moscow, an agreement to limit arms. There was, of course, also the new structure , of peace. But Mr. Nixon got some votes; and Moscow got the American grain which averted possible food riots And thay have saved Brezhnev. On this count alone, it would clearly be in Moscow's interest that the man in the White House 'in 1976 should be running for re-election. But it would be doubly st) if Sen. henry Jackson (D. Wash.) gets the Democratic nomina- tion. The Soviet press Is creating the 'impression that Jackson and Schle- ; singer have already enough power be- Itween them to bring the cold war back, ? even if Nixon remains in the White House. Moscow 'press coverage of Jack son suggests that the Kremlin ?sees him as the most likely?and most dan-' gerous?Democratic candidate in the next election: It implies that Jackson as President would not only bring back ; the cold war but even a hot war. The , Kremlin regards him as so great a ,threat that it cannot simply sit back in ,the hope that perhaps Sen. Edward Kennedy (D-Mass.)?whom it recently invited to Moscow In another anti. Jackson move?will get., the nomina tion. ; One way to keep Jackson out is to help get ,Ford in now, , and to strengthen him .for the election cam- paign by tacit electoral bargains of the kind the Kremlin made with Mr. Nixon in .1972: The longer Mr. Nixon stays now, the more likely Jackson is to get. 'In later. But can the Kremlin seriously be- lieve that it could influence the Ameri- can electoral process, with all its vagaries? All we know is that it has tried to do so in the past. It does not, need anyone to put ideas in its head. Khrushchev used to boast that he .had helped John F. Kennedy win the Presidency, in a very close election, by timing the release of the U.S. airmen then held captive in the Soviet Union in a way designed to favor Kennedy. Brezhnev helped Mr. Nixon. He will do anything to keep out Jackson. So long as the Kremlin thought that Mr. Nixon could pay his debts, it con- ducted itself in a way designed to help him against his critics. To reverse its conduct would require no change of principle, only a change in its estimate of whether Mr. Nixon can pay his debts?and t is now clear that he can- not. The Krettilin knows that by refusing to cooperate with Mr. Nixon on Salt, the Mideast, and the like, it is depriv- ing him of his last line of defense?the argument that he should be allowed to remain in office to complete the struc- ture of peace. Moscow cannot, by it- self, dump Nixon, but it can add mate- rially to the pressure on defenses that are growing weaker all the time. The Soviet press continues to be kind to .Mr. Nixon, but deeds are more impor- tant than words. Moscow's motives In refusing to co- operate with Mr. Nixon may be mixed, but if its uncooperative attitude per- sists, it will be clear that the Kremlin has indeed decided to dump Nixon and to help install Ford, in the expectation that it can gain more this way. 13 1374. Victor Zorosw Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 2S Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R0001003300 'urirfe BALTIMORE SUN April 1974 , ? ? ? suspects U.S. ploy ? ? ? ? . ? ? ,: (:%!,!,!nt f I; )1?1., 1,r . if" I ??!1" ."1 . . ? tj ait tivasioll'reiTea e ????,. " ? Sun sttif/ correspondent ! Vienna?Sensational ? diaclos- ures an :Anitrian Magazine of a Soviet?contingendy plan to 'invade and occupy large parts :of Western Europe have caused ,a political and diplomatic up- roar here. .?. ? First. published in Profit in February; the article, which stems; from an interview with ? Jan Sejna, ? the Czech gh.neral who defected to the West in 1968 and now i living in the United States; has convinced Austrian officials that the U.S. deliberately P!anted the dis- closures. Though these officials express puzzlement over the possible :motives.of the U.S;, They Point ? out that Mr: Sejna, tald to be under the care' of the Central Intelligenee''AgenCY,:setthld ,not have revealed the.so-called.Pe- larka Plan Without .U.S. gov7 ernnient ?? As ?revealedi biri Mr: 'Sejha,.. the scenario, :which ?Iveuld be based On real, manipulated, or, fabricated events, Calls. foil. 'the death of Fectilicht?Tito of Yu- goslavia, subsequent unrest in the .country , and a call for Soviet heti, in quelling the .dis= ? ..? ? order. ? ? ? " Austria would fisCit group i ute the country for staging, attacks on Yugoslavia 19 violation of the 1935 state treaty that established Austrian ,neutrality. ? 1,i ? ? !i A" blitz attack' ' bit '50,000 Czech' and Hungarian 'troops s intO 'Austria would be coordi- nated With a Soviet invasion of Yugoslavia through 'Hungary. Most, .of Austria . would bb brolight under "control within 24 hoUrg .i.ancl another contingent of,, about400,000 Soviet troops withld:rriareh through the coun- try and into Yugoslavia froth the northwest Sejna revelations were published in .February by Pro. fit,. an, Austrian news mag4- iine, and a, portion of the inter- view was broadcast on 'Austrian television. ? . Exactly why the Americana &loved, full diSclosure. of ,the .Polarka Plan at this time as is believed here---is a matter for speculation, though it Is goner.' ? ? ? I ? , ..? , ? couraged the idea. 'ally thought that it :was. in- Finally, Mr. Stanzl was in- structed to show up with his tended to., swaypublic,()Pinion in Austria, widely criticized for cameraman at a Safeway p a woefully inadequate defense parking lot on Cincihiati aye- system;,, to counter a,. marked pp-Soviet trend in,YugoSlavia; Sunday, December 16. They and to gain support in West Germany, where the govern- ment is caught in the middle of a U.S.-French feud. Most Austrians seem to take it for granted that the Ameri- cans arranged the interview with Mr. Sejna for some politi- cal purpose. Werner Stanzl, a former Austrian television correspond- ent and now a staff writer for the Vienna-based Profit maga- zine, said he suspected that ex-General Sejna brought out plans involving Austria when he defected. Mr. Stanzl said he tried to obtain an interview for three or four years. He tried through the Pentagon, various Amen- were to take a taxi to get there, send the cab off, and they would be picked up by a black limousine. All went according to sched- ule and Mr. Stanzl and his cameraman were met by Mr. Johnson. Mr. Stanzl described his host as definitely an Amer- ican?judging from his English and mannerisms?but he spoke perfect German. Heavy snowstorm Mr. Johnson drove around in circles for some time, appar- ently to make sure they were not being followed, then drove to a house in a middle-class residential neighborhood, not far from the rendezvous point. Mr. Stanzl and his cameraman can embassies and through un- :were told to forget the address official contacts, but without and not to photograph the success. Last October, in the !house. course of a conversation with; an American contact, whom he had met though Czech emigre circles, he brought up his re- quest again. To his surprise, Mr. Stanzl said, the contact said that per- haps he could be of some help and Mr. Stanzl subsequently received a post office box number In a Washington sub- urb, to which he wrote. Safeway parking lot Inside the house Mr. Stant and his cameraman were searched and their luggage checked by four men, who Mr. Sejna later identified as FBI men assigned to him as body- guards. At one point during their stay, Mr. Stanzl said, he noticed that the men had sub- machine guns kept behind the draperies. ? Mr. Stanzl was told that he must stay in the house and once he left it the interview A few days later a cable would be over. As it turned came from Washington, in- out, there was a heavy snow- structing him to call a certain storm and he remained at the telephone number in Washing_ house for three days and two ton at a given time. Mr. Stanzl nights, talking to tiw general was in London on assignment from 8 A.M. to 11 P.M. at the time. When he called the number three days too late he received no reply. A few days later he received a call from Washington from a man who identified himself as "Mr. Johnson" and as a friend He also received photocopies of the Polarka Plan that then- General Sejna smuggled out to the West in 1968. Mr. Stanzl said no fee was requested or paid for the inter- view or his stay, and when he of Mr. Sejna. expressed his gratitude to Mr. Over the next 10 days, Mr. Johnson, his host replied, ganzl said, Mr. Johnson called "Don't mention It. We all him 6 or 7 times, each conver- serve a good cause." sation taping from 90 to 50 When the Profit article ap- minutes, to find out all the peared, there were rumors at questions Mr. Stanzl wanted to the same time that the 81- ask and to arrange details of year-old Marshal Tito was his travel plans. gravely ill. They were followed Mr. Stanzl said when he sug- . by reports, mainly in West gested that he might bring ;German newspapers, of i War- along a free-lance television saw Pact maneuvers in Czech- cameraman, Mr. Johnson en- o 26 Approved For Release 2601/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 1,1 * ...; ?? ! ; unusual military activity, and the movement of two Soviet airborne brigades from Czech- oslovakia to Hungary. Called authentic Military sources in West Germany and Austria insist ,that all the reports of extraor- dinary military activity in the East bloc were completely un- founded. The American Embassy here disclaimed any prior knowl- edge of the Sejna interview and could shed no light on the subsequent scare stories. The reaction of the Austrian government was also curious. Mr. Stanzl said that upon this return to Vienna after in- terviewing Mr. Sejna, he went directly to Gen. Karl Luetgen- dorf, the Austrian defense min- ister, for confirmation of what he had learned. Mr. Stanzl said the minister told him that the Austrianstov- ernment had long ago been informed Of the Polarka Plan and that what the Czech defec- tor had told Mr. Stanzl was authentic. General Luetgendorf, how- ever, said he cibuld not publicly confirm the plan before getting the approval of Chancellor Bruno Kreisky. It is not clear whether Mr. Kreisky ever gave the official green light to his defense minister, but it has been confirmed that Rudolf Kirschschlaeger, the foreign minister, gave his approval. Subsequently, General Luet- gendorf gave an interview to Profit as well as to ORF, the Austrian television station, in which he confirmed the au- thenticity of the Polarka Plan and said it should be taken seriously and was "not to be belittled." Had refused broadcast This decision was of some importance since ORF had re- fused to broadcast the Sejna interview unless some authori- tive Austrian official agreed to go on television and speak on the subject. Profit, with a circulation of only 200,000, is not widely read in Austria. The Sejna story would not have had the impact that it did had it not also appeared on Austrian televi- sion, which is seen nationwide and in parts of Czechoslovakia, I Hungary and western Yugtisla- Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R0001003,80008-3 Whereas his government addOd greatly to the impact of the g\ disclosures, Chancellor Kreliky expressed public indig- nation over them, attributing the work to "Cold Warriors." He added that he slid not rule (1'.!t the pblity ti some ; American services might be 'interested in disturbing Austri- i 61-Soviet relations. In an apparent attempt to !calm Soviet furor over. the ;broadcast, Mr. Kreisky noted that Polarka was only a con- tingency plan and that Western powers have ones that are !even more drastic. Nevertheless, indications are that the Austrian government was not altogether displeased with the disclosures, though Austrian officials say they doubt that Austria was the primary target for the Amen- cab ploy. One high Defense Ministry official expressed pnvately a view, apparently shared by many Austrians, that the pri- mary target was Yugoslavia. While Profit does not circulate in Yugoslavia, the West Ger- man newspapers, which picked! up the story and amplified it, do. The Yugoslav popular press had also picked up th; West Germany- in prt1cular.at a time when strains hav: Sejna interview, though onl) developed in trans-Atlantic sol the part that applies to Aus ,idarity. tria. ' The interview is thought It be an attempt to counter Pres Tito's for closet: reiations with the Soviet Unior ad to Influence public opinioz arct a more pro-Westen orientation. Another major target, ac cording to some Austria' sources, are the United States': Western European partners; NEW YORK TIMES 9 April 1974 Nixon's Demeanor During Paris Visit' Draws Sharp Criticism From French tat the residence of his host, lEurope kneels before Mr. Nixon, , By NAN ROBERTSON Ambassador John N. Irwin 2d. seated in a throne-like chair. Special to The New York Times France-Soir said the President She is about to kis a ring on PARIS, April 8?President had hammered away at the the extended hand of ?the Nixon's talks with world lead- need for Atlantic cooperation President. His feet are on a black-bordered 'death notice. ers and his activities on the and cloe consultation between The French man-in-the-street streets of Paris this weekend the United States and Europe- was not at all puzzled that Mr. brought sharp criticism in He was in fact countering France today, as well as some France's policy "in our very grudging acknowledgment ..of own capital," the paper said. continuing United States power. And the conservative Le Fig- On three occasions on Satur- aro squarely titled its account day and Sunday, Mr. Nixon :of the President's doings: "The plunged through police lines to Sovereign of the Western shake hands and talk with World." curbside crowds. This was in Le Figaro's article spoke of addition to talks With foreign Mr- Nixon's "operation Charle- leaders assembled here to hejasct ardeds smoTriee, igniawowuklich? u coa honor the memory of President audiences to Italian, British, Georges Pompidou, Who died West Germany and Danish on Tuesday. statesmen, all worried about deteriorating relations between A letter circulated to jour- the European community and nalists and made available to- the United States. day to the bureau of The New A cartoon next to the article York Times by a high official makes clear how Le Figaro of a French ministry said Mr, sees the power relationship be-? Nixon had "shamelessly sub- tween Mr. Nixon and Europe. A crowned woman depicting stituted a publicity campaign for the mourning of an entire nation, introducing an atmos- phere of loud feverishness, the discourtesy of which is equaled only by its clumsiness." NEW YORK TIMES ,13 April 1974 Nixon and other world leaders Iwere conducting "mini-sum- mits," as they were called here, after the memorial service for Mr. Pompidou on Saturday. More than 50 chiefs of state and government had converged on Paris to pay homage .to President Pompidou. It seemed natural to the French that the leaders thus as- sembled would also do a little business with each other. Mr. Nixon spoke with nearly 40 of them during his 40 minutes at a reception at the Foreign Min- istry .and conducted more ex- tensive talks elsewhere. The universal bafflement was about why a foreign president would seek to press the flesh and speak with the crowds of several hundred eathered to The Austrian Defense Minis.. try source said he did not think it was just a coinc!L'nr,?,. that the Americans allowed tho Sejna interview at the time. when the .U.S. and West Gal'. Many were about to conclude new agreement requiring Boni- to offset more than $2 Willa of the cost of stationing U.S troops in the country over the next two years. watch the celebrities streaming in and out of buildings on the Rue du Faubourg-St.-Honor? . One block of the south side of that street contains not only the residence of the American Ambassador, but the embassies of Britain and Japan and the Elyse Palace, now occupied by the acting President of France, Alain Poher. The crowds Mr. Nixon rushed into on the north side of the Rue du Faubourg-St. Honor?ere uniformly friend- ly, cheered him and pressed around him. At one point he asked a French policeman hold- ing. back the straining throng: "How do you like your job?" The President spoke in English. The policeman stared back un- comprehendingly. ' Mr. Nixon told one group, also in English: "Forty years' ago I majored in French. After four years I could speak it, I could write it, I read all of the classics. And today I just understand a little." Another Decline Of the West Le Monde, the most respected By C. L. Sulzberger newspaper in France, joined in the indignation in a front-page editorial titled "The Nixon Fes- tival." But it added that the American President had spec- tacularly demonstrated his con- tinuing ability to dominate international politics ? even without the presence of Secre- tary of State Kissinger. The newspaper said Mr. Nix- on had asked for and received the allegiance of the European statesmen he Saw one after the other and that he had continued the "superpower dialogue" with President Nikolai N. Porigorny of the Soviet Union. The mass-circtilation daily are few _nbseners...around. w France-Soir said Mr. Appristbd For Rgag,seolaysvoitypth,yl& set up a virtual White House halt PARIS?The idea of "Europe" for- mally signalized by the Common Market Treaty of Rome seventeen years ago is now going backward, not forward. When the European Com- munity was enlarged to include Brit- ain, Ireland and Denmark in 1972, there was a revival of the old spirit... that envisaged advance toward politi- cal unity, a common monetary policy and ultimately a unified system of defense. The concept of a twin-pillared At- lantic alliance based on coherent North American and West European contribu- tions had started to flicker once again last year. But a combination of eco- nomic and political setbacks has shoved the project into reverse. There 7-0 27 The most critical setback was the October Arab-Israeli war, which ex- posed gaping divisions between United States and European policy and which produced an energy crisis that widened the gap still further. On the heels of this came a British election that ; brought into power a minority Labor Government that is trying to gain favor with a puzzled electorate by picking "European" scabs. If carried too far this would be unwise. About the only clear-cut indica- tion in Britain's vote was a demonstra- tion that about 60 per cent of the elec- torate supported British adherence to the Community. Such support came in the Conservative and Liberal parties. The pro-Common Market faction in Labor over-balanced the anti-Market Tory group. 432R000100330008-3 As the Italian newspaper La Stamp* Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 Iobserves: "Europe, almost everywhere; ? now seems a remote, academic concept in the face of the seriousness of these . [Ctatnniunity] countries' internal prob- lerns,,;, and this is encouraging a self 4h, nationalistic approach." One might add that tins approach is even. mord disheartening as a result of the sag In leadership among Western lands. Whatever happens to President Nixon as 'the Watergate procedures continue to unfold, he can never again . be in a position to give the North Atlantic world dynamic guidance. The French war of political succession fol- lowing President Pompidou's death gives Frenchmen concern; Chancellor Willy Brandt is depressed following a popularity slump; and Britain's Harold Wilson is fighting to surmount a tidal wave of problems. Amid these developments, the Com- mon Market is being forced to face the fact that transnational economic and ? commercial projects worked out among European nations are simply not producing expected results. Thus the Anglo-French supersonic plane, Con- corde, is in desperate straits. France has already invested so much' In it that she had to cut research and, development for military aircraft to the bone. Now Britain seems on the verge of deciding to dump the entire venture, despite enormous sums in- vested in it, as too costly and imprac- tical. New. doubts are developing about the future of the swing-wing multirole combat aircraft (MRCA), which Brit- ain, Germany and Italy undertook to build six years ago. And, generally speaking, there is increasing realiza- tion that despite the technical ability of European manufacturers, they may be wiser to limit their .enterprises to less ambitious dreams. All this provided an unhappy back- ground to this month's meeting of . Community foreign ministers in Lux- embourg when James Callaghan, repre- senting the new Labor diplomacy, said' his Government opposes British "Euro; pean" Membership on terms previously negotiated by the Conservative Gov- ernment of Edward Heath. Although it is unlikely that Britain will actually pull out (for political rea-' sons), this attitude gives rise to new talk of "perfidious Albion" prodded on, by an Uncle Sam who, fearful of "European" competition, wants to break up the Common Market (as de , Gaulle always predicted in the past). Such talk, in which France?never. outstandingly "European" in its own' concepts?has been taking a tactless lead, comes at an exceedingly bad time for all the countries concerned, which means not only the Community members but the signatories to the Atlantic alliance. The economics of the energy crisis have cut deeply into , Western defense planning at a moment when both U.S. strategic negotiations with Moscow, and European security discussions are approaching critical phases. To have the West start to fall apart at such a moment, with its leadership losing vigor, its economic cooperation running into difficalties, its diplomacy lapsing into mutual recrimination and TIME WEST GERMANY 8 APR 1Q71 Help Wanted: Spies Bored with your job? Well, there's this outfit in West Germany that has quite a few positions available, offering not only security, fringe benefits, pro- motion and good pay, but also foreign travel and exciting assignments. Ac- cording to an eight-page brochure avail- able at government employment offices. men and women are needed in more than 40 professions?from map makers and pharmacologists to computer pro- grammers and historians. The eyebrow- raiser is the address to which pros- pective applicants should write: the headquarters of the Bundesnachrichten- dienst. or Federal Intelligence Service. Bonn's equivalent of the CIA. What that agency wants to hire is spies. Advertising for cloak-and-dagger men and women may sound strange, but the BND, as the agency is generally called, maintains that it works. Since the search began six months ago, there have been hundreds of applicants from a variety of backgrounds. The biggest single group is young lawyers (sniffs a ? BND personnel officer: "Lawyers think they can do anything"). Most of the ap- plicants were weeded out early, includ- ing one 13-year-old aspiring James' Bond. This week a handful of survi- vors will be selected for training after final tests for IQ, language ability and extemporaneous-speaking talent?pre- sumably on the assumption that spies must sometimes talk their way out of tight places. Most will fill routine as- signments at HND headquarters in the Bavarian village of Pullach. But a few will be sent out as "spooks." Though other intelligence agencies. including the CIA, run public advertise- ments to recruit technical specialists and other personnel, such candor is a bizarre turnabout for the nNo, which has been _supersecrctive since the postwar days PIGA RO j Paris when Rcinhard Gchlen organized it out of the ashes of Nazi Germany's mili- tary intelligence. The "Gehlen Organi- zation" was as mysterious as its found- er, who geperally stayed behind the wire-topped; 10-ft. concrete walls at Pul- lach and refused to be photographed. But the old guard, including Gehlen , himself, finally retired: and new recruits for an organization of 5.000 people could no longer be found by the traditional word-of-mouth method. Gehlen's successor. Gerhard Wessel. 60. first attempted to remedy.his grow- ing staff shortages with blind newspap- er ads: "Multinational company with worldwide operations seeks multilingual executive assistant willing to travel." Other multinational companies, howev- er, outbid him with more intriguing ads and better pay. In desperation, Wessel decided to go public. He ordered his small public relations staff, whose ma- jor function previously had been to kccp the BND out or the news, to thrust it into the limelight instead. Unreconstructed intelligence men protest that this is no way for a secret organization to behave. They argue that the BND can now be infiltrated by coun- terspies armed with nothing more le- thal than an application form. One an- swer to that, of course, is that the BND was unable to keep out double agents even when it was most secretive. To Gehlen's embarrassment, in the 1950s the Soviets stocked his organization with so many former SS intelligence men that Moscow had to do its own per- sonnel work. When too many coun- terspies became concentrated in certain OND departments. the Kremlin pres- sured them to seek transfers elsewhere in the organization, APPELEZ-MOI thv TAX; its statesmen bickering with each other is a deeply saddening event. Still worse is the disappearance from the political horizon of any thought of realizing former dreams of advance to genuine European unity that could make of this talented but discouraged area a valid world force. tr432 28 Apj3roved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 NeariEllist THE Npi LEADER It March 19Th Euro BY RAY ALAN Questions for the CIA THE WATERGATE serial seems to have reached its penultimate install- ment, but addicts should not despair. Another fascinating American mys- tery is at present looking for a pro- ducer. Its theme is the CIA's sup- posed ignorance of Egyptian and Syrian preparations to attack Israel last fall. People who know about such things believe that at least two Eu- ropean intelligence services deduced or guessed that an attack was com- ing and informed their governments ?weeks in advance. Economic offi- cials of the European Community warned members confidentially in July to expect a Mideast oil crisis by Christmas. Britain's Department of Trade and industry was told by the Prime Minister's office early in August to be prepared for a fuel , shortage provoked by military action ; in the Near East. Coupons for gaso- linc rationing were issued to British i post offices before the end of the month, and oil imports were stepped up. By mid-October, when the fight- ing was at its peak, the immediate I problem in Britain, France and some other Common Market countries was not to obtain petroleum but to find ; storage capacity for the stuff. C ; onsequently, it seems inconceiv- able that the CIA was left out in ; the cold, or that it failed to tell the ; White House what European serv- ices, if not its own agents, were an- ticipating. Yet, if Washington knew, ; why did it not alert Tel Aviv? Pre:, isumably; Israel would then have ; taken countermeasures, the war ; would have been much shorter, ; many lives would have been saved, and there would probably have been ; no oil embargo. For it was Egypt's initial military success, and Presi- Anwar dent el-Sadat'AplOGIVS8eFlor prestige, that persuaded Saudi Ara- bia and other Arab producers to join the victory parade and decree oil cuts. One British view is that the White House did know what was coming but wished to shake Israeli compla- cency and allow Sadat a tactical success that would give him suffi- cent self-confidence to open peace talks with Israel and accept Ameri- can assistance in exploring for oil and realizing his ambition to make Egypt a major refining and petro- chemicals center. Whether or not this was the case, Sadat has in fact ;told his ministers that Cairo must attract U.S. capital and lcnowhow. His economic advisers would like U.S. petroleum experts to prospect the Libyan border zone north and south of the Siwa oasis (where five years of Soviet exploration failed to find oil) and the northern fringes of the Nile delta. Other Arab governments are aware of this and are annoyed?the nominally "Left-wing" juntas of Syria and Iraq for ideological rea- sons, the Saudis because they are eager to acquire oil-based industries and suspect Sadat of cutting in on, the relatively close relationship they have had with Washington in recent years. Some Saudis even accuse Sa- dat and American oilmen of want- ing to keep Saudi Arabia underde- veloped, a mere exporter of energy to Western and Egyptian industry. I Though the Saudi oil minister, Sheik Ahmed Yamani, does not go quite so far, he adopted an anti-Americani posture during his recent talks with European governments, warning!' them not to join 'the 'United States in a defensive grouping of consumer I nations. The Saudis are now trying, hard to attract Japanese and Euro- pean investment. Their bait: cheaper petroleum than that available to in- ' dustries established in Egypt. Meanwhile, French officials inter- pret U.S. Mideast policy in cruder, more hostile, terms than the British. They believe Washington not only knew the Egyptian-Syrian attack was being prepared but decided to use it to reassert American economic in- fluence in Egypt and provoke the oil producers into taking restrictive measures harmful to Western Eu- is convinced that the rapid indus- trial growth of the European Com- munity and Japan in the past decade has given the U.S. a bad shock, and that Washiggton is gateful to the Arabs for having halted it. Collusion Theories SOME FRENCH commentators have, indeed, attributed the Mideast ' war and oil crisis to American-Soviet collusion. Contributors to Le Monde and other relatively sober papers , have written of "a high-level plot be- ' tween the Big Two" and "another Yalta." The purpose of the plot is al- , legedly to wreck the Common Mar- ket, to strengthen each superpower's hold on "its" half of Europe, and to, partition the Near East. A second school of collusion theorists believes that Egypt will henceforth 'lie in America's sphere of influence, to- gether with Israel, Jordan, Leba- non, and Saudi Arabia; that the CIA will have a free hand to sort out Libya; and that Kuwait will in due course join Iraq. Syria, South -Ye,- . men and Somalia in the USSR's shadow. This last theory is undoubtedly far-fetched. One does not need to be a collusion maniac to realize that the Soviet Union would..not be sorry to have the United States share its , Egyptian burden and may soon give priority to strategic and economic interests east of Suez. NATO offi- cials take it for granted that when the Suez Canal is reopened, the Kremlin will double the size of its . naval force in the Indian Ocean and try to improve on its present Iraqi toehold in the Persian Gulf. The Soviets are becoming in- creasingly interested in Arab oil, which they need in order to keep . them own oil exports flowing to Cen- tral and Western Europe. They im- ported 12 million tons in 1972 and plan to take 25 million tons this ' year, mostly from Iraq via a West- ern-built pipeline across Syria. (Both Iraq and Syria arc, by a convenient ' coincidence, under the rule of mili- tary juntas that profess allegiance to? , the pro-Soviet Baath party.) Mos- cow pays for the oil with military hardware?a trade that may tempt it to stir the Mideast cauldron occa- sionally. hcniansengORMittlit&1507-004321:100PR9#330668-g remlin urged Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 Baghdad to send troops to fight the Israelis. Now Soviet advisers are helping Iraq's Army plan a spring campaign against the irrepressible Kurds. in the northern part of the 1 country' , whom Moscow supportedl until if needed foreign oil. Kurdish sourc4 charge that the advisers are training Iraqis in the use of gas and another\ chemical weapon, and that the Arniy has taken delivery of thou- sands of Russian gas-masks. (I have no means of checking their claims. To date, gas has been used in Mid- east conflicts only by the Egyptians during the late Gamal Abdel Nas- ser's campaign against the Ye- menis.) Kuwait?which, as I have noted, balances Egypt in some French col- lusion theories?is certainly becom- ing a focus of Soviet interest in the , Persian Gulf. The emirate sent a military mission to visit Moscow in ; January; its Foreign Minister is ex- pected to make a trip there; andi Soviet officers are due to arrive in Kuwait soon. The USSR's Iraqi friends arc eager for closer links1 with the Kuwaitis, but the latter are I wary, remembering Baghdad's pasti schemings to take over their in- i credibly rich little territory. The kuwait government is hop- _ ing to buy a quiet life by subsidiz- ing Palestinian organizations, taking over the Anglo-American Kuwait Oil Company, and paying for Syria's new &Met arms and aircraft. it may siteceed, though a number of Arabs assume that the territory will ! one day be part of Iraq. A Syrian Baathist said recently that his party ; would like to see a union of Iraq. Kuwait and Syria, and then added, , :"no doubt the CIA will break it :up." He is probably in a minority, !however. After the October_ War, there are not very many people _ around with that Much faith in the CIA. THE GUARDIAN MANCHESTER 9 April 1974 Old myths obstacle to unity of Left EACH SUNDAY in recent weeks, Echo, the newspaper of the Greek armed forces, has published articles aimed at reviving memories of the coun- try's hitter civil wars of the 1940s. It has been dragging from the cupboard such skele- tons as the Communists' "kid- napping" of 28,000 children and their calls for the creation of an independent Macedonia. Now, it writes, "the aims are unaltered, but the tactics have changed, become more crafty, more treacherous." - The Communist Party has not been letting these attacks go unanswered and each Monday its foreign-based radio station, The Voice of Truth, has been giving the alternative view, pointing 'Out, for instance, how the "kidnapping" was designed to protect the children from " re-education " in the royalist schools?though it was often without the parents' consent ? and how the plans for an independent -Macedonia were severely condemned by the party after the two brief periods When they were pro- 'This raising of old boys reflects the extent to which the Greeks remain caught by their' past. It Is also iv:fleet:lye of the way that today the Communists ar the most active of the groups opposing the present Greek regime, showing their strength particularly during the student and . worker demon- strations in November last year. Their powers have, however, been ',considerably reduced by the subsequent mass arrests and in particular by the seleing of key groups from the various notions Into which the. Greek From DAVID TONGE, Athens, April 8 Left, like other European Lefts, et divided. The only group to have been left in relative peace; -apart from a few members being deported, is the so-called Com- munist Party of the Interior ? as against the pro-Moscow or Exterior Party ? but this is less because the security police are unaware of its leaders than because they know this faction at present threatens less imme- diate danger to the regime. There are, however, sug- gestions that 'the authorities may extend to this, group the same practice of frequent short- term arrests as it applies to the. other groups. Such arrests harm the Left's chances of building up 'the organisation necessary to take advantage of' the resistance opportunities which may emerge. But they do not affect the factors which contribute to the Left's appeal. Having benefited from the economic boom of the 'years 1967-72, urban workers are 'suddenly coming face to face with mount- ing unemployment and the worst inflation in the OECD and are beginning to under- stan d that the Colonels' " economic miracle" benefited the rich more than the poor with the tax system increasing income differences rather than reducing them. The unions offer little solace In this, as their leadership has been so purged since the 1967 .coup that they fall to offer a viable channel of protest to those calling for social change. The 'regime appears to have been more concerned about further, trouble from the stu- dents. The students have been More concerned with political than economic problems but they too express a growing ditsatisfac- tion with the opposition to the regime by the old political Centre. Instead, the wide availability of the standard text books of the Left and the 30 Eastern block radio broadcasts in Greek each day help to direct their opposition to the Left. "When the regime considers every opponent an anarcho- Communist one can have few objections to becoming one," a recent visitor to .Athens said. The past seven years have helped to gain the Left the Image of a party of social justice among the opponents of the Government which it seeks and which, in 1958, won it 25 per cent of the vote in Greece. But memories of the earlier history remain and the articles of Echo and other pro-regime news- papers seem designed to pre- vent them from fading. Their results affect the whole political spectrum. They cause the armed forces to preserve the strongest traditions of the cold war, and contribute to the non-Communist opposition leaders avoiding talk of coo- peration with the Left. They played a part in causing the Greek Communist Party to split In 1968. Today members of the Left describe the new wave of anti- Communism as designed to make the unity of the opposi- tion more difficult owing to bourgeois sensitiveness to the old myths. But even though leaders of the Communist Party of the Interior accept the need for the leadership to respond to 30 *hat they describe as the grow- ing unity of the base, the chances of unification seem remote. The Interior Party insists on the right to examine critically by itself international problems. It rejects the accusa- tion that it is anti-Soviet but says that it Is no uncondi- tionally pro-Soviet ? as it proved when it criticised the Soviet invasion of Czechoslov- akia. More serious problems arise on internal matters. The Exterior Party refuses to accept that there are two parties. It is not prepared to adopt such flexible tactics as the Interior Party to obtain the cooperation of the bourgeois parties in forming a common front to call for the creation of a popularly based constituent assembly to settle the futttre direction and framework for the country. It agrees with the Interior Party on the need to avoid iso- lated actions of . resistance which separate the party from the people, as both consider that isolated explosions do. But Whereas the Interior Party argues In favour of mast; strikes as the "decisive weapon" In the struggle to force the regime to withdraw, the Exterior Party believes that TAM extreme methods may be necessary. It argues with the Interior Parity's line that socialism can be achieved in Greece through the parliamentary system, as Allende believed in Chile and Togliatti in Italy. Until mid-1973 it was far less a force than the Interior Party but its control of most of the Eastern block radios con- tributed to its gradual build up so that now it has become a serious factor in Greece's frac- tured but uncrushed Left. Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 Akroved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 THE WALL STREET JOURNAL, THURSDAY, APRIL 4, 1974 The Debate Over Diego Garcia BY RICHARD J. LEVINE WASHINGTON?Diego Garcia is a tiny coral 10)and in the middle of the Indian Ocean, .lying a thousand miles off the southern tip of India and halfway around the world from Washington. Isolated and uninspiring, the small hunk of British real estate would seem an , ? unlikely candidate for attention in this cri- sis-oriented capital. ?But a Pentagon plan to build a naval support base on Diego Garcia?unveiled in the aftermath of the Middle East war and the Arab oil embargo?has begun to gener- ate a lively though limited foreign policy- national security debate here. Nixon ad- ministration officials see the proposed base as a logical and effective means of protecting America's interests in that part of the world, offsetting growing Soviet naval power. But some in Congress fear the base could lead to a U.S.-Soviet naval race in the Indian Ocean, an area that has been largely spared superpower rivalry, and eventually add billions of dollars to Navy shipbuilding budgets without enhanc- ing U.S. security. While U.S. Senators call for Washing- ton-Moscow talks on naval limitations in the Indian Ocean, many of America's friends and foes denounce the Diego Gar- cia plan. In the end, the debate could pro- vide important clues to how serious Con- gTess is about playing a larger, more forceful role in foreign policy as America emerges from its painful decade in Viet- nam. "From our experience in Indochina, we know too well the cost of early, easy con- gressional and State Department acquies- cence to Pentagon demands," says Sen. Claiborne Pell (D., R.I.), a leading oppo- nent of the base plan. "We must profit from ?Ur past errors. Our handling of this authorization request for Diego Garcia of- fers such an opportunity." ' Narrow Issues Unfortunately, much of the debate thus far has focused on such relatively narrow issues as the comparative number of U.S. and Soviet "ship days" in- the Indian Ocean and the length of the runway on the island. Often lost in the din of detail are the basic questions raised by the Pentagon plan?whether the U.S. should be involved in the project at all; whether, or how, U.S. Interests are served by increasing the ; Navy's still limited presence in this far-off ocean; whether, as one former Pentagon' planner put it, "we would be willing to let events take their course around the rim of the Indian Ocean." Specifically, the Defense Department is asking Congress for $32.3 million to expand an existing communications station on , Diego Garcia into a base capable of refuel- ing and restocking U.S. warships, includ- ing aircraft carriers, operating in the In- dian Ocean. The base would be manned by about 600 men and would enable the Navy to increase its Indian Ocean deployments ?either routinely or in a crisis?without weakening its forces in the Western Pa- cific. Yesterday the Senate Armed Services Committee postponed "without prejudice" a request for $29 million for Diego Garcia construction contained in a supplemental budget bill for the Pentagon?a setback that is likely to be challenged by adminis- tration supporters in the full Senate. And today the House Is scheduled to vote on a proposal to delete the same $29 million from a companion measure. To justify the U.S. buildup, the Nixon administration has stressed the expanding operations of the SovietAl ta IrVpnR 1690.10-I AraGian Sea 9ndian Ocean * DIEGO GARCIA r, Ocean (which Navy men expect to acceler- ate with the reopening of the Suez Canal) ; and the increasing reliance of the U.S. on I Persian Gulf oil that must be transported across the Indian Ocean. "Our military presence in the Indian Ocean provides tangible evidence of our concern for secu- rity and stability in a region where signifi- cant U.S. interests are located," declares James Noyes, Deputy Defense Secretary. for Near Eastern, African and South Asian Affairs. By Pentagon standards, the Diego Gar- cia request is a mere pittance, less than one-third the price of a modern destroyer. Moreover, Defense Department and State Department officials have sought to down- play the potential long-range significance of the naval base by referring repeatedly to their plans for a "modest support facil- ity." . Still, a number of lawmakers and out- side experts remain uneasy, fearful that congressional approval of the construction money could prove a fateful step down an unmarked road toward yet another expen- sive and, conceivably, dangerous security commitment. Adding to their concern is the small-step-by-small-step pattern of .U.S. involvement in the Indian Ocean: first a few warships; next a communications ,station; then a support base. Where, they worry, is it leading? Despite administration assertions to the contrary, U.S. interest in the Indian Ocean has been rather limited until recently. Only three years ago, Ronald Spiers, then director of the State Department's Bureau of Politico-Military Affairs, could tell Con- gress: "The Indian Ocean area, unlike Eu- rope and Asia, is one which has been only on the margins of U.S. attention. Never considered of great importance to the cen- tral balance of power, it has been on the edges of great-power rivalry." Since 1948, the U.S. presence in this part of the world has consisted mainly of the Middle East force?a flagship based in the Sheikdom of Bahrain and two destroy- ers that Make periodic port calls. That such a modest force was considered ade- quate testifies to the low strategic impor- tance Washington attached to the world's third largest ocean. U.S. interest began building. In the early. 1960s. One result was the British Indian Ocean territory agreement between the United Kingdom and the U.S. In 1966, under which Washington acquired the basic right to build military facilities on Diego Garcia. Washington's interest quick- ened in 1968, with the British announce- ment of plans to withdraw military forces east of Suez and the appearance of the first Soviet warships. Since then, the Sovi- ets have steadily increased their naval forces, and current navy estimates rive them a four-to-one advantage over the U.S. in the Indian Ocean. - -access to port facilities. For example, Rus- sian vessels currently use the expanded ? Iraqi port of Umm Qasr and the former' British base at Aden; meanwhile, the Sovi- ets are expanding their naval facilities at the Somali port of Berbera. "The Soviets possess a support system in the (Indian Ocean) area that is substantially more ex- tensive than that of the U.S.," asserts , Adm. Elmo Zumwalt, Chief of Naval Open ations. As the Soviet presence increased, the , U.S. responded by sending carrier task forces into the Indian Ocean twice in 1971, in April and again in December, during the Indo-Pakistan war. Last October, a few months after the Diego Garcia com- munications station opened and as the Mideast ceasefire was taking effect, the Defense Department unexpectedly moved a task force headed by the carrier Han- cock into the Indian Ocean. On Nov. 30, Defense Secretary James Echlesincey, disclosing that the Hancock would be replaced by the Oriskany? an- nounced that in the future the Navy would establish a "pattern of regular visits into the Indian Ocean and we ,expect that our presence there will be more frequent and more regular than in the past." Since then, major U.S. vessels have been in the ocean without letup. Why? Administration officials offer a variety of explanations?to counterbalance Soviet "influence" on states around the In- dian Ocean; to maintain "continued ac- cess" to vital Mideast oil supplies; to in- sure freedom of the seas; simply to dem- onstrate our "interest" in that Area of the world. The State Department emphasizes the diplomatic value of the Navy. "A military presence can support effective diplomacy without its ever having to be used," says Seymour Weiss, director of State's politi- co-military affairs bureau. Privately Pen- tagon officials, not surprisingly, place greater weight on the military value of. Warships in the Indian Ocean. The increas- ing U.S. Navy operations, a Navy man says, are needed "to show we are a credi- ble military power in that part of the world." But critics of the Diego Garcia proposal are troubled by these explanations, which, they believe, raise more questions than they answer. Gunboat Diplomacy Some critics wonder whether the pres- ence of larger numbers of U.S. warships in the Indian Ocean will, as Naval Chief Zum- walt claims, help preserve "regimes that are friendly to the U.S." in the area. "Gun- boat diplomacy doesn't really seem to work" in this age, argues a government analyst. Internal problems and economic assistance, he believes, have a much greater bearing on the political course fol- lowed by foreign governments. What is clear is that several states in the area?in- eluding Australia, New Zealand, India, Madagascar and Sri Lanka (Ceylon)? have publicly opposed the Diego Garcia support base, arguing that the Indian 'Ocean should be a "zone of peace." Furthermore, there Are some military experts who doubt that Soviet ships in the Indian Ocean pose a serious threat to Western tankers carrying precious Arab oil. In the opinion of Gene La Rocque, a re- tired rear admiral who often criticizes Pentagon policies, an attack on, or inter- ference with, such, shipping "doesn't ap- pear to be a plausible action on the part of the Soviet Union when one takes into ac- count such important factors as relative goeviAimbla!s6fAl wife Ri8e6i de 88,fi tnd distance and the OR- w v elea - - 432 0 - Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 alternative means of exerting influence and powr at the disposal of the Soviet' Union." Other; military analysts have -argued that .it lo highly improbable the Soviets would aiiack ;Western ships since such a; hostile at would likely trigger the out- break of a major war between the super- powers, Geoffrey Jukes, an Australian an- alyst, has written: "It is difficult to envis-! age a sititstion, short of world nuclear war, in which the Soviet government would! be prepared to place the bulk of its mer-' chant fleet at risk by engaging to 'inter- fere with Western shipping in the Indiair or -any other ocean." ? Much more liekly, critics of the Diego' Garcia plan; stress, is a repetition of the re- cent Arab oil embargo, a political act de-. signed to achieve political aims. It is! argued that the presence of sizable naval forces can, at best, have only a minimal; impact in such a situation. Finally, there is the unsettling prospect' that a base at Diego Garcia, coupled with increased naval depolyments in the Indian Ocean, will provide the Navy in years to; come with new rationales for an "Indian' Ocean fleet" and ever-bigger shipbuilding budgets, especially for carriers and es- corts..The Navy, a Pentagon insider notes, "has been panting on the edges of the op- portunity" represented by enlarged Indian Ocean commitments. A Call for Negotiations To prevent a costly U.S.-Soviet naval' race, which might not enhance either na- tion's security, Sen. Pell and Sen. Edward; Kennedy (D., Mass.) have jointly intro- duced a resolution calling for negotiations ? between the superpowers on limiting naval facilities and warships in the Indian Ocean. - As in the past, the U.S. remains reluc- tant to agree in writing to any restrictions ' on its use of the high seas. Moreover, U.S.. officials say efforts to follow up a Soviet hint in 1971 of interest in naval limitation; talks failed to produce a response from the ; Kremlin. Still, in view of the potential long-range ; costs and dangers involved in an expanded ' naval presence in the Indian Ocean, it ; would seem worthwhile to pursue the mat- ; ter further. For, as Sen. Kennedy has said, ; "It may in time prove necessary and de- ; sirable for the U.S. to compete with the Sol ; viet Union in military .and naval force in ; this distant part of the globe. But before that happens we owe it to ourselves, as ; well as to all the people of the region, to try preventing yet another arms race." Mr. Levine, a member of the Jour- nal's Washington bureau, writes on mili- tary affairs. CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR 27 March 1974 Naval rivalry in Indian Ocean ??? The Middle East October war, the oil crisis, and the projected reopening of the Suez Canal have Combined to focus attention on the Indian Ocean as an arena of super- power naval rivalry. And the littoral states, headed by India, are increasingly con- cerned about the actual and poten- tial buildup of the Soviet and American navies in this vital ex- panse of water. Their concern has touched off a wave of protests against American plans to convert the existing U.S. communications station on the British-owned 'In- dian Ocean island of Diego Garcia into a- naval support base able to handle long4ange aircraft. There are doubts now whether the American-British agreement on Diego Garcia will ever go through, not so much because of the outcry of the Indian Ocean 'states and their friends, but be- cause of opposition to the agree- ment in the American Congress 'and the change of government in London. Announced just before the Brit- ish elections last month, the agreement had the full support , of Edward Heath's ? Conservative government. It was the type of ,arrangement that the Conserva- tives, with their traditional con- cept of a global strategy to counter Soviet naval expansion, would back to the hilt. But the Labour Party, despite their desire to culti- vate friendship with the U.S., has' a different approach and is more sensitive to the feelings of the Indian Ocean countries. The new Labour government is now re- viewing the agreement and the whole problem of superpower ri- valry in the Indian Ocean. 32 In the meantime the Labour government in Australia, which sides with the Indian Ocean coun- tries, has sought to place the matter on the agenda of the Kis- singer-Brezhnev talks in Moscow by sending messages to the super- powers urging them to limit their naval operations in the ocean. India and its neighbors say that the U.S. by developing the Diego Garcia base would be guilty of escalating the superpower navies already in the ocean. The U.S. contends that the base is needed to counter the Soviet naval buildup which has doubled in the past year and is likely to be further in- creased once the Suez Canal is reopened. It says a strong Western naval force is essential to protect. the vital oil routes from the Per- sian Gulf, and the trade routes to the Far East. It is the prospect of the presence In their ocean of nuclear subma- rines and nuclear-armed planes that worries the littoral states the most. Understandably enough they ask: Where will the naval race stop? They point to the fact that the' United Nations General Assembly In three resolutions since 1971 has declared the Indian Ocean a "zone of peace:' and has called on the big powers to halt escalation of their military presence. there and to keep the ocean free from military bases and nuclear weapons. The UN appeals have been ignored by' the superpowers. An agreement to keep the war-, ships of all nonlittoral states out of ' the ocean is hardly realistic. But ? an undertaking by the super- powers to balance their forces there ? and place a ceiling on them -- would surely be feasible. APPrOVecTF'O-r-Refease 2001/08/08 :-CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 ;;;- Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 LOS ANGELES TIMES 7 April 1974 Proposed U.S. Baso Seen as Threot in India BY WILLIAM DRUMMOND ? Times Staff Writer ? NEW DELHI.---;Day in and day out, the biggest naval power in the Indian 1 Ocean is, surprisingly. In- dia. However, if the Penta- gon succeeds in convinc- ing Congress to supply funds for setting up a na- val installation on the tiny Indian Ocean Island of Diego Garcia, the United States .will again gain a permanent foothold in this region and its naval strength would grow. When the Suez Canal reopens, the Soviet Union is expected to boost its pre- sence in the Indian Ocean by sending in vessels from the Black Sea. From New Delhi's van-- tage point, successive rounds of naval buildups by the Russians and Amer-. icans . would be bound to overshadow India's pre- dominance in her own . mare nostrum?our sea. Fears that Indian pres- tige would be buried under a great power naval race lie behind ? New Delhi's outcry against the Penta- gon's plan to spend $29 million expanding harbor. and airstrip facilities on , the British-owned island. 1.400 miles southwest of the southern tip of the' Hindustan Peninsula. India and a number of other 'littoral states .have demanded that the entire Indian Ocean be declared a "zone of peace" --r-thus making it off limits to foreign warships. ' To win support for its view, India has launched a diplomatic offensive. New Delhi has success- fully lined up such nor- mally pro-American coun- tries as Australia, New Zealand, Indonesia and. v Malaysia in the chorus of s protests against a Diego. r Garcia naval facility. Under the proposed ban on foreign men-of-war, In-. t dia with her aircraft car- rier Vikrant. two cruisers, six destroyers, 21 frigates ' and the leading naval power in the South Asian region. While the United States' strategic case for the Die- go Garcia facility is well known?to check Russian naval. expansion around the oil-rich Persian Gulf? little attention has been paid to India's remarkable status ? as leader of world opposition to the plan. One reason for this over- sight is that, American offi- cialdom does not take. the Indian protests seriously; "Of course, the Indian leaders would rather not have this (Diego Garcia base), but their protests have been restrained and limited. They seem to be satisfying their own inter- nal leftist. constituency," said a senior American government source here. ? "They are not going to let the Diego Garcia dis, pute stand in the way of the improvement in Indo- American relations," he ad- ded. However, the cool self- assurance of American of- ficials contrasts sharply with the emotional views of highly placed Indian sources, who in private talks revealed a deep-seat- ed suspicion of American intentions in the Indian Ocean. "Twenty-eight countries , in the Indian Ocean area have memories of-the white man ruling us," said a well placed Indian source, a responsible fig- ure and by no means a left- ist. "It was the maritime ri- valry between the British and French in the 18th century that brought the English rule here to begift with. "We don't want that. Our ? memories of foreign occti- pation are fresher than our memories of the Second World War. "The Americans say they want a balance with the Soviet Union. Well, you can have balance at a high level, or at a minimum lev- eL India is advising a ba- lance Of no level." four patrol subma The creation of a power acuum has been the re- ult of Britain's military ithdrawal east of Suez in ecent years. New Delhi's ambition is o see that the void goes unfilled by another nu- lear pewer. While one third of the NEW YORK TIMES 17 April 1974 'India Is Sinking Pee' per Into Crisis and Anguish. By BERNARD WEINRAUB SpecI41 to The New York Thneg NEW DELHI, April I6?India," a democracy in anguish, is im- mersed in a deepening economic and political crisis marked by agitation, self-questioning and drift. . Food shortages, corruption, radicalism, inflation, indecision ,1 oil prices, the sluggish bureauc-j position parties, the rising ex- pectations of tens of millions! I in a nation where 200 millionl earn less than $40 a year. 1 But a chorus of opposition places the blame squarely upon Mrs. Gandhi. They say that the 56-year-old Prime Minister, in power since 1966, has failed to shape a coherent policy, has tolerated bungling and corrup- tion to keep her party in firm 'power, has surrounded herself with "courtiers" and inept ad- visors and, perhaps most sig- nificant, has been unable tol articulate a realistic vision. 1 "The Prime Minister has no program, no world view, no: grand design," B. G. Vergliese a former advisor to Mn Gandhi and now editor of Th Hindustan Times, said in a re cent attack on the Government. "Bereft of a frame, she has .merely reacted to events and failed to shape them." , "Not since independence has the country faced such a deep and all-pervasive crisis as it does today," he added. "There , are visible signs of disintegra- tion. The rot has spread so far and so deep that it will not be : easy to restore credibility to the Government." I Large-scale violence over food shortages and corruption in two Indian states?Gujarat, where 90 people have been killed, and Bihar, with 28 deaths?has un- derlined the discontent. "The general feeling is that something has gone very wrong some- where," said Rajni Kothari, a prominent political scientist. A sense of rot?it is a com- monly used word these days? is pervasive. The capital's electricity and water supply break down with increasing frequency. A busi- nessman slams down his phone and says it is an official of the governing Congress party who is threatening him again with denunciation unless a job, set aside for an untouchable, is given to the politician's son. Wheat, sugar and milk are scarce except at rising black- market prices. A member of Parliament asks a Cabinet minister about the source of the Congress party's recent campaign funds, and the minister replies that it is no one's business. A woman, asked . by an airline steward to give up . her front-row scat to a govern- ment official, says: "Why should I? They're all corrupt! A farmer in Orissa says that Prime Minister Millar Gan- dhi, the dominant figure in the nation, concedes that India is facing a severe test but at- tributes the situation to forces beyond her control: increased oil costs, drought, labor and student tensions fueled by op- racy, the population spiral, declining income, and lagging production have interlocked, creating a sense of gloom and cynicism. ? What makes the crisis espe- , ially painful to critics as well as supporters of the Govern- ment is that the nation is a genuine democracy?a rarity in Asia?and its myriad problems are in part a result of an open system that combines free- wheeling politics and Govern- Iment accountability 'with tough !economic choices. dian Ocean, India is. the largest and most powerful, country in the area. India's protests against, foreign powers in the Indi- an Ocean have risen in in- tensity only in the last five years. In 1963 .when the 7th .Fleet was reported cruis- ing the Indian Ocean, New Delhi's reaction was mild. India was then recover- ing from wounds inflicted by China in the 1962 bor- der war and was receiving American military ass,is- tance. Today, India is one of the chief backers of the 1971 U.N. General Assembly re- solution declaring the In-' dian Ocean a zone of peace. The motion passed 60 to 0, with 55 abstentions. The United States, Bri- tain, France and even the Soviet Union abstained. None of the great mari- time powers accepts the principle that traffic on the high seas should be in- terfered with in any way. In December, 1972. Sec- retary General Kurt Wald- heim set up a 15-nation ad hoe committee to suggest practical steps to promote peace in the Indian Ocean.' Last November, the U.N. Political Committee asked Waldheim to prepare a "factual statement" re- garding military presence, of the big powers in all its world population lives on aspects. e.1 one meal tines Would by default as- the fringes -of the 28 mil- 'This report is expected his family lives onevery two days. A banker says: mine a permanent role as lion square miles of the In- lobe submitted at the next "It's more and more a soft so- Approved For Release 20%110006er4lAsRlDrint06432R0001i0V330018-dart working at AdAmmourir Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 10:30 aan. and leave in the mid-i die of the afternoon. There's no dynamism, no sense of effort; It's flabby." The central problem of India; ?rooted poverty?remains un- checked and seems to be get- ! ting worse. For the third year; out of four per capita income is expected to drop. Nearly 80 per cent) of the children are malnourished. Consumption of food, edible oil and cotton cloth has declined. More than 70 per cent of the populace are illiter- ate. The educational system, which one critic terms callous- ly neglected, is turning out men and women for the unemploy- ment rolls at an astonishing pace. Over 70 per cent of the 140,000 doctors remain in the cities, and usually in the af- fluent districts, while 80 per cent of the people are in rural areas. , Inflation is the worst on rec- ord here, and there has been a 50 per cent increase in food prices in two years. This has jolted virtually all classes in a country where food costs may amount to 50 to 70 per cent of a family budget. Coal Output Declines Industrial production is ex- pected to show no growth this year. Coal output, providing 70 per cent of industrial energy, is lagging because of sloppy management in the nationalized industry and railway bottle- necks. In turn, the railroads are deteriorating, and a threatened strike may cripple the nation. Steel production, vital to economic development, slipped badly last year, and some plants are working at 20 to 40 per cent of capacity. Fertilizer plants, key to food production, are operating at less than 60 per cent of capacity, also be- cause of inept management and shortages. Food production is the most glaring omen. Minimum re- quirements are 106 million to 110 million tons of grain a year. Last year, mostly be- cause of drought, production fell to 95 million tons, for the 1973-74 agricultural year, end- ing in June, the expectation Is 103 million to 105 million tons, partly because of a Gov- ernment policy that soured. The Government's decision to take over the distribution of wheat resulted in a booming black market, angry resentment among farmers and traders and a breakdown in supplies. "Tampering with food for the sake of socialist ideology is dangerous unless a government knows what it's getting into," an economist said. "This Gov- ernment didn't." Last month the Government scrapped the take-over. Clearly India Is suffering from some of the same ills as other countries, only more so. Oil bills this year may account for 50 per cent of export earn- ing, compared with 20 per cent last year. The population of 508 million is increasing at 13 mil- lion a year and will probably reach a billion in less than 30 years. . The economic torpor seems symptomatic of deeper prob- lem*. Cynicism Is rampant: The Government's socialist slogans and calls for austerity are mocked in view of bribes and corruption, luxury construction and virtually open illegal con- tributions by businessmen ,to the Congress party. Said Mr. Varghese, the edi- tor: "Radical rhetoric has be- come an affectation, a game, another gimmick, a promise of jam tomorrow even while infla- tion, corruption and economic stagnation are taking the bread out of people's mouths today." The cynicism is breeding labor unrest and indiscipline among workers, who feel they are not sharing the fruits of the acquisitiveness and flow of money. As for ministerial fumbling, Mrs. Gandhi's angriest critics maintain that she has sur- rounded herself with non-enti- ties and "tired yes men." Dis- gruntled officials in the Gov- ernment concede privately that the caliber of the Cabinet is poor and, more significant, that Mrs. Gandhi has retained men whose performance has proved dismal. Two key min- isters are openly derided: Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed, the Food Minister, and D. P. Dhar, the Planning Minister. "Of all the poverties facing India today it is the poverty of the mind that is the most seri- ous," said G. K. Reddy, a lead- ing commentator. "The politi- cians de a feeble and fright- ened lot, intellectually mediocre. They remain bogged down in their own inconsistencies as the country goes through political and moral confusion." Her Popularity Soared Three years ago Mrs. Gandhi toppled the ,old guard in her party and won a striking elec- tion victory. India's triumph over Pakistan in the Bangla- desh war plus Mrs. Gandhi's populist slogan, "abolish pover- ty" and her radical rhetoric buoyed her to a level of popu- larity that seemed to surpass that of her father, Jawaharlal Nehru. "She had tremendous guts and determination," a forme; senior official, commented. ? "People thought she could be a new Gandhi. But it all some- how got lost in the process of politicking. Gandhi was a rebel and a change agent. Mrs. Gan- dhi only turned out to be a rebel." "You can't change India without paying a heavy social price ? breaking up the caste and hierarchical system, trying to put an end to corruption, having the tenacity to identify, and meet the problems," the official added. "We indulge in all the luxuries that a poor so- ciety can't afford. We resist change.' What has gone wrong in the Jest three years? The impact of 10-million refugees from Ban- gladesh, the cost of the war with Pakistan and two subse- quent years of drought have severely dislocated an already shaky economy. Drought relief, deficit financing and raises for Government servants have in- tensified inflation. ? Critics of the Government in- creasingly discuss what they term India's self-created diffi- culties and man-made short- ages. These include the failure to build irrigation facilities and fertilizer plants and continuing allocations of funds for heavy industries, such as steel, that are unprofitable and create lit- tle mass employment; a re- strictive licensing policy that thwarts business growth and private investment; wildcat strikes; reduced coal production and the breakdown of the rail- ways and power supplies; inept and unrealistic planning, pro- jecting growth figures that planners concede are distorted; a mood of inertia, perhaps even paralysis, in government caused by Mrs. Gandhi's highly private and intuitive style. Nehru's Paths Avoide.I The critics say the Govern- ment is afflicted by factional- ism, random-shot policies and a failure to involve state leaders in decisions or endow them with autonomy?paths that Prime Minister Nehru strenu- ously shaped. "The kind of centralization that 'has taken place has para- lyzed the normal processes of Bureaucratic functioning," said Mr. Kothari,' a prominent politi- cal scientist. "Everyone knows how vital decisiens on food, power, transportation and other key policy issues have been de- layed and the economy brought to a near-standstill because top politicians, too involved in sort- ing out day-to-day pressures, have not been able to make up their minds. The upshot of all this is that the mechanism per- fected by Mr. Nehru is not per- forming any longer." ? Linked to this seems to be a' loss of credibility by the Gov- ernment and the Congress party and a gap between tough so- cialist rhetoric and deeds. "The first thing the Govern- ment needs to do is establish WASIIINGTON POST1 Sritulay, April 14,1914 Anti-Soviet Cairo Stand Upsets U.S., By Jack Serkoff PARIS, April 13?President Nixon has asked West German Chancellor Willy Brandt, due to visit Egypt 4ter this month, to take a pers6nal message to President Anwar Sadat saying, In effect, "be a little nicer to the Russians." An informed source said Mr. Nixon made the request when be met Brandt at the memori- al service for President Pom- pidou last week. Disclosing the gist of the conversation, the source said 34 its true identity, said Sham Lai, editor of The Times of India. "It is no use pretending what it is not. It cannot flick off the inhibitions which the middle- class character of the ruling party imposes on it. By feigning to profess something which has neithe the will nor capacit3i to put into practice, it can only dither and vacillate." The most enduring problems have been met, by all accounts, with only tentative steps. In- 'eluded are the following: LAND REFORM?Although this is pivotal to any majot social and economic uplift, the government has been unable to achieve a breakthrough. Ceil- ings are on the books, but enn, forcement has been minimal. FAMILY PLANNING ? Be- caute of Hindu and Moslem religious strictures, because of poverty and a lack of any so- cial-security system, because of the dimensions of the problem and lack of resources, the Gov- ernment, veering from policy to policy, has been unable to heck population growth. Gov- ernment spending on family planning, with 57,000 babies born daily, totals about $80- million a year. ' CASTE?There are more than 80 million untouchables, the lowest Hindu caste, most of them steeped in misery and humiliation. :The Constitution makes it illegal to discriminate against untouchables?a re- markable measure since un- touchability is intrinsic to Hinduism?and the Govern- ment has established job and education quotas. But discrim- ination and violence against harijans, as they are now known, especially those seek- ing to improve their lot, re- main a severe problem. One report says that more than 200 are murdered each year by upper-caste Hindus. that Mr. Nixon had conveyed! the impression that the rapidl deterioration of relations be- tween Moscow and Cairo was beginning to worry the Amer- icans almost as much as the Russians. Mr. Nixon's message to Sadat, the source said, points out that a frosty cli- mate between the Soviet, Union and Egypt is not like- ly to make the search for peace in the Middle East easier. The message reflects Ameri- can fears that growing aliena- tion from Cairo will inevitably recult In even stronger Moscow backing of Syria. The Syrians insist that disengagement of Syrian and Israeli forces must be an integral part of an over- al !settlement, an attitude sup- ported by the Soviet Union. ' In Mr. Nixon's view, the kind of outspoken criticism Sadat has recently levelled at the So- viet Union is doing More harm than good. Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 ? Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R00010033000.8-3 FaEatt FASHINGTON POST (7 April 1974 The Spies Who Came In From Sakhon Nakhon By H. D. S. Greenway Washington Post Forr?i^n FiN?vice istered mail and the return SAKHON NA KHON, address 'given the post office ? Thailand, April 6?What was .none other than the was a master spy novelist CIA headquarters in Sakhon like John Le Carre, author Nakhon. It seems that a CIA of "The Si Who Came in agent had given the letter to From the Cold" and "A a 'Thai office boy to mail Small Town in Germany" and, In an excess of zeal, the doing here in a small dusty ' office boy had registered town in northeast Thailand? the'letter. Thus was the of- The average tourist in fer,jo negotiate revealed to Thailand settles for Bang- be,FCCIA forgery. kok's floating market or The Thai government was maybe a day trip to the fuHous, students howled, Bridge on the River Kwai. protested and burned the But John Le Caree was ob- American flag. The U.S. em- 'served nere inspecting a bay. owned up to the whole *nondescript and deserted affair and said that "it was a ' house, across _ the street regrettable and uauthorized from a gas station, with intiative." empty holes where the air The new AMerican ambas- conditioners used to be. sador, William Kintner, said Baleful water buffaloes watched him as he circled around the house taking notes and an occasional pho- tograph. , Until a few months ago the house was the CIA head- quarters in Sakhon Nakhon, 350 miles northeast of Bang- kok. But in December the CIA's cover was "blown" in , one of the more bizarre and embarrassing incidents in the history of espionage. A visit to the CIA house in Sakhon Nakhon, for spy ,fans, may rank one day with a trip' to the Berlin Wall or 'a ride on the Orient Ex- But no one could say what , press. really did happen. Sources ? Northeast Thailand is the here say that there were scene of a sputtering Corn- two ,CIA agenth?b oth in munist rebellion, and last their 30s "They never said December Thailand's pre- what they actually did)' one ? mier and several newspa- source said. "When you pers received a letter put'- I asked them they, would say, porting to be from a Com- , 40h, a little of. this and a lit- munist rebel chief. The let- tle of that,' ,and we all fig- ured they were ihto drug ter offered to negotiate with suppression.' Thailand's new civilian gov- ? According to our infor- ernment which came to.' mant, the agents were seen that the local agent in Sak- hon Nakhon had acted on ? his own initiative without anyone's authority in a "gungho" s pi r it. Kintner apologized to the govern- ment and the king and an- nounced that the offending agent had been sent home and the Sakhon Nakhon of- fice closed. The number of persons in Thailand who believed the U.S. embassy's version of what happened' could all quite comfortably sit on the back of one very small water buffalo. power following student on New Year's Eve and they ?? riots last October. But the asked some of their friends , ul'uunu or a chink the fol- letter had been sent by reg- lowing afternoon. When the NEW YORK TIMES 6 April 1974' Whose Ambassador? The tendency for ambassadors abroad to lose contact at home after a while and to become in effect' the spokesman to their own country of the government to because it ? would permit another calculated campaign which they are accredited is common and probably of distortion." He suggested that the letter could be unavoidable. The extent to which this affliction has answered in future testimony before "approriate" impaired the judgmntAlhep*MlfitganbRitc006R)8 : GP RDI gRD14821NO.060438,00.84singer wisely South Vietnam, GawarValffn, is evident-in nis proposal ignored his ambassador's advice and sent Senator .35 guests arrived the next day the agents were gone and were not seen again. "It's called 'leaving in your socks' in the espionage business," Le Carre said, writing it all down. The CIA office stood locked and de- serted for a while ? and in early January the news of the agents' departure broke in the Bangkok press. Fi- nally, the Thai landlord asked the local Americans to come and take away their strange machines, according .1 to our source, but none of the Americans left in town had any responsibility for ? the equipment and no one knew what to do. Our source thought the machines had something to do with codes and radios. At last, some Americans arrived to reclaim the equipment. ? Some Thai youths broke in to steal the air condition- ers, and today the hous stands forlorn and empty. Le Carre said that it' h were writing a spy story about the whole affair he ,could not possibly' have the agent write such a letter on his own without authority from his bosses in Bangkok. That would be too unbelieV- able. More likely the letter had been written in Bangkok and sent to the agent for mailing so that it would have a northeastern post- mark. What about the mail boy registering the letter? We asked. Is it possible that a first-rate intelligence service like the CIA would make a stupid mistake like that? "Oh yes, quite possible," Le Carre said with some de- light. "It happens all the time. When indoubt about something like this assume, a screw-up." If he were to write a novel about ? the spies who came in from Sakhon Nak- hon, Le Carre said he might assume two possible scenar- ios. If the operation were in the "clean tricks depart- ment," Le Carre said, the motive might have been to ?. "put two imponderable forces into collision to see how both would . react." There was Thailand with a new civilian government. A fake letter from the insur- gents might bring a genuine response. "I would also assume that the CIA had the means to observe the effect of this collision on the rebels, that the CIA was engaged here in reinfliltrating defectors back into the, insurgent ranks." If the CIA had burned a defector into their trousers, which. is spy talk for black- mailing somebody into be- coming a double agent, per- haps they had someone high ' up in the' rebel ranks? "If it were a clean trick it . might have been -a genuine effort,to bring about concili-" ation," Le Carre said. If, on e the other hand, it were a "dirty trick" the motive e might have been to prevent , negotiations by "interposing the CIA as a bogey between the two parties." One can always tell a CIA house in northeast Thailand because, no matter how in- nocent-looking they are, they bristle with air condi- tioners. They often have big electric transformers ? out- side as well?something to do with the radios and the code machines? I Of course, Le Carre did i not claim to have any ?real knowledge of what ,hap- , pened here. He was merely looking at the plot with a ? novelist's eye. "Suppose that somewhere In the world bf signals they had broken' down a code used by the rebels; or part of the code and they needed the rebels to broadcast a text which would give them 'he indicators ... -Le Carre .was writing In his notebook as we headed out of town to Nakhon , Thanom on the border with Laos, where there iS a bigger and better. CIA ? ? house sl ill in operation. that Senator Edward Kennedy not be given an "honest and detailed answer" ,to questions the Senator had raised about American policy in Indochina. Ambassador Martin urged Secretary Kissinger to avoid "any substantive answer" to Senator Kennedy's letter Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 Kennedy a 14-page letter responding in detail to all the questions posed: undoubtedly was within the prerogative of Ambas- sador Martin in a confidential cable to his superiors to chklienge the motives of a Senator or his. aides. The ? co4ntry has suffered in the past from the victimization of some diplomats, which led to others pulling their punches for many years. But it was not proper of Ambassador Martin to suggest a less than honest answer. about basic policy matters to a member of Congress. In fact, it is characteristic of the contempt that many. WASHINGTON POST 13 April 1974 Clayton Fritehey members of this Administration have shown for repre- sentatives of the American people, particularly in regard to Vietnam. It was nothing short of outrageous for Ambassador Martin to suggest, even by innuendo, that those who favor holding down American military aid to Saigon are somehow linked to Hanoi's views or secretly desire Hanoi to take over South Vietnam. Secretary Kissinger has expressed disbelief that this was what Mr. Martin meant._ But a direct denial by the Ambassador that he , intended any such implication undoubtedly is In' order. The Continuing Cost of Vietnam ; and a bipartisan group of fellow sena In proclaiming March 29 (only two tors are resisting administration ef- ' ? days short of April Fools' Day) as forts to keep on pouring more billions 'Vietnam Veterans' Day," President of dollars in military and economic Nixon once more assured .the country aid into Indochina and thereby sus- that the long war he waged in South- . tain a war that was supposed to have east Asia was America's finest hour, but he hastily added that he wouldn't ended on Jan. 27, 1973; when Mr. Nixon proclaimed "peace with honor." let it happen again. 11 Since then, it is hard to say whether . there , has been less peace or less Apparently Graham Martin, his am- ? honor, but, as the mounting casualties bassador to South Vietnam, heard only the first part of the proclamation for, ' like U.S. Ambassador Ellsworth Bunk- er before him, Martin is doing all he can to keep the United States deeply , Involved with Gen. Nguyen Van Thieu, the military dictator of South Vietnam, , as he carries on, the war with North Vietnam. Considering Martin's dedication to Thieu's cause, it is not surprising to discover that he has secretly been advising the State Department to deny Congress an "honest and detailed" answer to inquiries -about U.S. policy in Indochina. In fairness to Martin, it must be conceded that his recommendation against dealing candidly with Congress is right in line with the policy pur- sued by the government for the last 10 years under both Mr. Nixon and former President Lyndon Johnson.1 If Johnson had been open and above board with- Congress and the American people, the United States i would not have become involved in 1 n shooting war in the first place; and ; I. Mr. Nixon had also not practiced to deceive, it would not have been prolonged for four more years in the second place. enormous cost, a cost in its own self- Ambassadorrespect, a cost in a turning inward Martin is alarmed be- in a hew kind of isolationism which cause Sen. dward Kennedy (D-Mass.) would provide enormous dangers for WASHINGTON POST 10 April 1974 Rotdand Evans and Robert Novak ? show, there has been a lot ,less of both. So much so that even that grand old cold warrior, Sen. Barry Gold- water (R-Ariz.), has come to the con. elusion that Vietnam is a bottomless pit for U.S. assistance. "Let's scratch It" is his advice. Ambassador Martin, on the other hand, goes right on talking?almost word for word ? as L.B.J. and Mr. Nixon did when they were trying, to justify the expenditure of 500,000 American casualties and $100 billion In a prolongation of the Vietnamese wan ? Even though the war supposedly ended more than 14 month ago, Mar- tin urgently calls for increasing, rather than reducing, military and economic support for President Thieu's authoritarian government. Echoing countless old speeches by Johnson and Mr. Nixon, he says victory is just around the corner. All that is needed is just one ,more big U.S. push. "To walk away from it just at this moment," he, cabled Washington, would be disastrous. The United States, ?he warns, "would pay an the people of the United States and for the peoples of the world." And go on, and so on. After getting his hands on the ;secret Martin cable, which recom- mended against an "honest" response to congressional inquiries-- about the present state of things in Vietnam, Sen. Kennedy said, "The cable raises the most profound questions about ; which country and whose interests Ambassador Martin is truly represent- ing." !1 Fortunately, Secretary? of State Henry Kissinger did not take Martin's ? advice, but he is not in a position to remove the ambassador even* though ' his usefulness is now largely compro- mised because, in the final analysis; the ambassador has merely been par- roting the old Nixon line on Vietnam. ? The only trouble is that the parroting is a little crude and a little out of date: It makes Dr. Kissinger, who is sometimes wrong but seldom out of date, flinch a bit. In the next fiscal year beginning July 1, the administration wants to spend about $3.5 billion in southeast Asia. This figure is more than the Administration plans to spend for foreign aid on all the other countries of the world combined. It represents a boost. of about 65% in aid for South Vietnam. The Pentagon lobby is still the most powerful on Capitol Hill, hut an Increasing number of senators and representatives, alarmed over reces- sion and unemployment in the United States, would rather spend those bil- lions at home, and Ambassador Mar- tin's inflammatory cablegram has stiffened their resistance. Hanoi's New Strategy in South Vietna ? ?A Communist document captured by government forces in Binh Thuan province on South Vietnam's central coast six weeks ago points to tragedy growing out of the Nixon administra- tion's bungled campaign in Congress for continued aid to Saigon. The document spells out unequivo- cally what the Communist high corn- mand in Hanoi really wants: "The rev- olution in South Vietnam can only he won by means of armed violence in close coordination with the political vi- olence of the masses." This is not local bombast. Rather, the directive is based on a -secret resolution setting out a muscular strategy for the entire south. That sharply contradicts propaganda spread in Congress by radical "peace" groups that enntinued bloodshed in South Vietnam is caused by Saigon. -Beyond that, the Communist strategy reveals the danger facing South Viet- narn, if as now seems increasingly pos- sible, it is threatened by drastically re- duced "U.S. aid. Thanks to failing re- rolve and uncertain leadership, ? the 36 114 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 z Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 ront of the new Vietnam crisis is i Washington.. -Early last autumn, U.S. intelligene expeTta still expected a massive Corn m st offensive this year from 210,00 north Vietnamese regulars in North- ern, ,and Western parts of South Viet- nam. But the 21st Communist Party Conference in Hanoi decided Saigon's 11 the future. In sum, Hanoi is not aban- doning force as the means to e unite Indochina; the strength of the - Saigon regime has simply delayed the 0 showdown. The one factor that could advance the showdown is an economic break- down, to which Communist headquar- ters have been alerting their cadre. A arirry was too strong. What resulte was new,strategy outlined in COSVN Resolution 13, secretly issued in De cember. In turn, COSVN 13 was incor porated in provincial directives, sue as the guidelines sent out in Bin Thuan province. . The directive, dated Feb. 5, is re markable, omitting the usual prone ganda about general elections and coalition government (required by the Paris peace treaty). Instead, it bluntly admits that Hanoi's political progress In South Vietnam since U.S. forces d drastic, sudden reduction of U.S. aid I would surely trigger such a break- down. Thus, defecting Communists re- - ' port that Hanoi's strategy is designed h to undermine U.S. confidence in Presi- h dent Nguyen Van Thieu's government. This dovetails with the campaign -? laid out last October when veteran ? radical Tom Hayden invited 200 anti- a , war activists to Germantown, Ohio, for ,a strategy session. The propaganda lines set forth then have been vigori- ously relayed on Capitol Hill: the Thieu government, not Hanoi, is the aggressor and would collapse without provocation should the U.S. withdraw aid. pulled out has been disappointing. "The enemy temporarily has the up- , per hand," says the directive. "... Puppet soldiers are still plentiful" and are "still able to control populated ' areas." In contrast, Communist forces "are still wetilF and undermanned; the guerrilla warfare movement has not , yet become strong." The answer: "push our attacks strongly in all areas." As viewed here, such directives and other intelligence data mean the Com- munists will continue sharp military attacks locally this year while prepar- ing for a possible general offensive in NEW YORK TIMES 7 April 1974 Even though such propaganda is con- tradicted by the Communists' own doc- uments, it has found fertile soil in a Congress sick and tired of the Indo- china burden. Hawkish leaders of a decade ago, such as Democratic Rep. Otis Pike 'of New York, have joined the aid slashers. In the Senate, old su- per-hawk Barry Goldwater has de- fected. Joining this widening congressional Once More, Defining the Commitment To Indochina. H By LESLIE II. GELB WASHINGTON?The scene has a strong sense of dela vu: ' two American leaders engaging on the subject of the Ameri- can commitment to Indochina. Senator Edward M. Kennedy, Democrat of Massachusetts, has received a letter , from Secretary of State Henry Kis- singer. It Is a response, dated March 13, 1974, to Mr. Ken- nedy's queries about American obligations and other matters concerning Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia. The Senator reads ' these words: "The U.S. has no bilateral written commitment to the , Government of the Republic of Vietnam. However, as a signator of the Paris agreement . . . the United States committed itself to strengthening the conditions which made the cease-fire possible and to the goal of the South Viet- namese people's right to self-determination. . . . We also recognize that we have derived a certain obligation from our long and deep involvement. . . . We have thus com- mitted ourselves very substantially, both politically and morally. . ." Senator Kennedy Issues a press release welcoming- the secretary's candor, but calling it a "disturbing clarification of our present policy in Indochina." He says "it shatters the hope that we could finally disengage from our direct and often mani ulative Involvement...". Was Mr. Kissinger's letter an enlargement of his or the President's other recent statements on this subject? Should But what more co& 0 6.5wnsogitr fatigue is a combination of ineptitude and lassitude by the Watergate-obessed Nixon administration. No effective lob- bying effort abs been launched. Secre- tary of Stete Henry Kissinger's letter to Sen. Edward M. Kennedy justifying the aid on'the basis of private and ver- bal Paris peace agreements, did not help. Far worse was disclosure of an outrageous and self-defeating cable- gram by the usually astute Graham Martin, U.S. Ambassador to Saigon, urging that Kennedy not be given an "honest and detailed answer" about Vi- etnam aid. The major administration effort was a plea before a closed-door House Re- publican caucus March 26 by Vice President Ford. Shortly thereafter, the adminstration lost a critical test for more military aid on the House floor by 20 votes. Some Republican congressmen. feel the anti-Saigon tide on Capitol Hill is so strong that even an all-out Nixon adminstration effort could not reverse it. If so, the last chapter of the tragic Vietnam story may be drenched in irony. At the cost of so much Ameri- can blood, treasure and political tur- moil, the Saigon regime at last has es- tablished itself politically and militar- ily, as even Communists documents , concede. Having reached this point, however, its worst threat now is not Hanoi's aggrssive designs but inepti4 ?tude and battle fatigue in Washington. n 1974. Field Enterprises, Ino. Before the signing of the Paris accords, Mr. Kissinger was asked at a press conference how the agreement affected the American commitment. He answered that Washington would continue to provide economic and military aid as permitted by the accords. He added that the "United States expects all countries to live up to the provisions of the agreement." The Nixon Administration feels it is committed 'to resist the forcible overthrow of the Saigon regime. The President and Mr. Kissinger have said this repeatedly. This assuiedly ? came as no surprise to Senator Kennedy. What did seem surprising was that Mr. Kis-singer directly linked the present American commitment to the Paris ac- cords themselves. Is there a basis for this? Here, from their known positions, is a hypothetical discussion of thr question. Mr. Kissinger apparently would argue that the accords carry with them an obligation by the partici to assure implementation. But critics would say that the accords are like a contract Each party has the right, but not necessarily the commitment, to insure compliance. They would add that even if the Nixon Administration feels itself bound, the United States is not. The accords were not sent to the Senate as a treaty for approval. The Administration would? answer that actions taken by the executive are binding on the nation. The critics would respond that there is nothing In the accords that binds the Nixon Administration to an open- ended commitment. The responsibility for control and super- vision Is supposed to rest with a four-power international / commission which was to work with the great powers, con- vened in an international conference, to guarantee the accords. The Nixon Administration would retort that the inter- national conference did not assume responsibility for guar- anteeing the agreement and that the international commis- sion cannot do more than bear witness to violations. Then, guaranteeing the accords is an American responsibility. But apart from the Paris accords, does the United States have some kind of secret arrangement with Saigon? Mr. Kissinger's letter said that Washington had "no bilateral written commitment" But this does not mean that Wash- ington has not given Saigon secret assurances. Administration Threats PffeirKietttl&i.6171*Pfli387.08 : CIABDP77-00432 er Senator Kennedy have said to Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 \Saigon secretly than it has said or done publicly? " 'President Nixon publicly threatened ? reprisals should Hanoi launch a massive attack. American bombers are avail- able in Thailand, Guam and on aircraft carriers. The law prthibits Such action without Congressional assent, but ' .? Kissinger and Mr. Nixon ,have stated they might well seek such Congressional approval. ? Aid has poured into Indochina. By Mr. Kissinger's figures, South Vietnam received about $3-billion in military aid during fiscal year 1973, over $1-billion in fiscal year 1974,1 and the request for the new year is for $1.45-billion. Eco- nomic aid Is also substantial. Senator Kennedy claims the real figure is $3-billion for this year. , Washington stilt has 200 military and over 900 civilian personnel in South Vietnam, over 100 military in Cambodia, and 30 in Laos. Aid to Laos and Cambodia totals in the WASHINGTON POST 15 April 1974 1 U.S. Aid Still Heavy In Cambodia By Jack Foisie beg Atvrelet Ttmrs IINOM PENH?The United States now is spend- ing more than $1,5 million daily in military and eco- nomic support for the em- . batted government forces in Cambodia. This is about the same level as American support in Vietnam in early 1965 be- fore the United States en- tered the war with combat ? forces. I Except for dollar imput, however, no one is suggest- ing ? there is a parallel in . U.S. involvement here. The American determination to avoid direct participation in any futher Asian conflict is well known?and is accept- ' ed?by Khmers here. The hope remains that America n generosity will continue at its present flow, or even increase, Cambodian officials emphasized. Seeing the Lou Nol gov- ernment through its present ,peril is also the desire of the Ameeican official establish- ment here?military an ddip- lomatic ? which is limited by congressional edict to no more than 200 persons. "TVs a moral obligation, as I view it, said one Ameri- can official. While Cambodia's civil war was triggered by the ouster Of Prince Norodom Sihanouk In 1379, no evidence was sur- faced to support claims that the. upheaval had American backing. The moral obliga- tion began, the official said, when "American forces from Vietnam crossed into North Vieteamese sanctuaries in Cambodia and the war here bezarne general." American intentions are of particular interest in Phe- nom Penh at the moment be- ..cause of the arrival of the new U.S. ambassador, John Gunther Dean. Fresh from serviez! in Laos, where as No. 2 diplomat (the Ambasador- ship was open), Dean is cred- ited with being a skillful middleman negotiator who helped bring about the just- formed coalition government in Laos composed of wartime enemies. So the ,youthful D e a n? ? who like Dr. Henry Kissin- ger is a German-born, natu- ralized American?comes to his new assignment with the laurel of "peacemaker." How- ever, for the time '\heing it seems apparent that he must continue current American polizy of helping Lon Not make war. Dean is just settling in, and not ready to express opinions. But other dip16- mats contend there still is.. a pressing need for Non' Nol to demonstrate that the rebels cannot impose their will militarily?that a nego- tiated settlement is the only solution., , Already controlling four- , fifths of the countryside and about half of Cambodia's 8 million people, the ? insur- gents were believed ready to deliver knockout punches against government-held cit- ,ies and towns during the dry season, now within a month , of ending. While the pressure on em- battled government f orces continues, the resilience of, the Lon Nol forces has up- set the pessimistic predic- tions of observers made last ! 'fail. It was in August that American bombing in sup- port of government forces ended, at the demand of Congress.. and the C a in h o- Ilan government army was hundreds of millions. Few legislators have called for a cessation of military aid ta Saigon. Editorial writers and students seem to have , lost interest in Indochina. Former Secretary of Defense Clark M. Clifford Is one of ? the few prominent exceptions. He continues to preach that the only way to end the on-going war is to dump President Nguyen Van Thieu, and that the way to do that is to stop supplying the military forces that sustain him. In this way, Mr. Clifford has said, a neutralist government would emerge', in Saigon which would negotiate a settlement with the- . Vietcong. The Administration says that stopping military aid would lead to a takeover in the south by the,Vietcong and Hanoi, 'depriving the people of South Vietnam the free choice over 1: which the War was foupla in the first place. left to fend entirely by it- self in combat. -However, without Ameri- can-provided rice and .an ever-increasing supply of ammunition and replac e- -ment weapons for govern- ment forces, Lon Nol's de- fense of this capital city and most of the provincial towns would soon collapse. Despite congiessional re- strictions on U.S. activities in Cambodia, the American diplomats, aid people and military men (they wear civilian clothes most of' the time) are experts in the manipulating arts most of them practiced in Vietnami and particularly in Laos. They are bending, Without busting, the restraints put upon them by legislative act, bureaucratic instruction and congressional resolution. With a crusader's zeal, and buoyed by the grit and somewhat improved perfor- mance of Cambodian forces in the field, the Americans ? happily operate in the "gray' area" of compliance with orders. A furor arose in Congress recently when Washington Post correspondent Eliza- beth Becker identified by name an American officer who she said was advising a Cambodian unit?a violation of congressional declaration. With 76 members of the U.S. "military equipment deli- very team" and 27 American military attaches in Cam- bodia, half are out in the field every day doing their job?checking the distribu- , Hon of U.S. military equip- ment to government forces and seeing how the war is going. The difference be- tween that and "advising" is zero. It is remarkable that there haven't been any offi- cial Americans killed in the field recently. One of these days, there could be. Those who are in Cambodia?buoy- 38 Arpro-Ved For Reinse zotruutryus-71, A-KUP tArizi32ROUTTER ed also by evidence of some disarray in the insurgent structure and not just con- .fusion in government ranks ! ?accept that slight risk. Is the congressional cell-, ing on U.S. official presence in Cambodia really being limited to 200 persons? The computers say it is. From lessons learned in Laos, the U.S. establishment here knows how to do with- out Americans. They used foreigners such as-Filipinos, , Koreans and Thais in some- slots. The foreigners are paid well and also are usual- ly veterans of Laos and ' , Vietnam. The only limit on ' their number is that the , influx makes the Cambod- : ians indignant at so manyO . "job-stealers" from other , parts of Asia. With Cambodian refugees now ntimbering over 200,000, the U.S. aid mission has? taken over much of the ? responsibility and virtually , all of the funding for their relief: But except for Jack Williamson from Laos and a small staff, the care-and- feeding has been allocated to a half-dozen private relief . organizations. In that way, . the Americans keep under the congressional ceiling. Another involvement that bends, but does not 'break,', restrictions is the use of "day-time temporary-assign- ment" people. Air America and other contractors fly in from Thailand bases to do their daily chores: They don't count on the roll of officially paid Americans in Cambodia. With all the effort, with ? all the money pouring in, there are still seething prob- lems. Knowledgeable Ameri- cans with insights into Cam- bodia practices, contend that top-level corruption, parti- cularly among the military, remains rampant. AO-roved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 WeW >ea.At ettn emisphere BALIrthiORE NEWS AMERICAN .APR -1974 \ By JOHN P. iVALLACH WASHINGTON ? The ad- ministration has set the stage for a mid-April shift in U.S. Cuban policy, with assists from the Mexican foreign minister and unprecedented, secret use of the U.S. Air Force. The -White House Is expect- ed to soft-pedal the policy change largely because of the domestic explosiveness of any action to renew ties with Cuba. The initial step will re- semble the economic one tak- en when the United States first began to seek better rela- tions with Communist China. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger is expected to an- nounce, In a policy speech ' when the . Organization of American States (OAS) holds 1 its next foreign ministers meeting in Atlanta, that the United States is' bowing to the will of many Latin nations to -remove trade obstac.es, chief- ly the 12-year-old OAS embar- go. Kissinger already has in- 1. Iformed several Latin foreign ministers that he will reach a decision, before their meeting, on the precipitating issue?the request of the U.S. big-three, auto manufacturers. and Stu- debaker-IVorthington, in sepa- rate deals, for government li- censes to make multi-million dollar sales to Cuba. Kissin- ger has invited the Latin min- isters to Washington for "con- sultations" beginning two days before the Atlanta con- clave In April. The U.S. Air. Force last month provided eight officers, Including two navigators with colonel rank and several- pilots, to fly Soviet leader Leonid Drezhnev, aboard his Russian-built jet, to Havana. This hush-hush operation? NEW YORK TIMES 18 April 1974 W II with llrezhnev's plane landing at Homestead Air Force Base near Miami both going and coming from Moscow?was ordered by President Nixon to facilitate the Soviet leader's Cuban visit. Nixon last week also okayed use of a similar Air Force team to fly the Vatican's for- eign ministers to Cuba. Mexican Foreien Minister Emitio Rabasn late Monday sped from Havana to Acapul- co, with less than a four-hour stopover in Mexico City to brief President Luis Echever- ria, so that he could report to the honey-mooning Kissinger on his Cuban mission. Rabasa's secret intermedi- ary role was mapped during a four-hour meeting in Washing- ton just prior to the Mexican. summit of Latin American foreign ministers attended last month by Kissinger. Rabasa, the first Mexican foreign minister to have visit- ed Cuba In 30 years, spent four days in Havana and con- ' ferred twice with premier Fi- del Castro. Kissinger, after a one-hour White House session with Nix- on, indicated to Soviet: For- eign Minister Andrei Gromy- ? ko last month that the United ? States no longer opposed a Latin move to end the embar- go. Moscow strongly desires any move that would help end its million-dollar-plus daily bankrolling of the Castro re- gime. Gromyko?f lying directly from Homestead, courtesy of the Air Force:-.-stopped In . Washington after Brezhnev returned to the Soviet capital. While in Havana, the Soviet ,.leader delivered a stern.warn- with Cuba Ing to Castro that his days of exporting revolution" must be ended. That was interpreted by Cu- ban analysts here as a clear prodding to Castro to get on with the process of normaliz- ing ties with the United States. The Soviet "gentle , shove," as one official here called it, may in fact have pursuaded Castro to make the 1 next move. - In response to numerous ad- ministration proddings, Cuba floated what appeared to be a trial balloon earlier this year when Havana's ambassador to Mexico implied only the embargo prevented the start of U.S.-Cuban negotiations. "We are not in a holy war with the United States," Am- bassador Fernando L. Lopez Muino said. "We would be willing to talk to the United States, given a single and ir- revocable condition?that . it end the blockade of Cuba." It was shortly after this ap- parent 'Cuban "feeler" that Kissinger met for, four hours with Rabasa, the Mexican go- between. In 1964 Mexico was the only OAS member to re- sist U.S. pressure to break re- lations with Castro's Socialist government. "The ingredients are most intriguing," a high State De- partment official said when asked about the meaning of these developments. He dis- closed only that the auto deal had gone to the White House, where- Nixon reportedly will make the final decision. "The atmosphere has been created to force a decision," the official said. "The Latins are expecting to be told some- Status of justice in Chile Worries thing wl en they come here for two days of talks before the ,Atlanta session. Kissinger im- plied, if not actually commit- ting himself, to.a decision be- fore they meet again." ? The sales by American cor- porate subsidiaries in Canada and Argentina. are -thought likely to take place, with or without Washington's consent. Like the China model, more trade would be seen as a step toward enventual diplomatic relatioas or what Latin spe- cialists call. bringing Cuba back into the Western liemi- sphere's "family of naticins." ? The embargo on trade with Cuba was proclaimed by President John F. Kennedy on Feb. 3, 1962, "in light of the. . subversive" activities "pub- licly proclaimed" by the "Sino-Soviet government of Cuba." Under the Trading-with- the-Enemy Act, the embargo applies to foreign subsidiaries of U.S. corporations as well as to the parent companies. American directors of those subsidiaries are said to be lia- ble to the act's penalties of 10 years in prison and $10,000 fine. ? The 5150 million sale of 44,- . 000 cars and trucks would be made by Argentine plants of Chrysler, Ford and General Motors as part of a $12 billion trade agreement between Ar- gentina and Cuba. The $14 million deal for 25 new diesel locomotives and the reconditioning of nine old ones involves MINV-Worthine- ton, Ltd., of Montreal. It is 59 per cent owned by Studebak- er-Worthington, Inc. of New Jersey. Many Backers Ry JONATHAN KANDELL yers, judges and clergymen say "dubious actions, and that hu- , SpecialtoTheNewlforknmes SANTIAGO, Chile, April 17? The legality of Chile's current Government and the state of justice in Chile continue to, trouble a growing number of supporters of the new regime. More than seven months after "the military coup in which the luhta took power, Appmrdwe privately, and even publicly, man. rights are being fully safe- that human rights Are being guarded by the new junta. vitylated daily. With the beginning today of One notable exception to this the trials of 57 air force offi- view is the Supreme Court, cials and 10 civilians accused most of whose members share of having attempted to aid the opinion of the court's the Marxist Allende Govern- president, who holds that the ment and its member parties Government of President Salve- before the coup, the military dor Allende Gossens, who died courts will be put to a public durinz the coup- hadatat FegfrgieleepeoWat of junta; charges of mistreatment and ?I torture of prisoners. The num- ber of persons detained for po- litical reasons has dropped from a high of more than 10,000 to a figure closer to 6,000, according to church sources providing legal aid. But eisiiirepievoloux040401401411 arrests ccias of f 39 Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330908-3 persons being detained indef- ? initely without formai charges oreafcess to family or lawyers. udicial Branch in Retreat 'fle judicial branch ? from theOupreme Court down ? has steadily retreated before the growing executive power of the Government - to a point where civilian courts have vir- tually declared themselves in- competent to deal with the cases of thousands of people who have been placed under detention for political reasons. The military courts, which have tried hundreds of civilians In closed sessions in recent months, appear frequently to be violating the rules set forth In the military code of justice, according to lawyers familiar with some ? of these cases. It is generally acknowledged, however, that deterioration in the Chilean court system began during the Allende years. Al- though the country has had one of the strongest legal tradi- tions in Latin America, the courts were drawn into the political polarization between Marxists and anti-Marxists that was evident throughout Chilean 1 Society during Dr. Allende's Presidency. Judges ordered workers to evacuate illegally seized fac- tories and peasants to return Illegally occupied land. But al- most invariably the Interior Ministry refused to authorize the police ?force to carry out the orders. During the final months of the leftist Government, Dr. Al- lende and the Supreme Court exchanged acrimonious public letters and Government offi- cials and supporters dismissed the court system as reaction- ary. Only weeks before, the coup, the President of the Supreme ,Court, Enrique Urrutia Man- zano, a crusty, conservative septuagenarian, virtually legiti- mized a future military uprising by. expounding the thesis that the Allende Government, though legally elected, had "lost it legality by acting on the margin , of the law." A few days after the coup Justice Urrutia welcomed the junta members to the Supreme Court chambers and declared "This Supreme Court, which I have the honor of presiding over, receives your visit with satisfaction and optimism, and appreciates its historical and judicial value." President Augusto Pinochet Ugarte responded by reassert- ing the junta's intention to pre- serve the autonomy of the judi- cial branch?in marked con- trast to its dissolution of Con- gress and its disbandment of political parties. "Dr. Urrutia and the Supreme Court ?have set the tone for relations between the judicial branch and the junta," a Court of Appeals Judge said. "There ,has been an unstated desire throughout the court system to itry not to clash with the execu- tive power." As recently as a month ago, Justice Urrutia asserted that human rights were "fully re- spected in our country," He has made similar statements in trips abroad to defend the junta. The Supreme Court has also presided over the dismissal of at least 15 lower court judges appointed during the Allende years. Although this number is a small 'fraction of the court system, a few judges have' as? - serted that the message has not gone unheeded among their colleagues. Most important a number of landmark decisions by the, Su- preme Court have effectively handcuffed lower courts in dealing with the human rights of political prisoners. Perhaps the most significant decision came last month in a case involving. a , 15-year-old boy who was arrested and has been detained incommunicado without formal charges since Dec. 19. s A Court of Appeals had ap- proved a motion of habeas corpus, ordering the Interior Ministry to make known the charges against the boy, or release him. In an appeal to the Supreme Court, the Interior Minister, Gen. Oscar Bonilla Bradanovic, acknowledged that no formal charges existed against the boy but alleged that he had been a member of the Communist party since the age of 11 and that he was being held "as a preventive measure" in "de- fense of the state." The Supreme Court upheld the Interior Minister and ruled that under the state of siege declared by the junta the au- thorities had the right to detain minors for whatever reason and for as long they deemed necessary. The Supreme Court went even further in declaring that "the motives for the decree of arrest are the executive con- cern of the authorities." According' to Judge Ruben Galesio of Santiago's Court of Appeals, the civilian courts can now legally exercise control over the executive power only by demanding that arrests be made on the basis of decrees issues by the Minister of Inter- ior, and by ascertaining that detained pesons.are brought be- fore a military court within 48 hours, as required by law un- der the state of siege. .Violatimis Acknowledged Yet he acknowledged that in practice "many areests" were made without any sort of de- cree, or that decrees were signed days after a person had been detained. Further, he note that the authorities rarely brought detainees before a court within 48 hours. "Often we cannot even find out who made the arrest and where a person is beingheld," he said. He added that hundreds of motions for habeas corpus had been ignored by the aiitorities and the courts, including a mo- tion filed in his court last mqnth by leading represen- tatives of the Roman Catholic and Protestant churches and the Jewish community on behal of 131 persons woo were ar- rested during the months since the coup and have not been heard from. The pervasive feeling of help- lessness in the face of the au- thoritarian junta has led law- yers and judges to justify their conduct on the grounds of the "lesser evil." ' Thus thousands of 'workers have illegally been dismissed 'from their jobs for poltical rea- 'sons or unproved charges of "extremism," while the labor courts accept new decrees by the junta arbitrarily expanding the grounds for dismissal of laborers. In the universities, where thousands of students and hun- dreds of professors were sus- pended under an anti-Marxist purge after the coup, law pro- fessors served as "prosecu- tors," receiving written or oral denunciations of reported ex- tremists. Tht accused were not allowed to face their accusers. "If I don't do this, somebody worse will," said a professor of constitutional law, explaning hi decision to act as a prosecetor in a science department of the University of Chile. "The way I see it, it is a choice between throwing out some innocent Marxists and throwing them all out." INow that the meting out of justice has shifted to the mili- tary courts, the same feeling of acquiescence is evident among civilian defense attor- neys. ? Lawyers have noted that even under the state of siege, the Constitution does not per- mit a military court to try in- dividuals for alleged crimes !committed before the state of Isiege was put into effect.