A BIPARTISAN END TO PATIENCE

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• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3
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• Document Creation Date: December 19, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 21, 2001
• Sequence Number: 8
• Publication Date: April 22, 1974
• Content Type: MAGAZINE

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No. 5
GOVERNMENTAL AFFAIRS
GENERAL
EASTERN EUROPE
WESTERN EUROPE
NEAR EAST
FAR EAST
WESTERN HEMISPHERE
CONFIDENTIAL
19 APRIL 1974
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Govern menta IAffaws
TIME. APRI1.22, 1974
WATERGATE
A Bipartisan End to Patience
The House Judiciary Committee
finally lost patience last week with the
cavalier and inconclusive White House
? responses to its six-week-old request for
? presidential tape recordings. Acting
with impressive bipartisanship after a
tense week of backstage maneuvering,
the committee voted, 33 to 3, to sub-
poena the evidence.
In a sense the committee's historic
? action?it was the first resort by the
House to a subpoena for evidence from
a President in an impeachment inquiry
?was more symbolic than practical. Al-
though the committee was on solid legal
ground in issuing the subpoena, it has
no effective way to enforce it. If Nixon
chooses not to honor it fully, the com-
mittee can seek a citation against him
from the House for contempt of Con-
gress. While ordinary citizens can be fin-
prisoned for such contempt, the only ef-
fective recourse for the House in the case
of a President apparently would be to
add such defiance as another article of
impeachment. For Nixon, however, fail-
ure to comply with the subpoena would
have far more than symbolic impact; it
would virtually confirm that there is in-
criminating material in the subpoenaed
conversations that he is trying to hide.
The Judiciary Committee and Re-
publican leaders in both chambers of
Congress had worked frantically to
avoid this newest constitutional confron-
tation spawned by Watergate. After
Democrat Peter Rodino, chairman of
the committee, set Tuesday, April 9, as
the firm deadline for a definitive White
House response to its Feb. 25 request
for 41 tapes, congressional Republicans
repeatedly implored Nixon's chief Wa-
tergate counsel, James St. Clair, to re-
spond affirmatively and cooperatively.
If he did not, they warned, the subpoe-
na could not be avoided.
As the deadline approached on
Tuesday, Dean Burch, Nixon's newest
high-level assistant, carried a copy of
St. Clair's proposed response to Capitol
Hill. There the Senate's top G.O.P. lead-
ers, including Hugh Scott, Robert Grif-
fin, John Tower, Wallace Bennett, Nor-
ris Cotton and William Brock, read it
and bluntly told Burch that it was in-
adequate. "It won't fly," snapped one of
these leaders. "It doesn't go far enough,"
complained Scott. "You've got to get a
line in there on your intent to cooper-
ate with the committee." In partial ex-
planation, Burch told the Senate Repub-
lican leaders that only one White House
lawyer, J. Fred Buzhardt, and a secre-
tary had been assigned to review the
tapes. It took them a full day to tran-
? scribe just one confusing six-minute seg-
ment of conversation on one tape, Burch
contended. Some of the Senators elig-
gested that if that were true, more man-
power should be assigned to the task.
Burch relayed the senatorial complaints
to the White House.
Insulting Letter. St. Clair then re-
4rafted his letter, which was sent to
ouse Judiciary ed Committee Counsel
John Doar. Couch in condescending
terms, it asked for two more weeks to
"review" the requested rolarpiptiwod F
? Clair said he "was pleased" with Doar
for a letter on April 4 clarifying the ev-
idence sought. St. Clair wrote that this
"goes a long way toward providing the
additional specifications we felt were
lacking in your original request." He
said, "The additional material furnished
' will permit the committee to complete
its inquiry promptly," after this week's
congressional Faster recess. He did not
say what that "material" would be. Nix-
on thus was reserving to himself the de,
cision on what he finally would yield. St.
Clair also seemed to link any further fur-
nishing of evidence with his request that
he be permitted to take part in the com-
mittee's impeachment deliberations.
Democratic members of the com-
mittee considered the letter insulting,
but most kept silent and let the Repub-
licans complain. "It was offensive to the
House," protested Edward Hutchinson,
the committee's ranking Republican. "If
this is a ruse to prevent us from getting
what we asked for, I don't want to fall
for it," added Robert McClory, one of
Nixon's staunchest backers on the com-
mittee. "The letter," conceded House
Republican Leader John Rhodes in un-
derstatement, "left a great deal to be
desired."
Rhodes and other Republicans
phoned St. Clair to tell him that a sub-
poena was imminent unless he gave
more ground. Rodino, for his part, knew
he had a majority in favor of issuing a
subpoena. But he did not want the vote
to be along party lines. He was also
aware of three continuing sources of Re-
publican dissatisfaction with his han-
dling of the committee so far: 1) he had
prevented any vote on whether St. Clair
should represent the President during
committee proceedings; 2) he had simi-
larly postponed any decision on the pro-
cedures the committee would follow as
evidence on the President's conduct was
considered; 3) he had not yet permitted
a narrowing of the committee's inquiry,
which included 56 areas of possible Nix-
on misconduct. Republicans were chaf-
ing under this Rodino rule.
Rodino then moved adroitly to elim-
inate these sources of partisan tension.
He announced that he would convene
the committee in the first week after the
Easter recess to "decide on whether and
how the issues can be narrowed." He
and the committee Democrats caucused
and agreed that St. Clair would be per-
mitted to sit in on the presentation of ev-
idence. Rodino said he would also con-
vene the committee in the second week
after the recess to "adopt rules to govern
its procedures during the evidentiary
hearings."
A partisan split threatened again,
however, when St. Clair made a desper-
ate last-minute attempt to arrange a deal
with the committee. At 9:57 a.m., just 33
, minutes before the committee was to
consider the subpoena issue, St. Clair
telephoned Doar. The review of the
tapes, he now revealed, could be com-
pleted in "a day or two:: after all, and he
would then "try" to provide the tapes
specified in the first I
if siAncut,77-0
tieV
1
Clair asked: Wouldn't that make a sub-
poena unnek:essary? Replied Dear: "I
cannot sp,;.ik for the committee."
When the committee met, Doar re-
lated St. Clair's offer. Massachusetts
Democrat Harold Donohue neverthe-
less quickly offered a motion to subpoe-
na all of the requested tapes by
April 25. That is three days after the .
end of the Easter recess, and it more
than met St. Clair's original request for
added time to review. Donohue then
moved that debate on his motion be lim-
ited to a half-hour (less than a minute
for each of the 38 members). That set
off Republican complaints.
Dilatory. Tactics. With partisan
passions rising, Dear was asked his opin-
ion on whether St. Clair's belated offer
was acceptable. "My recommendation,"
he replied in his flat, unemotional man-
ner, "is that the committee issue the sub-
poena for all six items today." Doar's
patience and fairness in the inquiry so
far has won respect among Republicans.
Sonic then backed his view. Republicans
Hamilton Fish Jr. and Lawrence Ho-
gan complained about the "dilatory tac-
tics" of St. Clair. Republican David
Dennis nonetheless asked to subpoena
only the first four items. Republican
Delbert Latta, a Nixon loyalist, offered
a motion that the subpoena be perfect-
ed by making the last two items more
precise, apparently an attempt to delay
a subpoena vote.
Too Equivocal. Reacting cannily
and quickly, Chairman Rodino saw a
chance to diffuse the emotions. He asked
Latta if he had any proposed clarifying
language in writing. Caught short, Lat-
ta said it would require some time to pre-
pare. Rodino suggested that the com-
mittee should recess until afternoon,
which would also, afford time for more
extended debate. During the lunch hour,
Latta searched for the ,proper wording
for his amendment, finally adopted the
language of a Doar memo explaining the
last two items. Rodino gladly accepted
it, declaring: "I'm not seeking a confron-
tation. I'm seeking evidence."
? When the committee reconvened,
Latta introduced his amendment, and
it carried unanimously. The Republican
resistance to subpoenaing all six items
had virtually vanished. Robert McClory
added a clinching revelation. He told
the committee that during the lunch
hour he had called St. Clair and asked
whether Nixon's lawyer would put his
latest offer in writing. St. Clair had re-
fused. 1VicClory's patience too thus had
expired. "I think the offer is entirely too
equivocal," he said of St. Clair's stand.
When the roll was called, only three Re- .
publicans dissented. Among them was
Hutchinson, who explained later "One,
the subpoena is unenforceable. Two,
they offered to turn over voluntarily the
material, and I think in the end would
have turned it all over. And three, the
subpoena is not returnable until after
Easter, and they offered us some ma-
terial sooner."
All of the subpoenaed evidence re-
lates to whether Nixon discouraged
efforts to cover up the true origins of
the Watergate wiretap-burglary and
tried to "get the truth out," as he has
sb.
*AO/013m whether. he
in matconcealment. St.
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? Clair apparently was willing to turn
over mostof the requested conversations
covered by. the committee's first four
requests, including talks among Nixon
and his firmer aides, H.R. Haldeman,
John Ehrlich man and John Dean, be-
tween Feb. 20 and March 20, 1973.
He did hot, however, agree to yield
most of the requested tapes after March
21, when all parties agree that Dean
told Nixon about the hush money and
other, cover-up activities of the Pres-
ident's associates. Two of the subpoe-
naed items after that date involve Nix-
on's conversations with 1) Ehrlichman
and Haldeman between April 14 and
April 17, and 2) then Attorney Gen-
eral Richard Kleindienst and Henry
Petersen, head of the Justice Depart-
ment's criminal division, between April
15 and April 18. It was during this pe-
riod that the cover-up was unraveling.
Opaque Response. The White
House response to the subpoena was
opaque and critical. Presidential Press
Secretary Ronald Ziegler would say only
that "additional material" would be sup-
plied by the due date of the subpoena
and that this "will be comprehensive
and conclusive in terms of the Presi-
dent's actions." The White House had
not been stalling in delivering evidence,
he insisted; any delay was due to the Ju-
diciary Committee's slowness in getting
specific about its requests.
The impact of the subpoena is still
far from clear. Certainly, it further erod-
ed Nixon's standing in Congress, where
the Judiciary Committee's careful ap-
proach to its unwanted and awesome
duty has been well received. The sub-
poena will hardly help Nixon's stand-
ing in the court of public opinion. A Har-
ris poll showed last week that Nixon
had gained five points in general approv-
al, to 31%; the poll was taken before his
huge tax liability was announced. Har-
ris also reported that for the first time a
plurality of Americans, 43% to 41%, feel
that the President should be impeached
and removed from office.
WALL STREET JO1JENLI..1
? 8 APR V74
? Encounter and the CIA
Editor, The Wall Street Journal:
I have just seen the report in your issue
of March 22, according to which I am sup-
posed to have referred to the Congress for
1 Cultural Freedom as a CIA front. I said no
such thing. A "front" in common political
, usage refers to a phony body set up for
manipulative purposes. The Congress for
:Cultural Freedom was never that, al-
though most of its financial support came,
as is now well known, from American
foundations many of which derived their
funds from the CIA. Tho Congress assem-
bled writers and intellectuals who repre-
sented a wide variety of opinion: liberals,
socialists, conservatives. Its resolutions?
.whether In the form of protests against
cultural censorship, or in aid programs on
1:behalf of refugee intellectuals?were deter-
mined ? by, its own disttnguished member.
? As for Encounter Magazine (and also Der
Monat in Berlin which.I edited), its poll-
; des?whether under the founders whom
you mention, Stephen Spender and Irving
Kristol, or subsequently?were always de-
!.termined by its editors, and the freedom to
choose the articles, stories, and poems
which Encounter published was always ab-
solute and complete. That was the point of
'cultural freedom. MEnTIN J. LAsiar
'/Jondon . . _
TIME, APRIL 22, 1974
Why Those Tapes Were Made
Out of Mine own mouth will 1 judge
thee.
:?Luke 19:22
One of the continuing ironies of Wa-
tergate is that Richard Nixon has be-
come increasingly entangled in the scan-
dal largely through a needless and
voluntary creation of his own: his se-
cret system for recording nearly_ all of
his official conversations. If his clandes-
tine tape recorders had not been silent-
ly capturing his words and those of his
most intimate aides, he probably would
not now be in so imminent a danger of
impeachment. If he is finally forced out
of office, it may well be largely due to
those telltale tapes. Nearly forgotten in
the endless struggles over access to those
recordings is the question: Why did he
ever install such a potentially dangerous
system in the first place?
Men close to Nixon are now in fair-
ly full agreement on the basic reasons.
Foremost, according to them, was Nix-
on's awareness of history and his place
in it. Nixon yearned to write one day a
definitive work that would be the clas-
sic of presidential memoirs. With thou-
sands of his conversations in the White
House and the Executive Office Build-
ing available for precise?if selective
?quotation, he could produce a detailed
and colorful narrative far beyond the ca-
pability of any of his predecessors.
"More than most Presidents," recalls
one of his former assistants, "Nixon
spent a lot of time poring over what he
said and did. It was vital to him to have
an accurate record." Adds another aide:
"Nixon wants a record of everything."
?
The wondrous gadgetry of the sys-
tem, with its tiny hidden m;kes, its voice-
actuated mechanism that required only
a few spoken words to set x ecorder reels
twirling in obscure recesses of the
E.O.B., fascinated the President, his
aides say. Moreover, what assistant
could be more efficient than this om-
niscient and faithful monitor? Some
presidential conversations, especially
those with world leaders, were too im-
portant to permit misunderstandings. In
the first 21/2 years of the Nixon pres-
idency, such advisers as Henry Kissin-
ger, H.R. Haldeman and John Ehrlich-
man laboriously took notes at important
meetings. All three soon became much
too busy for that; the recording system,
installed in the late spring of 1971, was
a welcome substitute.
But a common-sense question in-
trudes: Would Nixon speak in total can-
dor, knowing that his words were being
preserved on tape? There is every in-
.dication that he did. Some investigators .
who have heard many of the tapes have
said that they were appalled by the de-
grading conversation?talk that they
did not expect to hear at a presidential
level. "I wish I had not heard it," sighed
one listener. Part of the offensiveness lies
in Nixon's well-known private penchant
for locker room language. What is less
well known and more bothersome are
the bitter and sometimes savage epithets
he aims at individuals who have in some
way angered or crossed him, and these
highly personal comments include flecks
? of anti-Semitism..
Nixon's willingness to permit the re-
cording of such language or possibly in-
criminatory matbrial can be explained
only by the hubris of the presidency, his
absolute confidence that the tapes be-
longed to him and could never be wrest-
ed from him. The existence of the re-
corders was originally known only to a,
few Secret Service technicians and three
trusted aides: Haldeman, Lawrence --
Higby and Alexander Butterfield. It was
Butterfield who startlingly revealed the
system in response to a throwaway ques-
tion from a Senate Watergate-commit-
tee staff counsel on July 13. Even then
the -I:resident must undoubtedly have
felt that he could still protect the tapes
with his claims of Executive privilege.
Indeed, there had been discussions
among those privy to the system about
dismantling the recorders as early as six
months after the Watergate burglary,
and again when the cover-up began to
unravel. But nothing was done. "He nev-
er in the world thought he would have
to give up any of those tapes to any-
body," insists one White House source.
Again common sense asks why, once
the Watergate investigation began, Nix-
on did not destroy all of those tapes that
even he concedes could be interpreted
differently from the way he prefers? This
could easily have been done before But-
terfield revealed their existence?or
even after, up until the time some were
subpoenaed. Nixon was certainly under
no legal obligation to keep them before
they became sought-after evidence. It
would have been embarrassing, of
course?but not criminal?to have de-
stroyed them in this interval.
Some former Nixon associates offer
a plausible theory to explain why the
tapes were kept available in the White
House as the Watergate scandal unfold-
ed and before the public was aware of
the recording setup. If any member of
the cover-up conspiracy were to make
any false accusations about a talk with
the President, Nixon could contend he
had taped that conversation because he
had felt it was especially important.
Then he could produce the tape and de-
stroy the credibility of the witness.
There is no clear indication yet of
how damaging the tapes will prove to
be for Nixon. Certainly his general re-
luctance to yield them to investigators
has created widespread suspicion that
they hurt rather than help his cause. So,
too, has the report of a group of tech-
nical experts that part of one tape was
deliberately erased. That conclusion is
expected to be confirmed and strength-
ened when the panel presents its full sci-
entific analysis, probably this week, to
Federal Judge John Sirica in Washing-
ton. So far, two other tapes have been de-
clared to be "nonexistent" by the White..
House. Never adequately explained has - been the fact that Haldeman checked
out 22 tapes on April 25, 1973,-returned
them the same day, then withdrew them
again on April 26 and kept them until
May 2. There is, indeed, still much to
be explained about those fateful tapes
that have contributed so much. to Rich-
ard Nixon's difficulties and cbuld even
end his political career.
.2
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WASHINGTON STAR
17 April 1974
NIXON'S DILEMMA
By Oe: aid Johnston
Star-14 as Staff Writer
It is gradually being real-
ized in the administration
and on Capitol Hill that the
impact of Watergate on for-
eign policy involves a great
deal more than the survival
of Richard Nixon's presi-
dency.
The issue far transcends ,
questions of short-term po-
litical expediency ? for in-'
stance, the apparent manip-
ulation of events that leads
the White House to insist
upon a June summit meet-
ing in Moscow even when it
is increasingly evident that.
impeachment proceedings
in Congress will be ap-
proaching the crisg point'
about then.
, More to. the point, it is a
question of whether the
Nixon administration can.
continue to carry out its
responsibility to conduct a
foreign policy on behalf of
the United States under cir-
cumstances such as it finds
itself in today.
In the administration it-
.
self, where a solid chorus of
official voices for months,
has insisted that Watergate
and foreign policy have
nothing to do with one an-
other, some discords can
now be heard.
Several weeks ago, a
high-ranking official close
to the ongoing strategic
? armS negotiations with the
Soviets was confiding to
associates his fear that the
impeachment proceedings
had infected a new uncer-
tainty into the SALT nego-
tiations. The Soviets, this
official concluded, are de-
termined to stall on the is-,
sue until the impeachment'
question is resolved.
SECRETARY OF State,
Henry A. Kissinger is stick-
ing close to the official line
in public, but his denials
that foreign policy has been
affected by Watergate have
become less sweeping of
late. The President, Kissin-
ger told 'a group of report-
ers at the White House ?illy
last week, "does not con-
duct himself as if he were in
a position of weakness."
Kissinger was addressing
reporters in an effort to
clarify his earlier admis- ,
sion, which he did note- ,
tract, that a comprehencMieor
!ley Fears-.E.:se
- detente policies are meeting
resistance from a disparate
coalition of conservatives,
cold warriors, trade protec-
tionists and liberals whci
abhor Soviet repression of?
Jews and intellectuals.
Some are hard-core adver-
saries of Nixon, others
down-the-line Nixon loyal-
ists. Most deeply distrust
the role of Kissinger.
Interpretation
SALT agreement is unlikely
this year ? so the net effect
of his remarks was nega-
tive.
There is, further, growing
evidence that Kissinger is
deeply worried by the im-
pact of the coming impeach-
,ment crisis on the basic pol-
icy issues dividing the Unit--
' ed States and the Soviet
Union: In addition to SALT,
these include the controver-
sial trade package, the
? troop reduction and East-.
,'West security talks in Eu-
rope and the Middle East. '
A congressional, critic of.
, administration detente poli-
;cies summed it up in a sar--
?donic aphorism recently:
? "Kissinger's current line is
to blame Watergate for the
fact that the Russians are
' behaving like Russians."
,. In a more friendly setting,
the Senate Foreign Rela-
tions Committee, Kissinger
is understood to have ex-
plored the problems at
length last week. During an
' extended closed-door brief-
ing, Kissinger reportedly
gave the committee a som-
? ber account of his recent
trip to Moscow and im-
'pressed on the members the
urgency, in his view, of a
SALT agreement in the next
two or three years.
In the discussion, the
growing weight of impeach-
ment as a factor in U.S.-
Soviet relations was a re-
curring subject, sources
reported afterwards. One
source ,close to the commit-
tee remarked that Kissin-
ger's failure in Moscow to
achieve the "conceptual
breakthrough" toward a
SALT agreement, which he
had forecast earlier, was
confirmation that the Rus-
sians have decided to mark
time on arms negotiations.
until the fate of Nixon's
presidency is known.
TO THIS TURMOIL with-
in the administration's own'
policy-making apparatus
must be added the growing
determination of Congress
to exert its influence on for-
eign affairs, an influence
that is increasingly weighty,
as,the executive appears to
weaken.
Opposing them are liber-
als and centrists who be-
lieve relaxation of tension
with the Soviets is a basic
necessity for survival and
who fear a renewal of the
Cold War would be inevita-
ble if the Nixon-Kissinger
detente policies are torpe-
doed. Their best hope/ ac-
cordingly, is a continuance
of Kissinger's role as mas-
ter of U.S. foreign policy, no
matter what happens to
Nixon.,
These opposing currents
are still ill-defined and have
not crystallized into coher-
ent political movements. i
But t is not too much of an
oversimplification to say
that Seh. Henry M. Jack-
son, D-Wash., has clearly
'emerged as the leader of
the first group, and that
Sen. Edward M. Kennedy
D-Mass., is moving into a
position of prominence in
the second.
Running through this
complex tangle ,of political
notives, national security
interests and personal am-
bitions are three basic
themes, layered one upon
another and in some degree
influencing every current
estimate of the nation's re-
lationship with the rest of,
the world at a time of do-
mestic turbulence and un-
certainty:
? Nixon's motives. Will a
president weakened by
Watergate and facing a So-
viet leadership that senses
an historic opportunity for
nuclear dominance, yield
too much on SALT in order
to preserve his popular
image as a peacemaker?
, Conversely, will Nixon,
realizing he must rely on a
nucleus of 34 hard-line con-
servatives to escape convic-
tion in an impeachment
trial, revert to his Cold War
persona of the 1950s as a
man who "stands up to the
But in Congress, also, Russians" and undercut his
there are conflicting cur-own &qua,. policies?
crectLFOreFtelatinistddiM8/08 TICIA-RD P77-00432 RO 0 S1
?
? Soviet motives. Are the
Soviets merely temperizing
when they stall on SALT
negotiations, or was the
apparent bargaining rever-
sal during Kissinger's re-
cent Moscow trip a prelude
to a new hard-line push'
against a weakened U.S.
leadership?
Despite Pravda editorials
denouncing Nixon's critics,
does the Kremlin see the
Nixon presidency near an
end and are they preparing
for President Ford? Will
they try to do a deal now to
forestall the emergence of
Jackson as the Democratic
candidate in 1976? Will their
encouragement of Kenne-
dy's still undefined presi-
dential ambitions go beyond
the current invitation to the
reluctant Democratic front-
runner to visit Moscow this
month?
? Kissinger's motives.
Under this heading come
the substantive criticisms of
administration foreign poli-
cy, especially Kissinger's
efforts to recast U.S. rela-
tions with allies and adver-
saries alike in terms of
achievable national inter-
ests rather than ideologies
and mdralities. The ques-
tions here are posed by both
Nixon loyalists and Nixon
opponents, who alike can be
counted on to use the Presi-
dent's difficulties against
policies they dislike, aiming
at Nixon's weakness when
their real target is Kissin-
ger.
One of the most cogent
and, in its way, most sym-
pathetic assessments of
Nixon's foreign policy ma
tives came recently from an
unlikely source: Rep. Les
Aspin, a liberal Democrat
from Wisconsin whose
views on foreign and de-
fense policies are usually
tinged with the academic-
intellectual' liberal ortho-
doxy Nixonn personally
abhors. ?'
ASPIN, URGING on his
colleagues a sense-of-con-
gress resolution to keep
Nixon away from summitry
and out of vital foreign poli-
cy negotiations so long as
the impeachment issue is
unresolved, presented this
analysis:
"A FAKE CRISIS is bad
00880008,411 there's some-
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thing worse ? and that's a
real one. What happens dur-
ing aniimpeachment trial if
we really do have a confron-
tation\lwith the Soviet Un-
ion, Old when Mr. Nixon
announces it to the nation,
everyone thinks he's just
playing politics? If this
happens, there would clear-
ly be a\ temptation for the
other side to raise the
stakes, perhaps even to the
point of creating a genuine
nuclear showdown."
Paradoxically, one of
Nixon's theoretical defend-
ers on this point is Kennedy,
who is beginning to assert a
more high-profile image on
foreign policy questions
than he has up to now.
Some political commenta-
tors are already suggesting
Kennedy is preparing his
ground for a concerted chal-
lenge to Jackson's presiden-
tial hopes as a harbinger of
a renewed great-power ri-
valry with th Russians after
Nixon's detente policies col-
lapse with his shattered
presidency.
Accordingly, Kennedy in
an interview on the eve of
his current extended trip to
'Eastern Europe and the
Soviet Union brushed' aside
any suggestion that a well
negotiated SALT agreement
would suffer from Nixon's
own political misfortunes.
It would be a "catastroph-
ic mistake",for Nixon to try
to ease the pressure of Wa.,
tergate by negotiating a
"bad treaty" ? 'it wouldn't
pass" when submitted to
Senate ratification, Kenne-
dy warned.
But, he added, "there
would be overwhelming
support for a good treaty,
even if impeachment pro-
ceedings are well-ad-
vanced.
Much harder on Nixon is
Sen. James Buckley, the
New York conservative who
was counted a staunch Nix-
on loyalist until his 'unex-
pected call a month ago for
the President to resign be-
fore an impeachment pro-
ceeding cripples the coun-
try.
"I STRONGLY recom-
mend against a presidential
visit to Moscow while im-
peachment proceedings are
under way, Buckley said
in a formal statement a
week ago. Explaining after-
ward, Buckley stressed that
he was passing no judgment
on Nixon's possible motiva-
tions under the stress of an \
impeachment proceeding,
such as Aspin sought to put
forward.
Rather, he was worried
about the appearance of a
weakened President in
NEW YORK TIMES
REPORT,13 April1974
RUSSIANS
IMPEACHMENT MD
Press Mentions Anti-Nixon
Moves in Congress for
First Time in Months
,
Shedd to The New Yorlt Timer
MOSCOW, April 12?The So-
'vie t press, in a new sign of
uneasiness over President Nix-
on's future, reported today for
the first time in months on
Congressional moves for im-
peachment. \
' The mere mention of the is-
sue, which had not been raised
explicitly since November, was
regarded as an indicator that
Moscow was taking the pros-
pects of impeachment much
more seriously than before and
was concerned about repercus-
sions on Soviet-American rela-
tions.
The news appeared as Amer--
Can officials disclosed that the
Soviet leadership had privately
expressed serious worry in the
last few days over the pros-
pects for American trade
credits. ?
Pessimistic on Tariffs
Belatedly recognizing Mr.
Nixon's lack of influence with
Congress on the trade bill, the
Soviet leader, Leooid I. Brezh-
nev,, and other high offiicals
were pictured this week as
being somewhat reconciled to
not receiving reduced tariffs.
But in talks with Secretary
of Commerce Frederick B. Dent
earlier this week, the Soviet
head-to-head neogitatioii
with the Soviets, and 'how
this would -seem to U.S. al-
lies in Western urope.
Buckley's basic assump-
tion ? that the Soviets have
decided on a harder line as
a result of Nixon's troubles
? is widely held among
those who hold detente poli-
cies suspect, but it is echoed
also by those who see in the
administration's foreign
policies its only claim for
distinction.
The recurrent theme
here is that if the soviets
are not actually pressing an
imagined bargaining advan-
tage against a weakened
president, they are at least
stalling until the -crisis is
over.
?
'ACCORDINGLY, that
note of caution underscored
1/4last week's unusual mes-
sage of confidency to Kis-
singer from a bipartisan
group of senators ? includ-
ing majority leader Mike
Mansfield, minority leader
Hugh Scott, Charles McC,
Mathias, R-Md., and Walter
F. Mondale, 137Minn. ?
leaders were said to have been
disturbed at the prospect that
Congress might block further
credits from the Export-Import
tank.
In general, influential Soviet
circles have lately displayed in
one way or another increasing
concern over Mr. Nixon'e
domestic difficulties and their
likely impact. on Soviet-Ameri-
can relations.
Kissinger Statement Worrisome
Secretary of State Kissinger's
statement discounting the like-
lihood of a majer agreement on
strategic arms during President
Nixon's scheduled June visit is
.also likely to bother Moscow,
which has been taking a more
optimistic line.
In a move that suggested
that Moscow was more anxious
than before to maintain contact
with the Democratic opposition,
usually well-informed sources
said that Senator Edward M.
Kennedy would probably be re-
ceived by Mr. Brezhnev and
other high officials here next
week.
Nonetheless, some segments
of the Soviet press, displaying
obvious sympathy for Mr. Nix-
on, have been quite shrill lately
In chiding his domestic critics.
Izvestia, the Government
newspaper, reported last Friday
that the President had been re-
quired to pay $432,787 in back
taxes. It charged that the mat-
ter was being thcploited by
politicians and publications hos-
tile to the President, who were
conducting campaigns against
him.
Impeachment Hearings Noted
. Today's report, in the
foreign-affairs weekly Novoye
Vremya was the first, however,
to link "th4 income-tax scan-
dal" to pressures for impeach-
ment?a topic not dealt with
so :directly in the Soviet press
since November.
Without explaining what im-
peachment is, the 'magazine
reported that the House Judi-
ciary Committee was expected
to start hearings on April 22
or 23 to determine whether
sufficient grounds existed for
Impeachment.
It said that the hearings
would last until mid-June,
'before the scheduled date of
Mr. Nixon's visit.
The magazine concluded by
quoting Vice President Ford as
having said at a press confer-
ence that he did not see any
constitutional basis for im-
peachment of Mr. Nixon.
Another foreign-policy week-
13r charged that the President's
/domestic critics were trying to
cripple his negotiating power
with the Soviet Union with the
aim of "putting a mine under
future Soviet-American nego-
tiations."
The weekly, Za Rubezhom,
directed its attack mainly at
-Representative Les Aspin, a
Wisconsin Democrat, for hav-
ing proposed legislation that
would bar. Mr. Nixon from
reaching agreements that did
not automatically require Con-
gressional approval.
4
NEW YORK. TIMES
16 April 1974
Nixon's Difficulties
Likened in Moscow
To Lincoln Murder
By. CHRISTOPHER S. WREN
Special to The New York Times
MOSCOW, April 15?A Corn-
manist youth newspaper here
has drawn what appears to be
a :?veiled parallel between the
assassination of Abriham Lin-
coln and what it described as
a press campaign against Pres-
ident Nixon.
Both the 1865 murder of Lin-
coln and press hostility toward
Mr. Nixon were designed to
elijninate political opponents
from the American scene and
thhs change the course of his-
tory, the newspaper, Kom-
somolskaya Pravda, seemed to
suggest yesterday in commem-
orating the 109th anniversary
or Lincoln's assassination.
Contending that the ?event
was reflected in "current po-
litical life in the United States,"
the organ of the Young Com-
munist League said the assas-
sination represented "almost
the first major act of violent
interference by reactionaries
with the- historical course of
the American people."
Komsomolskaya Pravda did
not mention Mr. Nixon by
name. But in several references
it 'implied that his domestic
problems .were similar to those
that had contributed to Mr.
Lincoln's death. The most
prbminent mentioned was hos-
tility of the American press
toivard President Nixon.
The controlled Soviet press
hal generally avoided mention
of :the Watergate affair in de-
ference to Mr. Nixon's Rapport
wi h the Kremlin leadership.
omsovolskaya Pravda ob.
served that "in the arsenal of
re,ection, the bullet of the hired
or fanatical killer is the ex-
treme but not the only means
of eliminating poltical oppo-
nants from the scene."
'It said that the American
press had set the stage for Lin-
coin's assassination by being
"especially zealous" in attack-
ing him.
"Again and again reaction-
aries have repeated their des-
perate gamble in the belief that,
having eliminated a president
(by whatever means) whose
policy did not suit them, they
would be able to turn back
the course of history," KoM-
sovolskaya Pravda said.
It recalled that Lincoln, be-
fore he was killed, had tried
to improve relations between
the United States and Russia.
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NEW YORK TIMES
15 April 1974
Cuts That C.I.A. Sought. in Book Touch on Official Slips
By ERIC PACE
The C.I.A. tried to censor
from 't a forthcoming book
about*,the agency slips of the
tongue\ by the then Vice Presi-
dent Agnew and the then
CIA. chief, Richard M. Helms,
that sAmed to betray ignor-
ance of foreign affairs, a New
York publisher has disclosed.
The Central Intelligence
Agency demanded last year
that 339 passages be cut from
the book, "The C.I.A. and the
Cult of 'Intelligence," written
by Victor Marchetti, a former
C.I.A. employe, and John
Marks, a former State Depart-
ment employe. But a Federal
judge has ruled that the pub-
lisher, Alfred A. Knopf, Inc.,
can bring it out with only 27
cuts despite the government's
contention that publication
would injure the national de-
fense.
As disclosed by Knopf,
though, some of the other, ear-
lier cuts that were demanded
seem merely embarrassing to
the agency or to the Adminis-
tration, such as this description
of a Cabinet-level meeting at-
tended by President Nixon:
"Vice President Spiro Ag-
new gave an Impassioned
speech on how the .South Af-
rican, pow that they had re-
cently declared their indepen-
dence, were not about to be
pushed around, and he went
on to compare South Africa to
the United States in its in-
fant days. Finally, the Presi-
TIME
22 APR 1974
ESPIONAGE
dent leaned over to Agnew
and said gently, 'You mean
Rhodesia,- don't you, Ted?"
Another deleted passage
which referred to Mr. Helms at
a National Security Council
meeting in. 1969, went as 'fol-
lows:
. "His otherwise .flawless per-
formance was marred only by
his mispronounciation of 'Mala-
gasy' (formerly ? Madagascar)
when referring, to the young
republic."
The C.I.A.'s blue pencil also
affected disclosures in the book
that are reported in the current
issue of Time magazine; and
were characterized as, "doubt-
less authentic" by an intelli-
gence expert in Washington
yesterday:
Time says the book recounts
tin the ninteen-sixties the agen-
cy helped the Government of
'President Fernando Belaunde
Terry of Peru to crush a local
insurgent movement by build-
ing a jungle military installa-
tion and recruiting an anti-
guerrilla unit.
The book also reports that
the agency learned of an air-
plane-hijacking by Brazilian ra-
dicals?but let the hijacking
take place so as not to betray
its knowledge Of Brazilian guer-
rillas', activities, the magazine
1;says.
Reference to Vietnam Group
? The original deletions that
werb reported by Knopf Includ-
ed a passage that has to do
with, equipment used by mem-
Trying to Expose the CIA
The controversy is not a cause
c?bre of the proportions of the Pen-
tagon papers, but for two years the Cen-
tral Intelligence Agency has employed
its wits, wiles and considerable manpow-
er in an effort to stop publication of large
chunks of a book called The CIA and
the Cult of Intelligence. The agency has
fought so hard because the book's prin-
cipal author, Victor Marchetti, 44, was
a CIA officer with access to much secret
material and a zeal to reveal it. Although
its reliability will be questioned, the book
is the most detailed expos6 of CIA tac-
tics to date and is bound to pose em-
barrassing questions about the aims and
activities of American espionage.
The book is still involved in a legal
tangle. The CIA is contending that, as
the result of a contract that every CIA
employee signs. Marchetti has no right
to publish any material that the agency
deems. classified. Nonetheless the bOok
; will be published this June?in a most
unusual form. Blank spaces will appear
where 168 passages have been deleted
at C/A insistence, and the courts have
not yet finally resolved whether or not
the missing material deserves national-
security classification. A larger number
of portions initially ueleted by the agen-
cy and then reluctantly restored by iL CIA helped Peru to quash an indigenous other hidden source of funds is the
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bers of an ethnic group in Viet-
nam, the Nungs, who were
hired by the C.I.A. and sent on
forays along the Ho Chi Minh
trail. The passage says:
"Since most of the Nungs
were illiterate and had great
difficulty in sending back quick,
accurate reports of what, they
saw, the C.I.A. technicians de,
veloped a special kind of radio
transmitter for their use.
' "Each transmitter had a set
'of buttons corresponding to pic-
tures of a tank, a truck, an
artillery ,piece or some other
military-related object. ?Whea
the Nung trail-watcher sawi a
Vietcong convoy, he , would
push the appropriate button as
many times as he counted such
objects go by him.
Each push sent a specially
coded impulse back to a base
camp which could in this way
kepi) a running account of sup-
ply movements on the trail. In
some instances, the signals
would be recorded by observa-
tion planes that would relay
the information to attack air
,craft for immediate bombing
raids on the trail."
Several other of the original
cuts, as reported by Knopf, in-
volved assertions that the C.! A.
had sent "special operations"
personnel to Bolivia "to assiSt
Ilocal forces in dealing With
the rebel movement." The beok
also reports that a C.I.A. opera-
tive tried in vain, 'to prevent
the Bolivian authorities from
having Ernesto Che, the rebel
will be included; they will be printed in
boldface type so that a reader can read-
ily identify those tales, statistics and
names that the CIA would just as soon
not have had made public.
Some of the boldface incidents have
appeared in print before or were gen-
erally known: the agency's loan of V-26
bombers and CIA pilots for the uprising
against Indonesian President Sukarno in
the late 1950s, the drifting of balloons
laden with propaganda over mainland
China during the Cultural Revolution,
the training of the Dalai Lama's moun-
taineer troops when they were driven
out of Tibet in 1959 by the Chinese Com-
munists. But often the book adds fresh
detail. For example, in tine of their pe-
riodic raids on their homeland, the
hardy Tibetans helped resolve a debate
that had been going on CIA headquar-
ters in Washington: they captured doc-
uments showing that Mao Tse-tung's
Great Leap Forward had been a flop.
Other episodes in the book are set
down for the first titne, and some of them
will provide fuel for critics of the agen-
cy and perhaps trigger unpleasant ca-
bles to Henry Kissinger from foreign
capitals. A likely instance is the book's
recounting of how in the mid-1960s the
leader, executed.
'Another of the cuts involved
a passage describing agency-
Organized "guerrilla . raids
against North Vietnam, with
special emphasis on intrusions
by sea-borne commando
groups"?although that at pect
of the agency's operations had
been disclosed before.,
? Also deleted' was part of a
passage saying the Federal Bur-
eau of Investigation practiced
wiretapping against numerous
foreign embassies in Washing-
ton "in cooperation with the
Chesapeake and P,etomac Tele-
phone Company (a Bell subsi-
diary)."
' Commenting on the dele-
tions, a Knopf senior editor,
Charles ;Elliott, 'said in an in-
terview that some of them had
been frivolous, and he observed,
"Some things were talien out
Isimply to protect the C.I.A."
Knopf, the co-authors and
the Government have all filed
'notices of appeal since the'
March ruling that reduced the
cuts to 27. The Government,
under pressure from opposing
lawyers, had previously reduced'
its original list of 339 pas-
sages by half that /number?
including the ones now dis,.
closed. '
The legal 'status of the re-
maining delations is unclear,
pending' further legal action,
and Knopf fears that lack of
time will require that these
passages be left out of-the first'
edition of the book, which Is
to come out in June. '
guerrilla movement. At. the request of
the government, heade.c1 by Fernando
Belaunde Terry, the agency erected a
miniature Fort Bragg in the heart of the
Peruvian jungle and recruited a crack
counterinsurgency team, which made
short work of the guerrillas. Another -.-
passage reports that in1969 the agency
learned of a scheme by radicals to hi-
jack a Brazilian airliner. The CIA kept
the news to itself for fear that it would
expose the agency's penetration of Bra-
zilian Guerrilla Leader Carlos Mari-
ghella's band and thus jeopardize a plan
to capture him. The plane was hijacked
on schedule--and Marighella was
trapped on schedule.
Secret War. The book reports that
contrary to the general impression, the
CIA devotes about two-thirds of its annu-
al budget of some $750 million to covert
operations and only 10% to intelligence
gathering. The $750 million, moreover,
is merely part of the money spent on the
CIA. The Pentagon contributes hundreds
of millions of dollars for technical proj-
ects that do not show up in the CIA bud-
get. The Air Force, for example, funds
the overhead-reconnaissance program
?mostly spy satellites?for the entire
U.S. intelligence community. Though
the CIA conducted a secret war in Laos
for more than a decade, the bulk of the
$500 million spent each year was stip-
plied by the Defense Department. 4a-
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Asia and others?which gen-
erate tens of millions of dol-
lars every year by providing
charter service for Govern-
ment agencies.
For anyone not privy to
the CIA'S files, it is difficult
to judge just how accurate the
book is. The original manu-
script was censored under the
guidance of four CIA deputy
directors. The CIA refuses to
attest to or deny any portion
of the book, and the court rec-
ord is mixed on the point.
During the long court battle.
one of the deputy directors,
, William E. Nelson, deposed
I that he had not deleted any
material on grounds of inac-
curacy because "untrue [ma-
terial] per se isn't classified."
Yet another deputy director
argued the opposite, claiming
that false material could be
classified and that there were errors in
some portions that he censored. Says a
high-ranking agency official: "Some of
the book is true, some of it is slightly
wrong, and a lot of it is totally wrong.
Marchetti has strung a few facts togeth-
er and done a lot of hypothesizing."
The authors, to put it mildly, are not
sympathetic to the CIA. Marchetti, who
is responsible for most of the book, and
Co-Author John Marks, 31, a former
Foreign Service officer, believe that the
agency should not intervene in other na-
tions' affairs in any circumstances.
Pointing out the inefficiency of many
,CIA missions, the authors would restrict _
; the agency to intelligence gathering and
, strip it of all its covert operations. That I
argument is sure to be aired fully once
' the book is published; for now, the CIA
'is arguing that the book is dangerous
on narrower if no less vital grounds. It
fears that the book will expose secret op-
erations and covers, jeopardize if not
eliminate relations with foreign secret
' services, and encourage other disgrun-
tled employees to spill what they know
or claim to know about the agency. The
' conflict is yet another example of the
public's "right to know" v. the national
interest; there is no easy answer.
For most of his 14 years with the
'CIA, Marchetti was a bright young agent
on the way up. After serving with U.S.
Army intelligence in West Germany
during the early '50s, he returned to
Penn State to major in Soviet studies. Be-
cause of his background, he was recruit-
ed for the CIA. He spent a year in train-
ing in covert operations, then became
a
an intelligence analyst, concentrating
, largely on Soviet military matters. In
11968, he was named executive assistant
, to the agency's deputy director, Admi-
ral Rufus Taylor. If he seemed to be
something of a Boy Scout to his col-
leagues, it was appropriate that Scouts
first caused him to have misgivings
about his employment.
Sour Belly. While he was working
with community organizations, he re-
calls, "Eagle Scouts came around with
their lohg hair telling me they were not
going to Viet Nam. I had a hard time ar-
guing with them. It seemed to me that
the world was changing quite a bit, and
neither the CIA nor the Government was
changing along with it."
Disillusioned, he quit the CIA in
1969, but stayed quiet. "I didn't feel free
to speak at the time," he says. "I was
too well trained." Instead, he wrote a
veiled expos?a novel called The Rope-
Dancer, in which the head of an Amer-
ican intelligence agency turns out to be
working for the Russians. The book was
not widely noticed, but the agency com-
municated its displeasure to the author.
Undeterred, Marchetti decided in the
spring of 1972 to tell all?or almost all.
An enterprising literary agent, David
Obst, who is also the agent for Water-
gate reporters Bob Woodward and Carl
Bernstein (see THE PRESS) and Daniel-
Ellsberg, held an auction for the rights
to Marchetti's book. Alfred A. Knopf
Inc. was the winner. One of the losers
leaked the outline to the CIA, which con
sidcred Marchetti to be a turncoat who
had developed a "sour belly" over U.S.
intervention in Southeast Asia.
A month later, two federal agents,
whom Marchetti dubbed Marshal Dil
Ion and. Chester, appeared at his door
with a temporary restraining order for-
bidding him to show the manuscript to
the publisher until the CIA had exam-
ined it. The agency based its position
on the contract restricting present or
past employees from revealing anything
about agency operations without first
getting its consent. Marchetti phoned
the American Civil Liberties Union,
which went to trial on his behalf. It ar-
gued that the CIA was exercising prior
restraint?preventing publication?and
thereby violating the First Amendment.
But the U.S. District Court Judge Al-
bert V. Bryan Jr. ruled that the First
Amendment did not apply in the case
of contractual obligations. Marchetti
lost on appeal, and the U.S. Supreme
Court declined to hear the case.
Almost ready to, abandon his proj-
ect, Marchetti met John Marks, who was
WASHINGTON POST
5 April 1974
Judge Stays
Ruling on
-CIA Book
U.S. District Court Judge
'Albert V. Bryan yesterday
granted a stay of his ruling al.
lowing a controversial book
about the Central Intelligence
Agency to be published.
The stay will give attorneys
for the government time to ap-
peal to the Fourth Circuit
[Court of Appeals in Rich.
Approved
I
working as an aide to Senator Clifford
! Case. Together, Marchetti and Marks
; revised the manuscript, with Marks con-
tributing a section on relations between
the presf and the CIA. They submitted
the man ' script to the agency in August
i
' 1973. It ,as returned with 339 deletions
indicate,, Some of the excisions were
baffling Nat. perhaps _simply inexpertly
done. Chapter 2, for example, begins
with a deleted remark by Henry Kis-
singer. Yet another passage makes clear
that he was discussing, a CIA project to
prevent the 1970 election of Chilean
President Salvador Allende Gossens,
Last October the authors and Knopf
joined as co-plaintiffs in a suit against
the Cm They charged that most of the
dele'_?:.d material in the manuscript had
never been formally classified and was
actually in the public domain. By the
'time the trial began in February, CIA of-
ficials had reinstated the numerous seg-
ments that will appear in boldface. But
the CIA continued to argue that what-
ever it said was classified had to be con-
sidered classified. Judge Bryan objected;
he ruled in favor of restoring most of
the remaining etas of material that had
not been properly classified. The CIA is
appealing his decision, and so are the au-
thors and Knopf, which anticipates that
its legal fees will be between S.50,000 and
$100,000. In the meantime, the book will
be published with 168 deletions, which
present something of a structural prob-
lem for Knopf Editor Charles Elliott.
He is puzzling over how to make a page
break where there is a blank space. At
one point, a footnote refers to a deleted ?
passage. "We don't know where to put
the asterisk," he says.
Quiet Offices. To the degree the
book is accurate, it illuminates more
than any previous expos?he fundamen-
tal dilemma of using covert activity as a
tool in foreign policy, of a secret agency
operating in an open society. flow are
the two to be reconciled? If the CIA is to
be held accountable, are the present
watchdog functions of congressional
committees adequate? In a world of
ever-shifting political currents that still
present threats to American interests,
can the nation conduct its foreign policy
in a perfectly open manner without re-
'sorting to covert operations? Particular-
ly in a dangerous world where other
powers employ covert means to achieve
their global aims? The book will sharp-
en that debate. And it is sure to be must
reading in some quiet offices all around
the world.
mond.
The government had chal-
lenged the book, asking that
hundreds of paragraphs be de-
leted because they endangered
national security. After Wil-
liam Colby, CIA director, testi-
fied 'to that effect, Judge
Bryan ordered that the CIA
cutbacks should be limited to
a handful, and that, the book
may be published.
' The book is by Victor Mar-
chetti and John D. Marks, for-
mer CIA employees. The case
is considered a test of.how far
Ithe government can go in the
area of prior restraint on pub-
lishing in such cases. i
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HUMAN EVaiTS
6 APR 1974
Media Harms
U.S,-,Security Operations
Rep. ',John Ashbrook (R.-Ohio), the ranking'
minority. member of the !louse Committee on in-
ternal Security, has charged
that "advocacy journalism"
is 'playing a major role in
doing serious injury to Amer-
ica's intelligence gathering
and its internal security op-
erations. We are weaker in
this field "than ever before in
our history," says Ashbrook.
"When an American journal-
ist revealed, as did Jack An-
derson," said Ashbrook last
rr.7"..r.t
1
I
ASHBROOK
week, "that the CIA
was listening to the telephones in Soviet officials'
cars, that operation had to be discontinued. We
now have less information about Soviet plans for
? alzr?miice.:-
irt:t7.T 7.1T jr
:'7.t-1:7
?Vall"hre 4:::) 1 71F4. ZAIT -rni)it4g.) -ptrson nil. even
though these groups encourage -desertions and at-
tempts to murder officers?fragging." The investiga-
tion, said Ashbrook, "was canceled after the cover
on the operation was blown by an 'advocacy journal-
ist.' " ? ?
Media pressures, argued Ashbrook, have had a
baleful influenee, over our internal security Opera-
tions as well. "The Subversive Activities Control
' Board, which had the responsibility of holding hear-
ings on and citing Communist fronts, has been
abolished....
"The Internal Security Division or the Depart-
ment of Justice has been reduced to .a section of
the Criminal Division. Police departments
throughout the country that hate done -valuable
work in watching the violence-prone radicals
have cut hack on their operations and in many
cases have closed down their intelligence units."
These cutbacks, charged Ashbrdok, "have often '
resulted from journalistic attacks which panicked !
timid city fathers. Or as in New York, where (Mayor
, John] Lindsay used it as an excuse for wholesale I
destruction of valuable files on violent organizations.:
"The Army has stopped 'watching civilians. The
Pentagon brass retreated when their surveillance of!
; subversives was attacked by the Senate Subcommit-
tee on Constitutional Rights, chaired by Sen. Sam '
Ervin, and the hysterical elements in the press."
Army surveillance, Ashbrook asserted, had proved
WASHINGTON STAR
15 April 1974
Downey 'Pretty Content'
'invaluable in gathering critical facts on subversives
and potential rioters and in keeping police and na-
tional guard units well informcdt But a star witness
for the Ervin committee "and a hpro to the press was ?
John M. 'O'Brien, a former military intelligence
_agent who alleged that the military had engaged in
'widespread surveillance of innocent civilian activity
and. had used illegal methods to accomplish this."
Yet the first opportunity anyone had to cross-
examine O'Brien, said Ashbrook, suggested that he
was less than a totally reliable witness.
After he testified for the defense last November
in the "Chicago 7" contempt case, Federal Judge
Edward T. dignoux-concluded that "Mr. O'B-rten's
testimony was flatly repudiated in all presently sig-
nificant aspects.... The Court rejects as utterly in-
credible the testimony of Mr. O'Brien."
Just how far the military has retreated in the face
of media pressure, said Ashbrook, was revealed in
November 1971 when Rowland A. Morrow. the di-
rector of the Defense Investigation Program Office,
teed iiex:cu.:J:7c ssi(zrr ter? P: :use Ccrn-
77::!:-.. et :J.: : v
:rTs -Tat: T.7. : ? . a
su.bversives, ever) fjCS on those who
have been active in subverting the military.
Morrow admitted, said Ashbrook, that we have
reached the point where d member of the Armed
Forces who leaves a military post to attend a sub-
versive meeting cannot be observed by military in-
, telligence. ?
"As you know," said Ashbrook, "the Federal
Bureau of Investigation has the primary responsibil-
ity in the investigation of subversive activities. In
the past, this work has been enhanced by the activi-
ties of military intelligence, local police departments
and congressional committees. Now, even the FBI's!
responsibility to do this important work is under
attack.
"All security conscious people breathed a sigh of
relief when William Ruckelshaus was forced out of
the Justice Department. On Sept. 13, 1973, during
his confirmation hearing to be Deputy Attorney'
General, Ruckelshaus twice referred to his plan to
separate intelligence-gathering from the law
enforcement functions of the FBI.' Translated from
'government gobbledygook into English, this means
getting the FBI out of the field of investigating
subversion." ?
But* Ashbrook implied that such disastrous
schemes are frequently promoted by the media. In
the Ohioan's view, then, the media deserves no small
share of the blame for the increasing weakness of
America's internal security apparatus.
John T. Downey, who spent 21 years in a,
Chinese prison camp on espionage charges, says
he is "pretty content-wit my life now" as a stu-
dent at Harvard Law School and he plans to be-
come a small town lawyer. Downey, 43, along '
with Richard Fecteau of Lynn, Mass. was shot
down in a plane over China during p spy mission
in November 1952. He was released in March 1973
at the request of President Nixon. 'Downey was
A p p ro velitEariEtekdastft (131111410 ttorNiA-RD P 77-00432 R00010 a 30008-3
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RADIO TV REPORTS, INC.
4435 WISCONSIN AVE. N.W.. WASHINGTON. O. C. 20016. 244-3540
/71,0GRAM Eyewitness News STATioN WTQP TV
DTE April 2, 1974 5:30 PM CITY Washington, D.C.
, AN INTERVIEW WITH VICTOR MARCHETTI
GORDON PETERSON: A U. S. district court judge has
handed the Central Intelligence Agency a setback in -:cs battle
to keep the lid not only on its covert activities, but on what
its former employees say about the agency. Judge Albert Bryan
ruled that the CIA exceeded its authority in ordering many deletions
from a book on the CIA by a former CIA intelligence officer,
IVictor Marchetti, and former State Department intelligenc..1 officer,
John Marks. In effect, the judge ruled that the CIA cannot
declare something classified simply by saying it ought to be
classified.
Two years ago, Judge Bryan had ruled that the CIA
did have a right to censor Marchetti's manuscript. At that
time, it hadn't even been written.
I talked to Marchetti at his suburban Virginia home
today.
VICTOR MARCHETTI: The book is both a critique of
the CIA and the U. S. intelligence community. But it also points
out that the intelligence is a necessary function and that some
of the things the agency does are worthwhile and should be continued.
The criticism is that -- focused on what is known
as the covert action activities. This is propaganda, paramilitary
activities, disinformation, the penetration of various student
and cultural groups; the things that are usually described as
dirty tricks.
PETERSON: Well, as I recall, the CIA was after you
to stop publication of this book even before you had any of
it down on paper. Is that right?
MARCHETTI: That's correct. About two years ago when
.they learned that I was going to write this book, I had first
written a novel called "The Rope Dancer," in which I was critical
f the agency in a fictional fashion. When I decided to go
onfiction and they found out about it, they immediately took
e to court and managed to get a permanent injunction against
e, so that as of today, anything I write about the CIA or intelligence
actual, fictional, or otherwise, must first be given to the
IA for censorship.
PETERSON: Is that true even in the light of this
ost recent court decision?
MARCHETTI: Yes, the injunction has not changed.
11 that the judge has done -- we won a great victory. But
hat he has done is he has let the injunction stand while saying
hat, in this particular instance, the CIA has been unreasonable
nq arbitrary in its attempt to censor my book. And so he reduced
a
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their request for three hundred ?.roughly three hundred and
forty deletions down to something like twenty.
PETERSON: What were some of the things they wanted
tq" delete?
MARCHETTI: Well, because we're under -- still under
,a protective order, I can only generalize about these things. --
But it's references to the CIA's activities in Chile in the..
overthrow of the Allende government; references to the CIA's
relationships with certain leaders of foreign governments; references
to various activities such as propaganda and disinformation, ,
sponsoring books, for example, that are aimed at exposing, say,
the KGB, for example, but, in the process of doing that, th.ey're
also propagandizing the American public.
And it's a wide variety of matters that they tried
Ito stop. In essence, whenever I would make a general criticism
;in the book and then try to support it with specific examples
ifrom my experience and those of other officers whom I knew,
!these were the things they tried to take out, the examples.
PETERSON: Under the heading of national security?
MARCHETTI: Under the heading of national security.
PETERSON: I understand that Mr. Colby, the Director
of the CIA, is suggesting legislation to tighten up security
in government.
MARCHETTI: Yes, he is. He has drafted a bill which
the administration, I assume, is going to shortly submit to
Congress. There will be, in effect, the same thing as the British
National Secrets Act that will give the government carte blanche
on maintaining secrecy, particularly with regard to former personnel.
But already the FBI has informed its agents that if
they speak out that they will be prosecuted under the Marchetti
precedent. So it's getting a little spooky. I mean if they
can beat me down and pass this new law, you'll have more secrecy
In government than ever before, and that's bad.
PETERSON: Marchetti says he'll continue his fight
for release of the book, which is to be published by Alfred
A. Knopf under the title, "The CIA and the Cult of Intelligence."
GUARDIAN (MANCHESTER)
4 APR 1974
On acccunt
TIM GNOMES of Zurich are
having a quiet smirk at the
, knots the United States
; Government is tying itself in
over its dealings with the
;Swiss banking community.
! On one band the FBI is
;?trying to pressure the Swiss
rto make known to them the
) identities of American indivi-
I duals?and business concerns
1 who are taking advantage of
traditional Swiss secrecy in
order to avoid taxes, while on
,
I the other hand the CIA is
i making full use of the Swiss.:
' system in order to conceal its
' activities from other intelli-
gence groups, and other US
Governinent agencies.
But that's not all. The CIA
Is also dealing in gold on the-,
Zurich market. which is file- t
gal under US law, which
reserves this right for the 1.
Treasury alone. One Swiss
hanker has revealed that the
CIA uses gold rather than
currency to fund its agents in
certain parts of the world.
and that the nA buys W-
horl which it then deposits hi
Swiss bank accounts En this
purpose. Presumably the USI
Treasury could provide the
necessary bullion, but it is
thought that the CIA would'
rather handle its budgetary
.dealing well away from any:
possible survey by other
sections of the Administra-
tion, and continues to guard
its privacy and independence
Jealously.
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Approved For Release 2001/08/08.: CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3
RADIO TV REPORTS. INC.
4435 WISCONSIN AVE. N.W., WASHINGTON. D. C. 20016. 244-3540
EtROGRAM All Things Considered... STATION WETA Radio
NPR Network
DATE
April 1, 1974
5:00 PM CITY
AN INTERVIEW WITH JOHN MARKS
Washington, D.C.
- MIKE WATERS: For the last two years the CIA has been
blocking publication of many sections of a book about intelligence
activities. It's co-authored by a former CIA agent and former
State Department employee.
On Friday Judge Albert Bryan Jr. ruled that only 15
of the 162 CIA-censored portions of the book should not be published
on grounds of national security.
John Marks, one of the co-authors, learned of the
court's decision today. Judy Miller interviewed him this afternoon
In our studios. ?
' JUDY MILLER: Mr. Marks, the CIA seems to have suffered
a major defeat in their efforts to censor Victor Marchetti 's
and your book on the CIA. What, in effect, has Judge Albert
Bryan decided?
JOHN MARKS: Well, we got word today that Judge Bryan
has decided that of the 162 items that the CIA demanded be censored
from our book, that 147 of them would be returned to us. In
other words, the CIA now is only successful in censoring 15
items, not 162. And I can say we're very happy about this decision.
MILLER: What kind of items were censored and what
reasons were given for their being censored?
MARKS: Well, the CIA in court didn't give very many
reasons at all. They essentially said, "We know what the national
security of the United States is and it is up to us to decide
,what items contravene or hurt the national security, and we
say these items are bad and therefore they're bad.
They were things that discussed, for instance, the
1CIA's role in Chile in 1970, the CIA's black propaganda efforts
around the world, the CIA's use of dummy front companies, in
other words, companies that are supposedly private, but actually
!belong to CIA. Things of that sort.
1MILLER: And how many items will now remain censored
from your book and how will your plublishing company handle the
'deletion of these items?
1 MARKS: Well, were not exactly sure on how we're
igoing to handle them because the decision just came through
i
,today. We were originally planning to publish a book that had
Iblank spaces spread across its pages. I've just seen the gallye
'proofs and it's quite impressive. I mean some pages are all
'white.
But now with this material returned, I think what
10
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'we're going to do is put it in, but in bold-face type so the
public can see the kind of material that the CIA did not want,
ip the book.
I 1
Incidentally, I might add that the government still
114s the option to appeal this, and considering the unprecedented
ilegal effort that they've gone through in the last two years
itd block publication of this book, I would be very surprised
.1-n they didn't appeal. But we're hopeful that the appelate
coisrts will quickly clear the material because Judge Bryan made
a decision and under the terms of the laws and the injunction
he was working under and everything of that sort -- that we
were working under and that sort -- and I think that it would
be unlikely that an appelate court is going to overthrow. '
MILLER: What kind of evidence did the CIA present
to the court that the information that you wanted to publish
was in fact classified?
MARKS: Their main tactic was to bring in front of
the court -- and I might add it was a closed courtroom, at the
insistence of CIA, but they brought in the four deputy directors
of the agency who said, "We are men who are authorized to classify
material and we hereby say that this material is classified."
And they didn't submit much evidence beyond that,
though they did put various pieces of paper on the record, on
the secret record, which supposedly showed why the information --
that the information was in fact classified, but the judge carefully
read through that information and he found only in 15 cases
I
did it prove the fact of classification.
MILLER: Is this a total victory for ?you and Victor
'Marchetti, or do you feel there's still something that has to
be done?
MARKS: Well, in practical terms, it's a very large
victory for-us, but on First Amendment grounds, we won absolutely
nothing.
MILLER: How so?
MARKS: Well, the judge did not address the fact of
whether or not the CIA had the right to censor our book. All
he addressed was the question of whether they had properly or
improperly censored, and he ruled that in the large part they
improperly censored it. But we feel that under the First Amendment,
that the government has no right to censor our book and that
this whole framework of censorship we've been working under
Is unconstitutional.
You might remember that the reason the government
says they have the right to censor is that Marchetti used to
work for the CIA and I used to work for the State Department,
land when we joined our respective agencies, we called what are
!called secrecy agreements in which we signed a piece of p'per
!saying we would not reveal any information without the permission
of the governmentAnd the government's position all along
has been that they are trying to enforce a contract, the contract
being that secrecy agreement and it has nothing to do with the
First Amendment.
Our position is that you can't sign a piece of paper
that signs away your First Amendment rights.
MIL gPove45-(0-4411atatiabffitLe
m OARWii-854311zotbi603006013-3ii
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are still to be decided.
MARKS: That's ri
the)Supreme Court on the Fl
Civil Liberties Union has b
say, without the ACLU, we n
this far. They've been won
In the constitutional issue
on today. But I can say it
issues, too.
ght. And we plan to appeal up to
rst Amendment question. The4American
een representing us. And I might
ever would have been able to come
derful. And the ACLU is more interested
than the technical issue we won
's very nice to win on some technical
MILLER: Thank you very much, Mr. Marks, John Marks,
co-author with Victor Marchetti, of "The CIA: the Cult of Intelligence."
OKLAHOMAN, Oklahoma City
24 March 1,74
IA ssiers on
By Jack Taylor
The In1liencAencv
keeps dossiers on American tourists, some of
whom are asked to act as part-time spies dur-?,,-
? ing trips abroad, The Sunday ;Oklahoman has
? ?learned, ? ? ?
There are indications the same files are
; used for loyalty checks by other government
: agencies interested in whether a particular in-
dividual can be considered a "team player."
Such a scenario was indicated in a newly.
: disclosed Defense Depahment document and-
: confirmed in an interview with a former CIA-.
officer.
It has been known for some time that CIA
agents often interview returning tourists who
may have picked up useful information while
;'overseas.
i? But it has not been generally known that the
! CIA apparently. approaches tourists in ad-
vance, suggesting they volunteer for specific,
!t,missions. generally miner in nature.
! And there has never been an indication that
, the intelligence agency keeps track of who has
.or has not cooperated, with such lists used for
'loyalty checks ; ? . . _?.
. , A CIA spokesman acknowledged the long-
standing practice of interviewing returning
! tourists, but refused to discuss whether ad-
vance coritact is made with overseas travel-
ers.
??- ?
; The spokesman did admit such a tactic is
probable, but stressed that any such activity
on the part of tourists would be strictly volun-
lary..
One former CIA official told The Oklahoman.
; the agency began the program of contacting,
; tourists in advance of trips abroad in the
1950s..
The agency would ask the tourists to take on
: specific chores without jeopardizing them-
selves?tasks such as picking up road maps, ,
?taking photographs and so on.
? Occasionally, some of those tourists would ;
!. be arrested and kicked out of the country in
which they were traveling, the tamer agent I
said. 11
Ile said the Soviet Union's accusations of es- 'I
pionage against some participants in the Hel-
sinki Youth Conference in the early 1960s was
; partially valid ; because they had undertaken
, certain CIA-suggested chores. ?
The former CIA agent said, however, he did'
not know the agency may be keeping track of
.such assistance for possible loyalty checks. .
Ms 446: 'a
rists
vea!re
: He said based on his knowledge of the CIA's ?
?,
operations, the agency probably "wanted to When asked specifically
if th IA t t
?
tit ou
they operate. Loyalty is the top order of the
day." ?
, The suggestion that the CIA maintains such.
'dossiers is contained in a Defense Department
idirective goverithig background Investigationg
io military and civilian personpel_assigned. to
I f
I presidential support acti-
Vities. I
The directive had been:
!restricted for official use
;only, but was released to
the public after The Okla-
homan appealed under the
Freedom of Information ,
'Act.
The military document
mentions in three specific
instances that CIA records
, should be checked during '
background investigations
of anyone who has trav-
eled abroad or had contact
with persons or organiza-
tions in communist areas. ;
When asked about CIA
contact with American!
tourists, Angus McLean'
Thuermer, assistant to the
CIA director, readily ac-
knowledged the well-
known 'debriefing' policy,;
, but was less candid on ad-,
valve contact.
. "If there is a chance
that a private American
citizen traveling abroad
has acquired foreign in for-.
mation that can be useful
; to the American policy-;
1 maker, we are certainly ;
I going to try to interview ;
! him," Thuermer quoted
! from remarks made by !
: former CIA Director Rich-
ard Helms in a 1971 speech
to the American Society of
Newspaper Editors.
find out it they're a 'team player,' the way ? ?
12
I in advance and asks them
'Ito undertake certain tasks,
I i however minor, Thuermer
I ' replied:
1 I "Sometimes I suppOse
this is done, yes. Butit's a
volunteer thing and they're
not paid for 'it and they're
not ? these are not
agents."
IAsked if such requests
have been made of tourists
I who have been among the
i increasing number of
I Americans traveling to
'mainland China, Thuerin-
1 ex said:
' "I don't know any of the
specifics or any particula
country involved, nor do
think it's probably appro
1. priate to, discuss that sor
of thing."
The, State Departmen
reports that following th
-1971 Ping-Pong diplomacy
at :least 23 U.S. groups
traveled to China through
the end of 1973.
One of those was the
: American Society of News-
Ipa p e r Editors-sponsored
tour in September, 1972.
' Robert Fichenberg, ex-
e cut iv e editor of the
:Knickerbocker News-Un-
ion-Star in Albany, N.Y.,
who was in the China
'group, said he is sure no
one in the group was asked
; by the CIA to undertake
lany chores.
; He said during the
group's briefing at the U.S.
, consulate in Hong Kong
, however, they were sort o
"plaintively a ske d" if,
upon 'their return, they
would "'report anything pf
Interest. ; ?
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EDITOR AND PUBLISHER
,3qmAR 1974
letters
J3OURNALIST 'SPIES'
Your righteously indignant editorial con-
cerning the 40 Central Intelligence Agency
persons employed in news media capacities
overseas surprised me.
It is a reasonable assumption that there
arc at least 400 trained intelligence agents
employed ir news capacities inside the
U.S., and the figure may well be closer to
4,000.
It is further reasonable to assume that
substantial numbers of these men and
women?if not all?are, or have occasionally
been employed in intelligence contract work
while functioning publicly as reporters, edi-
tors and publishers of newspapers or broad-
casting stations.
The U.S. government has trained thou-
sands of men and women during and since
World War II for clandestine operations
in the intelligence branches of the Army,
Navy, Air Force and State Department and
Department of Defense in addition to the
CIA and other intelligence units. Addi-
tional thousands have received other kinds
of intelligence training, all of it quite
rigorous. ?
These men and women may well resign,
retire or be discharged from formal duties,
but no one who ever took the oath to serve
the country and obey the provisions of the
U.S. secrets act, formally known as Title
18, ever really leaves that service in the
; ultimate sense except by death or imprison-
ment or incarceration in a mental hospital.
, Thus, when some service needs them,
. they usually respond by serving. .
And news people are in an ideal situa-
tion to perform useful intelligence and
counter-intelligence service.
I think your indignation is misplaced.
It is possible such government service
1 might compromise some noble journalistic
ethic but it seems to me' to be unlikely.
And in a free country how else could
your government agencies defend you and
against similar incursions by foreign gov-
ernments, including the USSR and China,
who, incidentally, can secure phenomenally
valuable intelligence about our military, in-
dustrial, economic and social weaknesses
I and strengths ' by detailed intelligence
' analysis of daily newspapers and news
I broadcasts.
i Any intelligent person who thinks about
i the true meaning of government intelligence
i values can find a dozen breaches of good
1 judgement on someone's part concerning
i military secrets and ' other useful-to-an-
Ienemy information in any daily newspaper
of even medium size.
! We are grateful for the Constitutional
guarantee of a free press in the U.S., and
. we should be, but that very freedom allows
the uncontrolled hazards to our national .
well being to exist.
WASHINGTON POST -
Jack Anderson ? 24 MA R 7974
No one who loves freedom will suggest
the hazard should be eliminated, least of
all me.
' But le51; us hear no more prattle about
infiltratiop of news media' by U.S. intelli-
gence personnel.
I don't: like it either, but I am willing to
accept it as a compromise price whicli
must be paid to avoid paying the far morF
costly price of revoking that constitution/I
guarantee by imposing censorship.
At that point, neither you nor anyone
else could complain about anything at all.
And like it or not, one of the benefits of
this legion of "spies" in our midst is the
kind of investigative reporting that would
be unavailable to the press without the fre-
quently used surreptitious "old boy" net-
work of those very spies.
A close examination of the rosters of
network newsmen and newspaper reporters
exposing local, state and national political
co ruption, crime and scandal will reveal
numerous men and women with close ac-
cess to that "old boy" network.
Close access solely because they are a
part of it.
And if an overtrained machine sometimes
produces excesses, like Liddy, Hunt and
Co., perhaps it is unfortunate, but I think
the record will show most such excesses get
stopped, many before they become a hazard.
EARL BRADSHAW
(Ft. Lauderdale, Fla.)
Secret Agent Diplomacy
The world of diplomacy like the
moon has its hidden side where intelli-
gence operatives and agents provaca-
teur cavort in the half light.
We have had access to the latest se-
cret intelligence reports which provide
fleeting glimpses Into this shadowy,
subterranean world.
Behind the cordial handshakes and
cocktail patties of detente, the reports
reveal, the power struggle rages on. In
Africa, for instance, the Chinese are
conducting guerrilla schools, the Rus-
;sians are training and equipping
troops, the Arabs are supplying arms
and the Americans are wheeling and
dealing.
American Ambassador Robert Yost
reports from Burundi that President
Micombero "siispects the Chinese and
has great dislike for the Russians."
Nevertheless, Yost says, Burundi has
"moved closer to the Arabs and Chi-
nese and, to a much lesser extent, the
Soviets...
"A substantial number of Burundi
military officers are now being
trained" in Communist and Arab coun-
tries, he asserts. These include "30 in
the Soviet Union, 60 in Algeria, 10 in
Egypt, that we are aware of."
. ?
Yost! reports "regular' shipments of
arms and ammunition have been corn-
ing . . . front Algeria on Algerian
planes. One shipment of arms and am-
munition from Libya was received."
finother confidential dispatch
from Burundi, he urges strengthening '
the 1.1.8. embassy "to monitor PRC
Republic of China), North
-Korean, Arab and Soviet activities in
?
',Central Africil" A confidential State n can diplomats ostensibly are cociperk- !
!Department memo to the White House I ; ing to bring peace. But the detente -ip- '
;.urges improving "access to Burundi I parently doesn't extend to the subter- !
:leaders who might be influenced to iranean level. Int-Iligence reports wept. ;
. support the U.S. on international is- ' that the Soviets believe Secretary. of 1
sues." .StateHenry Kissinger is trying to dint- ,
? Throughout Africa, the scenario is inish their influence in the Arab I
the same: the Chinese, ,Russians and . !World. They reportedly are working .I
; Arabs train and equip friendly troops 1 1 behind his back, therefore, to belittle 1
or insurgents while the U.S. maneuvers ; i his efforts.
, desperately to stay in the ballgame, ;
;. In Guinea and Tanzania, for exam-:
1 posite sides in the unpublicized ittixg-
The U.S. and. Russia also supnorf en- i
.pie, the Chinese are conducting guer- ; , gle over Oman, which controls tlie.cn- t
' trance to the strategic Persian. Gulf.
; rilla schools. The graduates are sup- i Most of the Mideast oil, the economic
I plied with arms and ammunition to 1 ! lifeblood of the West, must flow past
!stir up revolution in such countries as I Oman. The U.S. is working behind the
'South Africa, Mozambique and Angola. I scenes to bolster the reighihg
!State Department documentS reveal ' ,sheikhdom; the Soviets would liko to
; that Rhodesia, in particular, has Chi- ! 'establish a Kremlin-controlled rfoyern-
; nese and Russian trained guerrillas 1 !ment in Oman. t, . .
:operating from . bases in Zambia and! , In Iraq, the tables are turned: 'the
; Mozambique. . _ . . .. . _ .
I I Soviets support government troops in
I. Surprisingly, tiny North Korea is ac- ! their campaign to quell the fierce '
; tive in terrorist movements around the : Kurdish tribesmen in their rugE:ed
' world. Both Communist China and mountains. The U.S. has used its Mid- ,
! North Korea have provided revolution-, . eastern ally, Iran, as a front to Supply
ary groups with guerrilla instructors. ? 'military aid to both the Sheik of Oman !
! They have written guerrilla manuals and the Kurdish rebels. . ..
political kidnapings.
which encourage, among other things, ? Our intelligence report from.' Iraq
warns ominously that the Iraqi troop9
; These manuals have now reached are now getting chemical warfare
"the United States where extracts-14ve training from the Soviets and may use
; been printed in underground newspa- Soviet-supplied gas to route the Ktifils
pers. .. . ...-'..... from their mountain hideouts.
The kidnaping of Patricia Hearst by , In Southeast Asia, Burma has ?be..
the Symbionese Liberation Army, for. come the latest theater of two-facedsil-
example, appears to have been takett plomacy. China and Burma resumed.
right out of a Chinese text. The Man- diplomatic ties just three years 'attn.'
ual even suggests that the kidnap. Mc- yet Chinese troops have been filtering*
tim should be ransomed for food: to, across the border into the misty MOM)-
.
feed the poor.
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WASHINGTON POST
7 April 1974
Burma. . . ..
nists, in attacking settlements utile .
known as "white flag" Corininii- Kissinger Races
They have joined forces with insur-
gents,remote siahlands. One intelligence-re- . ?
port e ates that 10,000 Chinese 'Cl
troops, all by Peking-trained guerrilla
officers, p are now operating iniicfe
Burma. A
But int Rangoon and Peking, ^the
Burmese and Chinese leaders still
clink thelil cocktail glasses and engage.
In cordial chitchat.
Throughout the netherworld, mean-
while, secret agents specialize in torrid
boudoir romance, violent death on fog-
sheathed waterfronts, low treachery
and high courage.
49 1914. United Feature Syndicate
WASHINGTON POtT
5 April 1974
V. A. Jovick,
:Retired Agent
With CIA
Vance A. Jovick, 69, a retired
Central Intelligence Agency
agent, died Tuesday at his
home, 1600 S. Ends St., Arling-
ton, after a lOng illness. .
He had retired from the
CIA in 1959 . because of ill
health. He had 'been with the
agency since 1946.
Born in Butte; Mont., Mr.
'Jovick attended Carroll Col-
lege in Helena and came to
Washington in 1930. where he
attended? George Washington
? Unieersity and received bache-
lor and master's degrees in
law from Columbus Law,
School.
f He had worked for a num-
ber of federal government
agencies, ineluding the Agri-
culture Department, before
joining CIA.
Mr. 1Jovick was active for
many years in the Montana
State Society here, serving at
one time as its president.
He is survived by his wife,
'Virginia M., of the home, and
'four brothers, Thomas A., Ed-
'ward J. and Frank, of San
Frincisco, and William J., 'of
'Riverside, Calif.
,
14
OCK in Ou? for
Lasting impact
"Anyone wishing to affect events must be fan] oppor.
tunilt to some extent. The real distinction is between
those who adapt their purposes to reality and those
who seek to mold reality in the light of their purposes
. . . pure opportunism tends to be sterile . . ."
, ?Prof. Henry A, Kissinger, on the strategg of
Otto von Bismarck, Germany's "Iron Chancellor.'
By Murrey Marder
Washington Post Staff Writerl
,
In six months as Secretary of State, Henry Kis-
singer has been running a frenetic race against
a domestic clock that can strike at the power, and
Indeed the life, of the Nixon administration.
No man below the rank of President ever held
so much influence over American global power as
Kissinger now possesses. The Haldemans and the
Ehrlichrrians are gone; Treasury Secretary George
P. Shultz is departing, Defense Secretary James
R. Schlesinger, although an intellectual challenger
In his own right, is. usually more of an associate
of Kissinger than an adversary, ',and Schlesinger's
'international scope is admittedly mailer.
As the world sees him Kissinger is virtually acting
president for international affairs. This is an exag-
gerated perception. But in terms of the power he
commands', there is more truth than falsehood in the
characterization.
Unbelievable as it may seem to Kissinger's critics,
?the man who jocularly concedes his own "megalo-
mania" privately says he is troubled now by the
'magnitude of his image, for it' really represents
,presidential weakness. As much as he relishes adula-?
tion, what preoccupies Kissinger is usable, not il-
lusory, power, and the only tangible power he com-
mands flows from the President.
There have been very .powerful secretaries of
state before him; Dean Acheson for Truman, John
Foster Dulles for Eisenhower. Sometimes they' too,
eclipsed their masters, but none served a Presided
simultaneously crippled by a crumbling domestic
base and a threat of impeachment.
Exceptional authority has piled up in Kissinger's
hands through a series of extraordinary coincidences.
Kissinger moved to State replacing William P.
Rogers, leaving no foreign policy rival at the White
House; Kissinger's hat remained there, too. Water-
gate removed almost all the Kissinger second-
guessers and outright antagonists from the Presi-
dent's inner circle, where they had warily guarded
presidential power and prerogatives. Other power
centers were vacated; less-dominant personalities
moved in.
And, while Kissinger is not. a free agent In the
literal sense, his clout in the bureaucracy is massive.
It is an illusion that President Nixon .ever did
grapple with the details of most foreign-policy is-
sues, many sources report. "Perhaps the whole
secret of Kissinger's success with the President,"
said one associate, is his ability to anticipate "where
the ,President will come down on an issue." The
President, it is said, will frequently tell Kissinger,
"We have to get this done; work it out, you have my
support."
"On a lot of things," one source said, "he [now] can
make a decision without going to the President. For
remember, this is the second term of an administra-
tion, and the basic policy is set."
-This has been invaluable in working with the
Russians," said another associate. "Henry is able to
report to the President without constantly seeking
instructions and holding meetings." When Kissinger
goes to the President, said another source. "he goes
with confidence that he will be supported, and he is."
But not always. Sometimes even
.Kissinger loses, or is obliged to give
way to a combination of forces. The
most potent combination ..is the Joint
Chiefs of Staff, joined by the Secre-
tary of Defense, if they can more
strongly appeal to a presidential in-
clination.
.
Within two weeks of the day Kis-
singer was sworn in; as Secretary of
State, the Arab-Israeli October war
crashed over the American-Soviet de-
tente policy that he had done so much
to create, over his ambition to
"institutionalize" the concept and style
of foreign policy identified with him,
and over the entire pace of activity he
envisioned in his two-hat role as both
Secretary of State and presidential na-
tional security adviser.
Six months later, with more than,
120,000 intervening mites of air travel,
and hectic visits to 25 countries?some-
times three or four of them in a single
day?Kissinger is still picking up the
pieces and the thread of . his original
objectives.
,In between, the shadow of Water-
gate and the threat of impeachment
has expanded from a poSsible hazard
for the conduct of American foreign
policy to an engulfing challenge with-
out precedent in the nation's life. Offi-
cially, all goes on as before; in reality,
almost nothing is the same.
? Now the course of East-West de-
tente, the search for peace and stabil-
ity in the Middle.-East and other objec-
tives of U.S. policy have personal, as
well as national, significance for a
;President under siege.
The Nixon administration's foreign-
policy record is itself the ultimate fall-
back defense 'for the survival of Presi-
dent Nixon. And that too has now he-:
; come a domestic' political issue, as evi-
denced by the eruption. in Congress
last week of extraordinary demands to
put tight strings on the President's ne-
gotiating power during the impeach-
ment-consideration process, to prevent
him from succumbing to any Soviet
; strong-arm negotiating demands.
This pattern Inevitably Intensifies
the pressure on Kissinger.
"It's going to he a bitch of a time"
operating through the impeachment
sequence in Congress, said one high-
ranking foreign policy strategist. "It is
going to be damn tough to ,have a for-
eign policy if it comes to an indict-
ment"?an impeachment vote by the
House of Representatives.
There is a widespread impression in
official Washington that if President
Nixon should resign or be impeached,
Vice President Gerald R. Ford, who
succeeds him, would be certain to keep
'Kissinger as his foreign-policy archi-
tect, and therefore there would be no
particulr obstacle about maintaining
the continuity of American foreign pol-
icy.
But many experls (possibly inelud.
ing Kissinger himself) see this as too
simplistic an assumption. A change of
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Presidents is a fundamental shift, al-
tering internal relationships in the fed-
eral power structure and almost invert;
ably producing at least an interlude of!
reconsideration in the policy process,'
as well as a recalculation by foreign,
governments.
There is no immutable plan that pro-
jects U.S. policy on the most complex
subjects, which are highly susceptible
to interaction among nations. .
For all' i its international accomplish-
ments, the Nixon administration so far!
has penetrated only the outer layers of
many of the toughest international!
problems.
Only the easiest stages of American-,
Soviet nuclear strategic arms limita-
tion (SALT I) have been accomplished;.,
'ahead is the problem, of SALT II, ;
achieving permanent control on the ;
use of offensive nuclear weapons.
With all of Kissinger's furiously
paced shuttle diplomacy in the Middle
East, only a start has been made on f
Arab-Israeli military disengagement as ;
a prelude to enormously complex'
peace negotiations. "Each success,"'
Kissinger has said, "only buys an ad-'
mission ticket to a more difficult prob-.
lem."
The recent open clash between the;
United States and its European allies
over allied consultation exposed the?
depth of the breach to be repaired In
Western policy coordination. The oil
crisis revealed. monumental dangers I
for international stability in an uncont-
rolled scramble for energy, and the:
profound economic consequences of
,tripled or quadrupled oil prices even if
there is international cooperation. ?
There is no built-in uniformity of ;
position even in the present ,adminis-
tration on the most critical world is- .
sues.
For example, inside the adininistra-
tion there was not universal dismay
that the Kissinger mission. to Moscow
.last Month failed to achieve the de-
sired "conceptual breakthrough" for
limiting multiple nuclear warheads for.
SALT II. ?
As one authoritative source at the,
Pentagon put it, there was even. 'a lit-
tie mood of relief" at top levels of the .
Defense Department, especially among i
the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
Before Kissinger left for Moscow;
these sources said, Pentagon strate-
gists were determined that the United.
States should take and hold a "tough
, enough" position to assure a decidedly
more favorable outcome for the United
States in SALT II than the SALT I re- '
sults in , 1972, which .made the Joint I
Chiefs uneasy.
According to these sources, Presi-
dent Nixon favored the more demand- I
log Pentagon position over the State "
Department's preferences, and this,
was the approach that Kissinger car-
ried to Moscow. He encountered an,
equally firm Soviet counter-proposal
on the method of controlling mutliple
nuclear warheads. ;
"You could be sorry, of course, that J
the Russians were so obstinate," said !
one Pentagon source, "but it won't be
disastroui for us if we have to wait ah-
other Year" for an initial SALT Il ac-
cord.
With the impeachment threat hang-
ing over President Nixon, one Penta-
gun source said, "all of the (official ?
Washington) pressures, it seems to me,
are going to be, 'Don't be nushed 'into
anything, be ,prudent, be cautious.'
That seems to be-the Same mood on
the Hill too."
For Kissinger this presents a multi-
Approved For
plc dilemma. He already faces, in Con-
gress, powerful demands to extract a
freer emigration policy from the So-
viet Union as the price of tariff and'
trade benefits for promised expansion
of U.S.-Soviet trade. With all his en-
hanced authority, he is obliged to bar-
gain, simultaneously, with the Soviet
Union, with the Arab-Israeli complex,
with European and other allies, with
the Congress, and with the federal bu-
reaucracy-
"No man, not even Henry Kissinger,
can sustain this pace for three more
years," a core member of the Kissinger
apparatus said, troubled, last week.
Kissinger's specialty' and reputation
In world affairs is as a "great con-
ceptualizer" of balance of power
diplomacy. This tends to create the
impression, as some diplomats put it,
"that Henry can walk on water."
The reputation of diplomatic genius
Is an invaluable asset for him; but it
also has its great drawbacks when he
missteps, orfails. With the world spot-
light on Kissinger, one aide said rue-
luny, "If he belches, it becomes an
International incident."
Kissinger has achieved a remarkable
honeymoon relationship with the Con-
gress; with the expenditure of great
time, effort and blandishments, Even
so, he has not taken into camp and
bent to his will such a prime chal-
lenger on SALT and Soviet trade-emi-
gration, terms es Sen. Henry M. Jack-
son (D-Wash.).
The "co-opting of Congress" by Kis-
singer is described in this manner by
one insider: "In manY ways, this is the
same phenomenon Henry accom-
plished with the press. He is highly ar-
ticulate, he conveys a sense of inti-
macy?and he gets them to do so much
listening that they have very little
time for questions."
Kissinger has overwhelmed the Con-
gress, individually and in groups, with
private breakfasts, leadership break-
fasts, lunches, invitations to accom-
pany him on trips, appearances in
closed hearings?but notably, he has
had only one public hearing in the en-
tire six months.
Significantly, he has not been a
pressed for public testimony and tough '
' peblic questioning. Most congressmen
, exult, instead, over their "inside" off-
; the-record access, while Kissinger em-
ploys press conferences, airborne back- , s
knowledge' that the Kissinger pledge
"to infuse the Department of State'
. with a sense/ of participation, Intellec-
tual excitement and mission" remains
largely illusory.
! The abnormal demands on his time
and energy imposed by the unexpected
blow of the Middle East war, waif Its
diplomatic requirements for secrecy,
have largely thwarted these public and
institutional objectives, many Kissinger
subordinates maintain.
' Other Kissinger associates agree?
but only up to a limited point. The nat-
ural, not the aberrational, style of Kis-
singer, they concede, more candidly, is
essentially secretive: working in snail,
intimate groups of tested, self-effacing
loyalists, with the publicly visible re-
sults of the output carefully orches-
trated only by Kissinger himself.
! As the revelations lumped under the
! term Watergate show. there was virtu-
}ally a conspiratorial attitude iqside the
Nixon administration from the outset,
Jwith the President and his original In-
ner group looking on much. of the out-
side world as enemies?including the
, federal bureaucracy, inherited from
Democratic administrations.
F Kissinger arrived at the White ,
House with his own long-standing anti-
pathy toward bureaucracies, but for
different reasons. Bureaucracies, to
him, were grossly overstaffed, slow-
witted, initiative-stifling, press-leaking,
foot-dragging, responsibility-shirking
institutions. They needed to be circum-
vented until they could be slashed to
the bone, drastically reoriented and
made responsive, to the will of the .
White House.
? "The only way secrecy can be kept,"
l'Kissinger wrote in 1968? "is to exclude
from the making of the decision all
those who are theoretically charged
with carrying it out."
To the brittle, suspicious "Berlin
Wall" types around the President, how-
ever, Kissinger, the German-Jewish
professor from Harvard, was himself
an intruder, and a subject of distrust. ,
The lull story of the rivalry between
the Kissinger apparat at the White
House and the Haldeman-Ehrlichman
pparat has yet to !be revealed. The Im
pending Watergate trials, and a law-
uit filed by a former Kissinger aide,
Morton Halperin, over the wiretapping
f Halperin's telephone during and af-
ter the time he worked on the National
eeurity Council staff, raise some haz-
ground talks with newsmen, plus pri-
vate individual meetings with coinm-
;
nists and editors, for his unprecede-
P
. dentedly extensive public-relations op-
erations. This mix ,gives Kissinger
, w
enormous influence over what is re-
ported or broadcast about him. X
j
, He has a major advantage over his h
! immediate predecessors, Dean Rusk
and William P. Roge/s. Rusk had ! fun-
damental differences with Congress
, over Vietnam policy; he was caught in
an almost constant adversary relation-
et
ship. Rogers' appearances before Con-
gress were much easier; but Rogers
si
could never convince Congress that he,
not Kissinger, was in charge of foreign
policy.
of
rds for Kissinger's 'determined at-
empt to disassociate himself corn-'
letely from the Watergate scandals.
"I'm told that he [Kissinger] is clean
?that they can't lay a glove on him," a
iSsinger? insider hopefully said last
eek. The ousted presidential advisers
owever, are at least likely to try to
ut the onus on Kissinger for stimulat-
ng much of the near-paranoid obses-?
'on with secrecy at the White House,
n grounds that he demanded it to
over his secret negotiations with
hina, the Soviet Union and North VI-
nam.
There is no shortage of former Kis-
nger subordinates with caustic mem-
ries of operating under the whiplash
his work liabits and massive ego.
The most bitter of them describe Kis-
singer as an arch-manipulator of peo-
ple, a dissembler, a liar on petty is-
sues, a tyrant who succumbs to petu-
lance, bitter scorn, shouting outbursts.
"No question about it," says a hide
-
Kissinger has no such problem. And
yet, he has fallen considerably short of
his pledge to initiate, with his secre-
taryship, "an open articulation of our
philosophy, our purposes and our
actions" in order to restore the Ameri-
can consensus on for
e gn policy shat- hardened loyalist who survived; "he is
tereil by the Indochina war. an extremely difficult man to work
S,ome of his associates readily ac- for. He demands excellence.- But this is
RM8WWgg2CtbitiCiVieS iliciA1Ropry-0o132R000100330008-3
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where the action is." '
The action Is now ;divided into two
centers; the State Department and the
White House. Kissinger spends morn-
ings at the White House with his Na-
tional $ecurity Council hat, then
leaves; is deputy for the NSC staff,
Brig. gin. Brent Scowcroft, physically
In command. Kissinger goes to State to
put onis secretary hat.
This 'does not mean that Kissinger:1
surrenders control of anything. At!
State, either .he or his extremely able '
;chief eicectuive assistant, Lawrence S.
Eagleburger, are in continual commu-
nication with the NSC operation. I
With his NSC hat, Kissinger retains;
Interdepartmental coordinating author-
ity across the web of committees he
created, with President Nixon's full
.blessing. Kissinger, of course, chairs,
almost all the committees.
He brought his key NSC aides to
State with him, including Eagleburger;
Helmut Sonnenfeldt, Kissinger's alter
'ego; William G. Hyland; Winston Lord,
Mid other top aides, and the action
center has shifted to State, but the
NSC has not withered on the vine.
One NSC official has a special
function; young Peter W. Rodman, a
Kissinger favorite,. is keeper of the se-
cretive record on all major Kissinger
trips abroad.
On Aug. 1, 1973, there were 140 peo-
ple on the NSC staff,' 52 of 'them
classed as substantive officials. On
April 1, 1974, there were still 114 NSC
employees, 41 counted as officials, with
three more about to be added to fill:
vacancies.
Insiders are extremely wary about
discussing hoi, much' time Kissinger
spends with the Watergate-impeach- '
ment harassed President these days.
After long hesitation, one 'authoritative
source ,guardedly said, "Maybe some.'
'what less time face-to-face, but much
more on the phone?so it probably
works out to about the same." Others
doubt that.
Inevitably, there has been "some re-
sentment" inside the bureaucracy over
Kissinger's doubled "two-hat" power, a
senior aide concedes. But "it is
smoother now," he insists, since. Kis-
singer sorted out the roles more. At
least one high Defense Department of-
ficial agrees, perhaps in part because,
as one State source added, "I think he
[Kissinger] just has been too strong
[for any one else] to do anything
about" in any event.
Now that Kissinger is operating as
the institutional head of the State De-
partment, at least his selected top offi-
cials share in some of the secrets. The
"old insiders" are amazed that the se-
cretive Kissinger has widened his priv-
ileged circle as much as he has at
State; the outsiders take just the oppo-
site view.
"You are rid of that crazy business,"
said one knowledgeable insider, "where;
Rogers didn't know, Laird (former De-
fense Secretary Melvin R. Laird)
didn't know" what Kissinger ? was
doing; "it was a crazy scheme." Now,
he said, the system is "much better;
and stronger."
This in no way means that Kissinger
Is now "Mr. Open." On the contrary,
the essence of his operating style is
basically unchanged; tightly knit
groups of loyalists, sometimes deliber-
ately Put in competition with each
other in rivalry for the boss's approval,
as he sweats them through redrafting;
rewriting to produce, in the magical
Kissinger term,. the proper "conceptual
approach'; to a problem.
"His managerial imagination does
not run below the assistant secretary
level," said one experienced "country
director" official at State. But this is
the way Kissinger wants it, with the
asSistant secretaries holding responsi-
?bility for running their regional bu-
reaus while the peripatetic Kissinger
jokes, "Someday! I will visit the State
Department." ;
, .
Some of, his loyalists maintain that
the existing pattern is aberrational, be-
cause of the preoccupying'dernands of
Washington Star-flews 1
Friday, April 12, 1974 I
John S. Earman Jr., Aide
To 3 Directors of CIA
, John S. Earman Jr., 60,
an aide to three directors of
the Central Intelligence
'Agency, died Wednesday in
Richmond following a mas-
sive coronary.
Mr. Earman joined a CIA
predecessor, the Central
Intelligence Group, in 1947.
He then moved to the CIA
and from 1950 to 1962 was
special assistant to CIA
Directors Walter Bedell
Smith, Allen W. Dulles and
John MeCone.
, From 1962 until he retired
' in 1969 he served as inspec-
tor general of the agency.
The Covington, Va., na-
tive attended Greenbrier
Military Academy and the
Hampton-Sydney College.
He joined the Army in 1942
and after the war was presi-'
dent of Commonwealth Oil
Co. of Virginia.
Earman leaves his
wife, Olivia Harvey Ear-
man of Irvington, Va. ; a
son, John S. III, of Minneap-
olis, and a daughter,. Mrs.
Bruce Earman Viles of
Concord, N.H.
Graveside services will
be at 2 p.m. tomorrow in
Covington.
the Middle East crisis; other4 contend
the pattern is immutable Kissinger
style. They, worry that Kissinger has
entrapped himself in endless, over-per-
sonalized diplomacy, a "Flying Dutch-
man," in effect.
; Kissin '
ger by contrast, claims frus-
tration with the "mediocrity" and lack
; of creativity he found at State.
; One middle-level State official pro-
' tests: '
I "The secretary keeps' complaining
about the lack of creativity . . . You
can do all the shaking up in the world.
but unless the man tells you what the
'architecture is, nobody can see the
*plans. You can tell it's a cathedral and
not a beach house, but you have to
know how it translates into flying but-
tresses and crypts. You can't be of use
to him unless he tells you what the sit-
uation is."
Kissinger, writing In 1968 about the
19th Century German chancellor, Bis-
marck, said, "The impact of genius oin
institutions is bound to be unsettling,
of course. The bureaucrat will consider
originality as unsafe, and genius will
resent the constrictions." However,
Kissinger added, "Statesmen who
build lastingly transform the personal
act of creation into institutions that
can be maintained by an average
standard of performance. This, Bis-
marck proved incapable of doing."
Kissinger is not the unquestioning
idolator of Bismarck or Metternich or
Castlereagh many who have skimmed
through the Kissinger writings tend to
assume. He was intrigued by their dip-
lomatic prowess, but also by their
faults and miscalculations. His own to-
tal immodesty tempts him to try to
surpass their, accomplishments. But in
his perception, the damnable threat of
impeachment can confound his loftiest
aspirations.
Washington Post staff writers Marilgh
Berger and Dan Morgan both contrib-
uted to the assessment of Kissinger's
first six months in offiee.
WASHINGTON STAR
4 APR 1974
British Ask CIA
To Help Restrict
. Arms to Ulster
'BELFAST, Northern Ire-
land .(UPI) ? Police said
today they have asked the
American Central' Intelli-
gence 'Agency and Interpol !
to help track down the sup-
ply routes for new, illegal
automatic weapons reach-
ing Northern Ireland.
Searches this week uncov-
ered American, West Ger-
man and Russian rifles
16
which police said they be-
lieve arc part of .a large
consignment of weapons
' entering the British,prov-
ince..
The weapons found are
! the ? American -ARM a
' sports version* of the'Irtili-
;
tary M16,:.- the German
! Landmann 22, which police
' said was recently outlawed
! in West Germany, and Rus-
sian World War II model
guns. Police Said dossiers
were supplied to Interpol,
which is checking possible
links with arms dealers in
Belgium. .
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WA INGTON STAR
'15 April 1974
FOOD CRISIS'
U.S. HiI
By Judith Randal
Ster?Isiews StalT Writer
? The Nixon administration has
been careful never to mention the
? words "energy crisis" and "food
crisis" in the same breath. Yet the
signs are unmistakable that one is
taking shape from the other and,
whereas the Arabs have been the
villains in the first round of the
scarcity saga, the United States
very likely is going to be next.
? Indeed, it has been predicted that
. unless the United States acknowl-:
edges what already is happening
and begins to exert some leader-
ship, people dying of hunger in
droves in the underdeveloped coun-
tries will be featured on nightly tele-
vision news within as little as a.
year.
Consider for example, the 'Plight
of such places as Bangladesh, Ne-
pal, India and Pakistan. For years,
these countries have depended on
Japan to supply them with fertiliz-
er. But now that Japan ? which, of
course, has no oil of its own ? is
having to pay more to import it, it
has stopped making this energy-in-
tensive product for export and so
has none to sell. In addition, fuel for
running irrigation pumps is perilous-
ly scarce. The result is that India
alone may ' be short ,10 million
pounds of food this year, even if the
weather holds up.
?
IN A paperback entitled "Agenda
for Action: 1974," the Overseas
Development Council points out that
almost a billion people a quarter
of ail those on the globe. ? live in
the "fourth world" countries which,
like India, are the poorest of the
poor. It would be bad enough if fuel
and fertilizer were their only agri-
cultural problems. But, as the ODC
report makes clear, the land in
many of these nations has been so
ravaged by growing numbers of
people and livestock that it has be-
come progressively, more unsuitable
.for growing food.
Until World War II, most nations
were food exporters and so were in
NEW YORK TIMES
10 April 1974
The ,Watergate- Summit
*Watergate, after a considerable lag, now has begun.'
to impinge increasingly on President Nixon's ability to
conduct the nation's foreign policy. 1;
The White House chief of staff, Alexander Haig, drew
4 contrary conclusion from the 'President's Paris visit
last weekend. "A viable Presidency is a cornerstone of
world security," Mr. Haig said, drawing the questionable
conclusion that theApptiktfOCItin0FlikUtkPaellitlaWilne/08
?
1 ?
s C reds
'a position to pitch in. But now only
Australia, Canada and the United
States have crop surpluses, and the
margins are perilously slim ? the
more so because little or no idle ag-
ricultural acreage remains.
According to calculations based
on government figures; the world
grain reserve is down to' the point
where it could vanish in a mere 27
days. And if Canada and the United
States, which share the same cli-
mate, were to have a season of bad
weather, even this cushion would
disappear.
ALL THIS would make it sound as
if a scenario of mass starvation
were inevitable. However, the Unit-
ed States is the major power least
harmed by the energy crisis, and in'
the long run stands .to benefit in
trading relations with the newly
wealthy Arabs because of the re-
bounding strength of the dollar.
Food ? particularly protein ?
has, like energy, become the object'
of a seller's market and the United
States holds all the cards. Clearly,
we can, if we have the will, do some-
thing about making it more availa-
ble to all. Among the options:
* Diet ? The 'average per capita
grain consumption in the United
States and Canada is nearly a ton a
year, most of which is consumed
indirectly as meat, milk and eggs.
, The result' is that it takes almost
five times as much land, Water and
fertilizer to feed an average North
American as it does an average
Colombian, Nigerian or Indian.
Although many of the industrial-
Point of View
ized nations are creeping up on us
as their mounting affluence increas-
es the demand for meat, they still '!
lag far behind Millions of tons f '
'grain could therefore be diverted to ?
the hungry if North Americans
made a commitment to curb their
.appetites for animal protein. particu-
larly. beef. Such a commitment,
?
moreover; could' pay dividends in
public health. Evidence increasing-
ly points to excessive intake of ani-
mal products as a major risk factor
in heart disease and some of the
more common forms of cancer as.
well.
? Research ? The fourth world
must become more, nearly self-suf-.
ficient with regard to food. But if
this is to come about, more must be
learned about how to increase the
productivity of soybeans and other.
vital plant crops when adverse fac-
tors such as aridity are taken into
account. Scientists at the Depart?
ment of Agriculture could provide
the leadership. But tinder the stew-
ardship of the Nixon administration,
such expenditures have dropped.
International political coopera-
'tion ? Except for the military vari-
ety, foreign aid has never been pop-
ular with Americans, many of whom
regare it.as a giveaway. However,
people might feel differently if they
realized that we spend less than 3.
tenths of 1 percent of our gross na-
tional product on overseas aid ?
less by far than we spend on alcohol
and tobacco, and less proportionate-
ly than all but two of the other 15
nations which extend a helping hand
to the under-developed world..
The Food for Peace program has
been cut, and in recent months the
Nixon administration ? fearing the
political repercussions of a price
rise for bread here at home ? has
stopped making wheat available to
voluntary groups such os World
Church Service. Nor has Congress
behaved well. In January, for in-
stance, the House voted down sup-
port for a vital aspect of the World
Bank.'
What it all means is that the
peace the President is so proud of
having achieved is threatened by
our selfishness, whether intentional
or not. If in a few years the world is
again at war because so many have
unjustly gone hungry, who will be to
blame but ourselves?
demonstrated bY Mr: Nixon's reception in Paris. But Mr.
Haig:s judgment was piemature. Mr. Nixon's diplomatic
conferences and street appearances have come under
bitter criticism in France as unseemly at a time of memo-
rial services for the late President Pompidou. The charge
is made that this activity was designed to counter Water-
gate by providing evidence of the President's continued
influence abroad.
Even more important is the acknowledgement by
S. eatAaRtnippattoliktkoottioggyots_adviser that
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Watergate played a negative role during Mr. Kissinger's
recent talks ? and many diplomatic disappointments?
in Moscow. State Department Counselor Helmut Sonnen-
fellt indicated that Soviet leaders, as a result of Water-
g4, hesitate to enter into new agreemeicts? with the
Nixon Administration. They "are biding their time and
checking their bidding a bit," he said, concerned whether
the l President can carry, out agreements that require
Congressional approval.
Congressional resistance on trade agreements made
by Mr. Nixon two years ago was mentioned by Mr..
P^nnenfeldt as a specific example. But a second strategic
arms limitation treaty (SALT H) would also require
Congressional approval. Mr. Kissinger's biggest disap-
pointment was his inability to' make an agreed "con-
ceptual breakthrough" with the Russians on SALT II.?
Soviet Communist party, Secretary Brezhnev and Mr.
Nixon both seem determined to ? maintain the d?nte
atmosphere and to proceed with -Mr. Nixon's Moscow
visit this summer. But that does not assure the conchi--
sion of important agreements.
The danger in regard to SALT is not, as some suppose,
WASHINGTON POST.
8 April 1974
that a weakened Nixon will sacrifice American interests
to obtain a Moscow agreement as a counter to Watergate.
The real danger is that a reasoniible SALT H agreement
will be attacked even more violently than the reasonable
SALT 'I agreement. Mr. Brezhnev pr Mr. Nixon, or both,
-might prefer to delay a SALT h agreement rather than
have it repudiated by the United States Senate.
The American national interest, however, lies in
achieving a SALT II agreement this year. Otherwise, the
approaching Soviet deployment of newly-developed
MIRV multiple warhead missiles could take the arms
race past another critical point of no return. If that
deployment pattern is not limited in advance by mutual
agreement, a further American buildup and a new spiral
in the arms race will be hard to avoid.
All this points to a need for the Congress to proceed
with all deliberate speed in resolving the Watergate de-
bate. That would be so even if Mr. Nixon were not plan-
ning a Moscow trip this summer. But the prospect of that
voyage and the need for anew SALT pact make it more
desirable than ever that the national political crisis be
resolved before many more months have gone by.
Labor's Ties Abroa
By Selig S. Harrison
Washington Post Staff Writer.
American ties with Western Europe '
and Canada, already frayed in the dip-
lomatic and economic arenas, are rap-
idly wearing thin in the labor field
after , three decades of postwar co-
operation. ?
? East-West detente has Spurred the
formation -of a new European Trade,
Union Confederation stressing the
1 common bonds of all European unions
rather than the ideological struggle
between Communist and non-Com-
munist labor groups. The European
group is on the verge of admitting the
Communist-dominated Italian CGIL
labor federation later this month des- 11
pite the bitter protests of. AFL-CIO, 11
leaders.
In Canada, rising nationalism has II
provoked mounting demands for the ;1
secession of the Canadian affiliates of 1
American-based unions. Canadian local
union presidents of the International
Paperworkers have just voted to set
? up a separate Canadian group, and a
'referendum of the 52,000 Canadian
' members of the Paperworkers now ?
under way is expected to give formal
, approval for the break by April 30.
By far the greatest concern of the
AFL-CIO is focused on Western Eu-
rope, where American labor has chan-
neled millions of dollars since World'
War II to build up anti-Communists
labor forces, especially in France and
'Italy.
AFL-CIO leaders have lobbied intense-
ly and unsuccessfully 'to block the
soft-line trend reflected in the, forma-
tion of the European Trade Union
Confederation as an alternative to the
oribund anti-Communist Interna-
tional Confederation of Free Trade
Unions.
'? At its inception, the ETUC voted to
omit the word "free" from its name,
a decision 'acidly dismissed by AFL-
CIO President George lVleany, who
observed that "they took the word
'free' out on the argument that put-
earince 777177p
?
ting it in there would in some way
interfere with what they call 'de-
tente.'"
In January, leaders of ETUC mem-
ber unions joined in a Geneva meeting
with Soviet labor chief Alexander
Shelepin and representatives of the
Communist bloc's WFTU. Early last
month, the ETUC executive committee
on April 10 looking to the admission
authorized a key round of negotiations
'tif the Italian CGIL at the May Copen-
hagen convention of the European fed-
eration.
"The Geneva meeting and
the ETUC decision represent
a complete reversal of the
anti-Communist policy pursued
'-. by the European free :labor
movement during the last
'quarter ? of: a, century," de-
dared the AFL-CIO Free :?
Trade Union News in its cur- ,
rent special issue, "European
Labor in Crisis."
"There is no hiding the
; ugly truth that a major and
crucial change has occurred
on the European labor.
'-scene, a change benefiting ,
Communism."-.. ? ? ? ;?1
AFL-CIO eyes, free un.'
?-?-ions and Communist unions I
:'have nothing in "common,'
Hand contacts between them .1
only give Communist forces
Ian aura of respectability
:that could 'smooth their ulti-
mate rise to power.
f?,' If the Communist-domi- '
'nated CGIL in Italy is ad- .!
mated to the, ETUC, AFL-
? =CIO leaders argue, the poW-
,:erful CGT labor federation
"in France' will soon have to i
',be admitted. This, in turn, is
-? expected to undermine the. 1
- Position of anti-Communist,.:
1- labor groups in France such
1'as the', American-backed.
, Force OuVriere?sirengthen--
ing the bargaining power of
the French Communists in,
18
1- their alliance with Socialist
--leader Francois Mitterand.
" The AFL-CIO. view:Is that'
,?-: the soft line Of the ETUC'
serves Moscow's long-term
! strategy in Western Europe
,-: and basically reflects a dan' ,
i,
?? gerous ideological erosion :
- of detente. -' . . . ..
'` European, diplomatic and ,.
1-
i'? labor ? sources; believe this'
,??
i? 'greatly oversimplifies '.the
:-. ETUC. approach. 7?These:,
I,: sources-stress .the .growing:.,
i; resulting .from? the climate
b' European desire to assert an.:'7,?,
il identity 'separate from 'both,
'the United States and the .1
' Soviet Union:,--- -' ? . ?,,. ? .--.
By bringing Communist'
' unions into a European la-r:
bor framework free of ideo-; ,
''logical barriers, these -1
'
sources say, many . ETUC
leaders hope to advance the a:
''overall cause of European
Integration and . to
'-strengthen existing trends
pushing the CGIL and CGT?'
? toward Lmoderate', "national -
. Communist" policies die.
:gated by domestic political
- factors in their home coun-
tries ...,'-`...-. - `'.. '' .. ? -- '- -,:,
Int this . view, the impencV;
- Ing merger of the Italian
? CGIL -and two rival labor
federations, the Christian ,
-Democratic CSIL and the-
-smaller Int, reflects grow.':,
-1:Ing moderation on the part;
of the CGIL in foreign air.;
_. well as domestic policies? .>:?,?-.
.' One example of this mod.;
,eration often cited is the
fact that CGIL officials and
other ? ,Italian Communist
leaders have ? criticized So-
viet suppression of digs!,
dents and were. pro-Commoni:w
Market well' before Moscow,
reluctantly- gave the green!'
light for 'local Communist
Support of the Common
Market, In 'West Euopean..
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Apriroved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 .
? countries. ??;.-?
The independent posture
shown by CGIL leaders to-.
, ward Moscow is widely con-
trasted' with the compara-
tive orthodoxy 'of the CGT;
Unlike the CGIL's bid for
admission. to. the ETUC,
? which has the backing of its
'non-Communist ? ? potential.
mergerpartneri, a CGT ef-
-. fort J.0.1 win entry would be
strongly opposed not only
.?_:by the 'Tome Ouvriere .and.
? the " Christian?unions- in '
France. but by some other
, key ?UnionS.?:':',;.---;? .'? - ?
Many. observers ?feel 'that
CCT. entry to the new con-.
federation could only. come-
after a long battlerend some
question whether the CGIL
will 'actually be -admitted in;
May,: suggesting :that a onez,
year.postponernent might be
necessary to avnid7a rift. ? :
In:. most Internal ETUC
battles over' policy toward
Communist . unions, AFL-
CIO, hostility toward admis-
sion-of. the CGIL has been
'echoed by the Force Ouvri-
ere, -the West German DGB-
and -Austrian unions, with
the 'British Trades ? Union.
Congress. the Belgians and'
the Italians leading the pre-1, ,1
CGIL camp. ?? %i?
_. At ? the key Executive, '
Board meeting authorizing `
negotiations with-the-Italian
group, however, the influen-:':'
WASHINGTON POST
6 April 1974
Clayton Fritchey
DGB abstained. This has
been attributed partly to the
labor group's close ties to
' .Chancellor Willy Brandt's
ruling SPD party, with its
Ostpolitik policy, and partly,
too, to the reported .ambi-
itions of ? DGB President
? Heinz Vetter to succeed the
-British TUC's Victor Feather
. as ETUC secretary-general.
, .
? British TUC sources
promised to. oppose: the ad-
? miSsion of the CGIL in pri- ?
vale meetings . with
!CIO leaders at their Febru-
ary Executive :Councir ses-
sions, but ended:up Voting
to authorize the negotiations*
with. the Italian. group now
. in ,progress,',AEL-CIO
sources said_ ?-?
The An?tro Free Trade
Union ' News. blames the
British role in ETUC on
the fact that "in Great Brit-
am, the Communists and
their sympathizers have 1
. gained increasing control in 1
some of the major trade un-
ions and have , influenced
the TUC More and. more in
a direction which
Moscow's - international la- 1
boipblicies." ?:
Defendeis , new
and, other European Conn-
and other Eureopean coun-
tries say that American-con-
trolled multinational corpo
rations pose a . threat t
o- C mmunist and free trod
? unionists alike ...irrespectiv
- ,
1,? of ideology. These- source
I
I see a kindred spirit in the
current European effort to
assert independence, from
. -
the superpowers and the new-
Canadian ,natiOnalist pos.
I ',;tiire toward., U.S.-based un-.
' lons.? '? ? ??
: All told., US.-based unions
I claim. more. than 1.4 . minion t
Canadian members, which is .
why they . are known . as:
'''hiternational" Unions. the:
:Steelworkers claim the ',big.,.:
:test ' Canadian member-ship ?
'with 100,000, followed by the
Il
'nited Auto Workers with 1
' 120,000; 10 per -cent .of thel
Unleills total niembership. --,
,.
The., defecting , Canadian
members .of the Paperwork.
,
era represent .some. 20 per.
cent Of the unloh's ' overall
:?atrength. , With- nationalism
growing - in . Canada, in-
formed fiources say, Cana-
dian .Paperworkers leaders
? want autonomy . from . their'
?Anierlean parent': to , gain
, ,
nalonalist luster lif theft:
competition for srecrults
with, the Pulp, Sulfite and 1'
Paper Mill Workers. ' f
!'
'The Canadian - branch of il
the Paperworkers union has., ,
long had autonomy. In most
- spheres, with its own Cantl-
e ?dian director its own re
e 'search program and its own
e bilingual 'newiptiper.?? How.
s
I. ever, The union has. not had.
:.the right to collect dues or
to operate. Its finances inde-
pendently., ,
' PaperWorkerS iiresident ' ?
? Joseph P. Tonelli greeted
the separation move with a
? pledge that "we are .taking
. every . precaution and insu
lating ? our future arrange-
? ments:w1th the Canadians so
that we will have a continu-
ing relationship that will be
'helpful to both the ,;United
'States:, and collodion paper
workers." ??? "
" ?
? "When something is !nevi-
1.. table,", he said, "I do not ?be-
lieve In. prolonging ,or
hold-
ing 'onto a position just for
tile Sake of retaining the Sta-
tus huo."-",6,-..?. ;.'? ?
. ? . ? ?
Explaining he' :secesilon
Move; : Canadian ? director
Henry 'Lorrain ,pointed .to
;"an intangible, ? mood
which finds Its -expression in
the popular press. Where one
sees with ?Inereasing fre-
quencythe word 'Canadian'
and the Word 'independence'
linked together. It 'haste do
with an awareness ,'.with- On
understanding, with. a feel
for what the people are talk-
ing about in the Mill towns
this nation Of elm" ? ?
:
?
Icredits that we give numerous other,
? ti but less important, nations.
Labor and Forel gnPolite
; fore the Senate Finance _ Committee,
Listening to Mr. Meany testify be-
When and if all other bonds fail,
Britain and the United States will still
have in common their labor move-
ments. It is astonishing how the unions
in both countries are so similar in
their parochialism, their isolationism
and often their shortsighted percep-
tion of their own interests. ? ,
There is nothing new about it, ex-
cept at the moment the labor leader-
ship in the United States as well as
England is doing its utmost to resist
the claims of the 20th century. British
labor is doing all it can to fight off the
economic advantages of the Common
Market; American labor simultane-
ously is doing all it can to oppose de-
tente with Russia and the expansion of
International trade.
The best thing about the Industrial
Revolution is that its high productivity
has immeasurably improved the work-
er's standard of living. Yet the Anglo-
American unions keep right on resists-.
Ing new efforts to increase productiv-
ity. It Ls the same with foreign trade.
Prosperity and high employment in-
variably are marked by flourishing
free trade. Conversely, the depressions
and recessions have usually coincided
with inhibited trade and limited mar-
kets, distinguished by high tariffs, quo.
' however, it might be thought Mr.
s
It wouldn't be so bad if it affected
only the unions, bid in the United
States and England the power et labor
can and does influence the cotirse of
foreign policy. In Britain, for instance,
the new Labor government of Prime
Minister Harold Wilson is obliged to
renegotiate England's place in the Eu-
ropean Economic Community, which
, means further obitaeles to European
Economic Community, which means'
further obstacles to European unity
and all it promises.
In the United States, the AFL-CIO
opposition to a long-overdue new deal
with Russia and the Third World could
wreck the nation's hopes for an era of
coexistence, disarmament and peace. It
Is one tif the great ironies of our tithe
that the most celebrated of all anti-
Communists, Richard Nixon, should be
accused of being soft on communism
by the head of American labor, George
yeany, president of the AFL-CIO.
As a result of Watergate, Mr. Nix-
on's public standing is so low these
days that he is a vulnerable target for
Mr. Meany's assaults on his foreign
trade bill, regardless of the legisla-
tion's merits.
? Among other things, the bill would
permit the administration to restore
normal trading relations withjLelsia
eh:050121Mi UilIWOO
;as and other restraints. But the un- .
ions never seem to learApprOved FTcifdR
Nixon and Dr. Kissinger were about to
*sell out to Moscow. Actually, their
principal aim is to get a new trade bill
,that, irrespective of Russia, would give
the President?any President?author-
ity to negotiate internationally for
lower worldwide trade barriers and
freer trade.
What they are opposing N an amend-
ment, sponsored by Sen. Henry Jack-
son (D-Wash.) and backed by Mr.
Meany, that would require the admin-
istration to continue discriminating
against Russia, even though this could
undermine an already fragile detente.
The AFL-CIO boss calls the detente
"an absolute fraud." And he adds, "I
don't know anything we need so bad
we have to give them the Washington
Monument." The senators, who en-
joyed Mr. Mean y's extravagant lan-
guage, seemed to be persuading them-
selves that Russia has done nothing to
carry out its part of the bargain.
There is little acknowledgement of
Moscow swallowing the U.S. mining of
Haiphong harbor, of pressuring Hanoi
toward a cease-fire, of easing tensions
over Berlin and West Germany, of go-
ing along with Dr. Kissinger's peace
effort in the Middle East, which could
easily derail, and of joining the United
States in the first steps toward arms
41"tr be guessedlN33th-3
It caat behind the
Approved For Release 2001/08/08:
scenes Moscow has done other things
to further detente, which for diplo-
matic reasons it cannot afford to talk.
,? about publicly, and which, therefore,
cannot be cited by Mr. Nixdn' in de-
sending himself against charges that
',detente has been a one?way. proposi-
tion.
'Aside from detente, Mr. Meany
TI NEW REPUBLIC
6 APR 1.974
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Implacably opposed to the trade bill as
a whole, for he believes freer trade
will mean fewer jobs in the United
States. Experience shows it is a short-
sighted view. The greatest depression
and the worst unemployment the
United States has ever known occur-
red during the heyday of the Smoot-
Hawley tariff wall enacted in 1930.
Mr. Meany, in any case, is a little
tardy in,accusIng Mr. Nixon of being
Indifferent to unemployment and the
worker's iiiterest. After all, unemploy-
ment has,bharacterized the Nixon ad-
ministratien from its start in 1969, but
that didn't prevent Mr. Meany from
helping to re-elect the President in
1972. Apparently, he can't forgive hilt-
self.
0 1974. Los Antekos Times
Captive Families, Governments and Corporations
The Kidnapping Epidemic
by Eliot Marshall
?
Since February 4 the networks and papers have sup- Last week another diplomat, John Patterson, was
plied an eager audience with details on Patricia Hearst, taken hostage in the town .of Hermosillo, Mexico, by
her family, her kidnappers, the messages passed be- a "liberation army" that wants $500,000 in cash.
tween them and the many squabbles that have broken Since 1963 the ? US has been trying to persuade
out. No one knows how it will end, but it is beginning governments to adopt this uncompromising position,
to look as though it?will end badly. What attracts the with partial success. Cuba signed an extradition agree-
attention of the media more than the cruelty of the ment with the US in 1973 that classifies hijackers as
. crime is its political coloring. Last year the Justice De- criminals who must be returned to the country of ?
partment won 71 convictions against kidnappers and origin. Several other important agreements have been
turned 146 other cases over to local prosecutors. None reached, but Hoffacker says the program became "bog-
received anything like the attention the Hearst case is ged down" at a 1972 UN conference "in a debate over
gettitig. It brings America its first bitter taste of politi- what some countries called justifiable, as opposed to
cal terrorism, pitting an articulate, wealthy business- legal, violence even against innocent parties."
? man in a life-or-death struggle against local terrorists There are drawbacks to the US policy, the most ob-
with a cause. vious being that governments may see the logic in re- ,
If we; need reminding that ours has been made one fusing ransom, but corporations find it difficult to live
. *world by rapid communication, no better example is with that logic, and families, impossible. Exxon was
needed than the speed at which bad examples now tested to the breaking point in Argentina. It first re-
travel. Latin America has provided some of them. Kid- fused to pay the $14.2 million, then after the guerrillas
nappers in Argentina have collected about $50 million announced that Samuelson would be "executed" for
since the beginning of 1973, most of it from foreign the crimes of his company on February 25, Exxon
businesses. As a result about 60 percent of the US ex- relented. ?
ecutives stationed there have left, their jobs taken over The Hearst kidnapping has "worked" in the sense
. by- Argentines. Those who stay must work, travel and that it has been prolonged by similar, conciliatory tac-
live under constant guard. Exxon set a record last tics. The kidnappers chose as their victim the daughter
month when it paid the largest ransom ever, $14.2 mil- of a man whose power lies in managing the news: pub
-
lion, to rescue a refinery manager in Argentina, Victor licity becomes a part of the ransom demand. Besides
. Samuelson. He has not been released yet. commanding the printing of legalistic tirades in
, What can be done to prevent such extortion? On the Hearst's paper, the San Francisco Examiner, the Symbi-
! world stage the United States takes the position- that onese succeeded in having their symbol?a seven-
kidnapping and hijacking can be discouraged only if headed cobra ?printed on every package of free food
the "parent" countries or companies refuse to negoti- paid for by Mr. Hearst. The Symbionese demanded
ate with terrorists. A couple of years ago, when hijack- that two of their members accused of killing Marcus
ings- and political killings seemed to have reached an Foster, a superintendent of schools in Oakland, be
unbearable level, President Nixon created a Cabinet given national television time to plead their case. Here
Committee to Combat Terrorism and asked it to.co- / they failed, despite Hearst's lobbying. If it were in his
ordinate the anti-terrorist policies of the CIA, State Power to grant the request, there is no doubt that he
Department, Secret Service, FBI, Transportation De- would. This media-napping is an insidious aspect of
partmcnt and other federal agencies. The current chair- the case, and it hints at crimes yet to come.
? man of the committee, Arribassador to the Cameroons Fanatics feed on publicity. Thus when Reg Murphy,
.Lewis flofracker, wrote an article in February that editor of the Atlanta Constitution, was kidnapped not ;
sums up the official view: "Tactics vary in each crisis long after Patricia Hearst, it looked as though the East
situation, but one consistent factor should be under- Coast would have its own version of California politi-
stood by all parties concerned: the US government will cal terrcrism. But after making a few reactionary
not pay ransom to kidnappers. We urge all other gov- swipes, Murphy's captors took a fat ransom and let it
ernments and individuals to adopt the same position." go at Wilt. Two people have been arrested. The FBI
lic noted that in the last five years 25 American offi- handled ? hoax in New York in March that worked on
cials have been kidnapped abroad and 10 murdered. 20 the inver.e principle: the kidnappers had no hostage
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(it turned out later) but demanded four hours free time
on station 1A'ABC for the "alternative political action
comMtitce." Three have been arrested. Then there is
the !Stational Caucus of Labor Committees, which
?hasnq,\physically injured but has pestered professors
and journalists in New York, Chicago and Boston.
? Ther are some who imagine that the FBI, if only it
had the authority to .do so, might have infiltrated the
SLA and prevented the Hearst kidnapping. This is a
, misconception. Although the FBI is under pressure to
keep a low profile, there are no legal barriers to its in-
filtrating or spying on any group it suspects of violent,
illegal intent, nor are any such barriers being pro-
posed. The courts have somewhat limited the FBI's
freedom to bug and wiretap, for there are important
constitutional restrictions on surveillance, but not to
' the point of making it impossible to do so where rea-
sonable cause is shown. The FBI's problem, well il-
lustrated in Hoover's campaign against the antiwar
activists, is thits it misguesses. The groups it chose to
infiltrate in the '60s were more vociferous than danger-
ous to the civil order. Double agents are not ordinarily
invited to join the bomb throwers and kidnappers and
the Hearst case is no exception. The FBI never learned
i
of the Symbionese until after a crime had occurred. In-
:deed no one had heard of them until last November
:when they suddenly took credit for shooting Mareus
Foster with cyanide bullets. Even today the names of
only seven members are known, and of these, four are
conjectures. The FBI has a good record for investiga-
? tion. It has handled 10 major kidnapping cases since
, the Hearst case on February 4, and all 10 have been
"solved." It probably knows where Patricia Hearst is
being held too, and waits only for permission to act.
_
WASHINGTON POST '
14Apr11 1974
Jack Anderson
But the bureau cannot be expected to keep tabs on and
prevent crimes by groups whose very existence is
deadly secret. -
Realizing how difficult it is for the government to
stop kidnappings, many businessmen are beginning
to act on their own. Pinkerton's protective service re-
ports a surge in demand for armed bodyguards since
February. The Burns International 'Investigation Bu-
reau in the last few weeks has run out of stock of a
pamphlet called "Security Handbook for Businessmen
Overseas." (It is hurriedly reprinting its boOk ivith the
new title, "Executive Protection Handbook.") Fred
Rayne, director of Burns' headquarters in Miami, says
that today mo3t inquiries about his work come from
people who want protection inside the United States,
whereas only a few weeks ago the demand was for
protection abroad. Rayne speaks complacently about
the epidemic: "Everybody's a potential target nowa-
days. I think the new thing won't be to go for million-
aires, who are too welIprotected. Robbing banks.is too
hard now with numbered money and cameras. I think.
they'll go for small guys, it's much easier just to pick
up the victim at the door." For $500 Burns will provide
a day-long seminar for 25 executives, complete with
handbooks, on 'how to guard against kidnapping and
terrorism. Included in the fee is a specially tailored
"emergency program" designed to give the group a
systemized response to threat. With offices all Over the
world, the agency screens and trains domestic servants
anywhere and provides year-round advice (minimum
fee $2000) on keeping your office free of bugs, bombs
and political terrorists. In South America several corn- ?
panics often share the cost of a Burns 24-hour radio
alert'system to keep watch on all the family.
Lifting the Turkish Opium Ban
? The streets of America have become
'safer since opium growing was out-
lawed in the distant hills of Turkey.
'But by early summer, barring a politi-
cal miracle, the Turkish government
will tell thd impoverished opium farm-
ers in the remote Afyon region that
they can once again plant their tradi-
tional money crop: the opium poppy
which gives Afyon its name.
Thin expected Turkish action would
have an inevitable impact on the U.S.
;-ime rate. For out of the new opium
hast would come an illegal flood of
heroin into this country. As more her-
oin became available, hundreds of
? thousands of young people would try it
,,and become addicted. Most of them
would be forced to turn to crime to
? 'support their habit.
The effect on U.S. cities, narcotics
officials tell us, would be measured in
robbery, violence andAtilinlbadymap
_words like "disastrous" and
"catastrophic" to describe the conse-
quences.
Yet the pressure to lift the opium
ban is coming, in part, from a few U.S.
pharmaceutical firms looking for
, cheap morphine. They are in strange
company, ranging from opium growers
and international smugglers td Mafia
mobsters and corrupt Turkish legisla-
tors?all eager to revive the heroin
?traffic.
. Before 1972, when opium growing
:was banned iii Turkey in exchange for
$35.7 million compensation from the
American taxpayers, huge opium ship-
ments were diverted to France for re-
fining into heroin and then were smug-
gled into the United States.
We have obtained a secret House re-
port, which estimates at one point "up
to 80 per cent of heroin in the United
With the decline in addiction came a
Reim
State; altafati gar* a
Ift0432811Q9449439410tan in crime and
duced the flow into this country until
? only the hard-core addicts could obtain
heroin. Suddenly, it became almost un-
available to the young drug
"thippers," who like to live danger-
Jusly.
The House report, authored by Nar-
cotics Subcommittee Chairman Lester
Wolff (D-N.Y.), describes what hap-
pened after the Turkish connection
was cut off. "Heroin addiction," it
states, "(was) reduced from bekween
500,000 and 700,000 to about 200,000 ac-
tive addicts ...
"The price of one milligram of her-
oin in New York City was 44 cents in
1972; by mid-1973, (it) had risen to
$1.52. The street level purity of her-
oin sold to addicts decreased ... from
7.7 per cent to 3.7 per cent."
21
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misery. "Overdose deaths, drug-related
hepatitis and drug-related property
crimes," declares the report, "have de- ,
dined throughout most areas of the
Unitid Sthtes for the first time in six
yea0."
tY
The end of opium planting in Tur-
key \ caused repercussions, indeed,
throughout the subterranean world of
i drugs: In Europe, the Corsican crimi-
nals who had made huge profits from 4,
heroin smuggling were compelled to
Invest their money in more or leas le- '
; gitimate businesses. The federal nark r
1 cotics investigators warn, berever,
that the Wirt is keeping Ste Wrest- '
menta semi-liquid in anticipation of a
reopening of the opium traffic. ,
, In Southeast Asia, opium traders in,
the mountainous Golden Triangle of
Burma, Thailand and Laos began to
feel out the United States on an ex-
change deal similar to that made with.
Turkey., One group offered to sell 400
tons of opium to the United States
to get it off the market.
In India, the Soviets began buying
up legal opium feverishly for medical/
? purposes. Suddenly India, which leade
the world in legitimate opium sales,
also found about 25 per cent of its crop
..being diverted to criminal elements. ?
But in Turkey itself, an outcry
! NEW YORK TIMES
19 April 1974
Late in 1963, when he was
a lower-echelon Navy officer,
according to Adm. Elmo R.
Zumwalt Jr., now Chief of
Naval Operations, he wrote
a report saying "our national ;
interest would not be served
by becoming militarily in- '
volved" in Vietnam. "The ,
superior that Overruled my
recommendation was named
Dr. Daniel J. Ellsherg," Ad-
miral Zumwalt told a Tufts
!University audience in Med-
ford, Mass. Dr. Ellsberg, who;
joined the Defense Depart-
ment in 1964 to work in de-
cision making regarding Viet-
nam, at first supported the
war but later became disen-
chanted and made public' .
what was to become known'
as the Pentagon papers.
?
11
against the ban began to swell. The
farmers who were supposed to get the
American aid complained it arrived
late when it came at all. They sus-
pected, with some justice, that the U.S.
payments were going into the bottont-
less pockets of corrupt officials.
Chairman Wolff, accompanied by
Rep. Charles Rangel (D-N.Y.) traveled
into the Turkish hinterland to get, as
the report puts it, "some insight into
' the poppy ban in Turkish eyes." Feel-
ing among the opium traders ran so
high that the two congressmen had to
be guarded by armed Turkish and
' American security men.
The congressmen met a 70-year-old
farmer who "had grown poppies on
those hills every year until 1972," they
relate. "He had, at the government's
suggestion, grown sunflowers as a sub-
stitute .. But he did not like the taste
;?C sunflower seed oil. He also planted
hawkey now ... but it earned less
two; than the poppy."
VllejS esked him whether he wanted
It ogee 4...;ppies again. "yes," said the
di( 411010.11P limply.
kiwi* ef those interviewed along the
rocky reads of Afyon felt the same
/ way. Some said grudgingly they would
*, abide by the government decree. But
otters were .openly rebellious, admit:
ting they had illegally sold opium gum.
"Two opium pressers spoke with in-
dignation about how their small busi-
nesses disappeared with the end of the
THE ECONOMIST APRIL 13, 1974
The opium war
Money can't buy
Turkey's decision to reject further
American anti-opium compensation
and resume poppy-growing has cast a
heavy shadow over the corresponding
"honourable bribery" being offered
by the United States to opium growers
in the Golden Triangle where Thailand,
Burma and Laos meet. The Americans,
financing a similar campaign there,
have already paid $7m to reward Thai
tribesmen who agree to discard the
opium petals for maize and vegetables
with guaranteed markets. Thailand's
King Bhumibol himself has intervened
to encourage this Mafia-Rotarian switch
from opium-growing.
A recent estimate claimed that in five
north-eastern Thai villages where the
compensation scheme had been opera-
22
poppy seed supply," recounts the re..,
port. "A local doctor said that the ban
was imposed with haste and without ,
'adequate consideration."
But perhaps Wolff' s most disturbing
discovery was the role of some U.S.
pharmaceutical firms in the backstage
campaign to lift the opium ban. He
found the firms were quietly but ac-
tively lobbying with the Turkish gov-
ernment, Geneva narcotics conference
and even the U.S. Congress. Ih short,
these pharmaceutical firms are more
interested in reducing the price they
have to pay for opium than in prevent-
lug drug addiction and street crime.
The secret report concludes,
gloomily: "An apparently insolula-
problem faces the United States and
Turkey concerning the opium ban.
Each has taken a course which, when
fulfilled, will probably result in a fron-
tal collision with the other."
The report urges that the channels
be kept open with Turkey and that the
crop diversification program be pur-
sued. "Raising the level of understand.
ing in Turkey about the international
drug problem is a vital basis for any
future cooperation," states the study.
? 1974. Milted Feature Ilindleat?
ting opium production had fallen by
40-50 per cent. But the Golden Tri-
angle produces more than 700 tons of
opium each year and no one has been
quite sure how much it would cost
the Americans to seduce the thousands
of villagers from their simple, traditional
1 and rewarding poppy-growing. World
opium prices have been soaring and
this year's harvest in south-east Asia
will double the local poppy-growers'
return of $50 per chia (1.6 kilo-
grammes) last year to $100 this year.
The collapsed American venture in
Turkey cost $36m in compensation over
two years. The experiment in the Golden
' Triangle would greatly multiply the
initial American investment if it were
pressed to a conclusion. After the
Turkish about-face, it is doubtful whether
the south-east Asian _project can go on
getting that sort of money from the
United States.
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Apiiroved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3 .
Easte u.r
..ope
LC6'2,11NGELES TIMES
31 tilarch 1974
Two Americans Tar et of Russ Spy
MURRAY SEEGER r?. The recent exiling of Lipson sa id tha t he
Times Staff Writer
MOSCOW?The Soviet
government. has barred a 1
Harvard University!
professor from leading in- ?
dependent tours through
the country, and has re-
cently expelled a man de-
scribed as a CIA agent dis-
guised as a tourist.
In both cases, the U.Si
? Embassy in Moscow was!
not notified of any such;
actions and the professor,1
Alexander Lipson, who ;
? has not visited here for a
, few .years, said he knows I
nothing about the govern- I
? ment's move against him. I
The so-called CIA agent
was only vaguely iclenti-
? fied as H. Riegg, ?a grad-
uate of the University of
Pennsylvania, in the Com-
munist Party newspaper,
' Selskaya Zhizn. There was
no indication when he was
expelled but his (Lime was
distributing"anti- Soviet
'literature." .
"We go through this
nearly every spring,"- a
Western ? diplomat ? s a Id.
? 'This is part of the cain-
paign to warn. the Soviet
!people about mingling'.
with foreigners. It is part
of the spy mania." .
,? While the Soviet Union
; is always apprehensivel
about the visits by large;
numbers of foreigners and;
takes careful precautions i
against the Importation of
book s, magazines andj
newspapers it considers ;
likely to poison the .purel.
Soviet cultural atmos-
phere, vigilance is eve-
' daily high now.. ?
? . The relaxation of
cal tensions between the
Soviet Union and the
: United States and West-
ern Europe has encour-
; ? aged Russians to believe
that all controls on their
? lives will be loosened.
Since the ruling Commu-
fist Party is still engaged
? in a policy of "ideological
warfare" with the ' West,
; however, it has tightened
Its controls on the flow of
novelist Alexander Solzhe-
nitsyn to the West and ef-
forts by Western countries
; to negotiate easier move-
ment of people and ideas
; at the European security
I conference in Geneva have
; also heightened the offi-
cial barriers against out-
side ideas. .
{ .
1 For example, a 16-year-
old Boston boy, who ar-
rived in Leningrad in mid-
March as part of a tourist
group, was forced to turn
over to customs agents a
n e w English - language
copy of Solzhenitsyn's
"August, '1914," a travel ,
gift from a friend. The
book was not returned '
when he left the country.:
According to Selskaya 1
Zhizn, the anti-Commu-
nist world has failed to;
i break down the walls of
; the Communist societ y
t
? with alternative theories
l
; and is now trying to bore?
from within.
I Prof. Lipson, who
!teaches Russian language
' and literature at the Har-.
; yard graduate school of
education, was accused of
!Wino' the character of a ,
1"hardeened anti-Sovietist."?1
; behind his academic exter- ;
: ior.
i' "Lipson visited the.:
U.S.S.R. with the purpose
1 of gathering as much dirt !
; as' Possible for anti-Corn- I.?
!anunist propaganda," ? the.!
, paper said. "He &minted! '
that- members of his tour-
ist groups get, the necessa- ?
ry information bs? their
own 'independent' ways. ? ?
; "Lipson himself behaved!
I with lack of responsibility :
1
t and sometimes was openly!
Iboorish. He was prohibit-
ed from entering 'the'
iU.S.S.R. in the future." ;
. From Cambridge, Mass., !
Lipson said he could "shed
no. light on what they are
talking about."
He started taking ?sToups. ?
; of 30 to 100 students to the,
. Soviet. Union during sum.;
:mem starting in 1963 after:
'attending Moscow Univer-
sity in 1964. He has not ,
;been in the Soviet Union
this yeap.
ideas into the country- pprove or Re leas
dF RI e 2001/08/08 : CIA-RW7-00432R000100330008-3
;warned all his tourists
about the restrictions So- :
?*viet law places on visitors
and that he would disasso-
ciate himself from any
tourist who got into trou-
ble with the authorities.
"I don't know every-
thing they do," he admit-
ted. He never received any
reports of trouble with his
tourists. ? ?
?
For Moscow observers,
however, the Lipson tours
'were the kind that make.
the internal security pol-
icy most nervous. They
want .all tourists in the
country under the surveil-
lance of the government
agency, Intourist, which is
associated with the secret
police (KGB). The police
are especially it
about Contacts between
young people.
?Alleged CIA agent
Riegg, the paper said, had
been recruited by t h e
agency in college and tried
to enter a scientific section
of Leningrad University !
but was turned down.
He then entered the
country as a tourist and
"started spreading anti-So-
viet literature, gathering
t e ndentious information
and fulfilling other un-
seemly errands," Selskaya
Zhizn continued.
"The tourist was caught
Mania ---
red-handed ancl thrown
out of the U.S.S.R." ,.
The paper did not ex-
plain why the government
issued a tourist visa to' a '
man the polgce knew had
been recruited by the CIA
in college.
Most tourists who . get
into trouble in the Soviet
Union have problems ?
when they -try to take ;
snapshots that are com-
mon in any other Einar). ,
can country. In the Soviet ,
Union, it is illegal to take ,
pictures of railroad sta-
ations, facloties, acapoits,
airports, 'telephone offices,
radio . stations and any
I hing of a military charac-
ter.
- A Pasadena tourist des ,
scribed how she and 'her
husband visited Novgorod
as part of an Intourist "art
tour" and saw. a retired
American professor ar-
rested after taking a pie-
Lure of a large poster ofa
Lenin on the side of a
; ? The guide' secured the
ton m'ist's release but. he
? had to surrender his film
because the building was a'.
chemical works. ?
.All air travelers in the'
Soviet Union are warned,
they cannot take photos-.
out of airplane window,'
and in airports tourists are
told to cover their cameras'
or put them Away.
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ME TIMES, London
5 April 1974 '
Rptssia told
Klan
dosses' in
US Army
From Edmund Stevens
Moscow, April 4
American press coverage
and comment on the recent
Moscow talks of Dr Kissinger,
the United States Secretary of
State, are sharply censured by
Mr Boris Strelnikov, the Wash-
ington correspondent of Pravda.
Insisting that much was
accomplished,. he writes: "The
role of mass Information media
consists of sup-porting the posi-
tive tendencies and in no case
hindering the strengthening of
mutual understanding and deve-
lopment of contacts between the '
two countries.
"However certain organs of
the American bourgeois press
and especially the influential
New York Times and Washing-
ton Post, disregarding the facts,
publish irresponsible informa-
tion. They do their utmost to
present matters as though
Kissinger's Moscow mission
failed completely because of
Kremlin obduracy."
He darkly suggests that The
New York Times, Washington
Post and other newspapers may
be involved in a plot, sponsored
by the military-industrial com-
plex and Zionist lobby, to dis-
rupt the American-Soviet dia-
logue.
Mr Strelnikov's advice to
the American media on the need
to support the positive might
well he heeded by the Soviet
press, including his own news-
paper. Despite certain improve-
ments, much Soviet coverage of
America is hardly calculated to
further mutual understanding
Red Star, the organ of the
armed forces, reports on "the
activization of racist organiza-
tions in the armed forces of the
United States, where the Ku-
Klux-Klan burn their ritualistic
crosses and beat up and kill
Negroes, even on the territory
of military installations, and
where criminals of the Lieu-
tenant Calley type are looked
upon as heroes.
This comes from an article
marking the twenty-fifth anni-
versary of Nato. The article also
claims that the Nato staff is
riddled with neo-Nazis
? Another anniversary article,
in Sovietskaya Rossiya says:
"The militarist colossus has
grown to such dangerous pro-
portions that there are no
grounds for a relaxation of
vigilance by the peace-loving
forces ", a Soviet synonym for
the Warsaw Pact forces.
Professor Nikolai Molchanov,
an eminent Soviet historian,..
accuses the Institute of Strategic
Studies in London of providing
exaggerated, doctored figures on
the strength of the Soviet mili-
tary establishment, to justify
the Nato build-up.
CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR
9 April 1974
'U.S. press
?threatens
detente'.
Pray
. By Leo Gruliow :-
Staff correspondent of
The Christian Scienoe Monitor
- ? Moscow
The Russians are annoyed by cur-
rent talk in the West 'about the need
for strength- in the -face of Soviet
military power and by Western calls '
for tough bargaining with Moscow '
over nuclear arms limitation.
Apparently what has stirred things
up in Moscow is the comment in the
Western, ? and particularly the
American ? press after Secretary of
State Henry A. Kissinger's failure to
bring about a much-hoped-for break-
through in strategic arms control
, when in Moscow last month and the
speculation after Defense Secretary
1 James Schlesinger's earlier adjust-
ment in basic U.S. nuclear strategy.
While Pravda decries the American
!public discussion of defense needs and
strategy, Soviet military spokesmen,
in internal pronouncements, never
cease to proclaim essentially the
!same doctrine as held by the Penta-
gon ? that ultimately peace rests on
their own country's strength.
I Soviet strategy, however, is not
!subject to public discussion. When a
istrategy review brings debate in
America and, as in this instance, an
. outcry for a stronger force or tough
!bargaining with Moscow, the Soviet
press reacts sensitively to all the talk.
The sensitivity now appears com-
pounded by Mr. Kissinger's failure to
I achieve a fresh accord on nuclear.
1 arms. Evidently Moscow feels that
Western concern over this setback
plays into the hands of what it calls a
coalition of U.S. military-industry
? spokesmen, right-wingers, and Zion-
ists.
To allay concerrf, all Soviet media
have been presenting a bold front of?
optimism about prospects for a fur-
ther arms limitation agreement by
24
the time of ,Mr. Nixon's expected
summer visit to Moscow.
Specifically "Moscow is critical of
Western press comment on two
counts: , ?
? Although Secretary of State Kis-
singer's Kremlin visit failed to bring a
hoped-for breakthrough on a strategic
arms agreement, the soviet media
have repeatedly complained that the
Western press reported the situations
with undue pessimism. Pravda even
charged that the pessimism was de-
liberate "political sabotage" of de-
tente.
? In the first major military corn-
mentary following Dr. Kissinger's
visit, Pravda said Sunday that the
American public discussion of a re-
vised nuclear strategy "cast a
' shadow" on the Breztutev-Nixon 1973
pledge to prevent nuclear warfare.
'Detente spirit' cited
A review of nuclear strategy would
seem to be an internal matter for the
Pentagon planners, the Pravda com-
mentator admitted, but he implied
that all the hubbub about the strategy
review ran counter to the spirit of
detente and could build up momen-
tum for a new arma race.
' Two months ago U.S. Defense Sec-
retary Schlesinger announced plans
tot shift emphasis from the earlier
Inuclear strategy of retaliation against
an enemy's urban centers to one of
targeting part of the missile ,etrike
force on Soviet missile bases.
, The Pentagon's strategy, Pravda
said, also contemplated the use of
tactical nuclear weapons in Europe so
as not to leave U.S. allies at a
disadvantage in converktional war-
fare. This would mean "mini-nu-
clear" war, the Moscow paper de-
clared.
Pravda confessed that all of the
hypothetical strategy could be Ig-
nored because there was a long way
! between belligerent plans and actual
warfare. I3ut what troubled the Soviet
I commentaor was the thought that
military declarations and policy deci-
sions might be used for psychological
pressure on the Soviet' Union. Mr.
Schlesinger, the writer said, had
talked of this. '
Even more than psychological pres-
Sure, the commentator feared that
advocates of an arms race might
utilize the strategy review, if linked to
moves to improve weapons and in-
crease their range, to build up mili-
tary power.
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THE ECONOMIST APRIL 13. 1974
Jets for Russia
Boping's turn
It is Boeing's turn to go to Russia next:
month to talk about the 20 wide-bodied.
jets that Aeroflot wants to buy from;
the west, and the factory that the
Russians intend to build to turn out their
own versions thereafter. These talks,
have been going on for more than three I
years. Nobody any longer doubts the 1
Russians' serious intent. Although 1
they have a huge military freighter in ;
production, they have nothing approach-
ing a wide-bodied civil aircraft. Even more I
important, there is no Russian engine.
This is the first difficulty. When ;
Boeing at one stage suggested pro-
viding an American airframe for a
Soviet-built engine, the Russians'
embarrassment was obvious. The gap
is going to be filled by the Rolls-Royce
RB211, which the Russians intend to buy
and later to build under licence as they
did the first Rolls-Royce jets immedi-
ately after the war. So why not buy
Lockheed's Tristar to go with it? After
all, the Tristar is wide-bodied and the!
only aircraft using the R8211. Because,
apparently, the Russians have mis-
givings about Lockheed's financial !
stability and about the company's
announcement that it is not going to ;
make any major developments to the r
Tristar. Lockheed teams have been to I
Moscow and may yet pull the deal off, ;
but many in the company think their ;
Moscow trips are a waste of time.
McDonnell Douglas has a suitable
?
family of wide-bodied DC lOs of all
sizes and ranges, either developed or
under development; but it is owned by ;
a man not particularly interested in
Russian business. That leaves Boeing
as the other serious contender with a
family of wide-bodied jets on offer
to the airlines. But only the 747 is
actually in production, so the Russians
would be taking a chance on the rest. .
Technical problems apart, money
could be a difficulty. Up to $500m is at
stake, and there could be political
trouble in Washington when the ques-
tion arises of providing such credit to
Russia. One alternative would be to raise
the funds in London. Preliminary sound-
ings suggest this would be possible,
but at a price the Russians might not
like. The cost might, however, be
concealed elsewhere in ;the accounts. 1
This is what happened during Germany's 1
negotiations with Russia over the Kursk ;
steel complex.
WASHINGTON POST
16 April 1974
Victor Zorza
soviets
Prefer
Ford
Could, the Kremlin be considering
whether to dump Mr. Nixon in favor of
Vice President Ford?
In a remarkable interview with John
Osborne of The New Republic, which
Ford now says he intended should re-
main off the record, the Vice President
has described ? the administration he
might form if Mr. Nixon should step
down. If he became President, Ford
? might drop Secretary/of Defense
James Schlesinger?the man Moscow
regards as 'the Nixon administration's
evil spirit responsible for blocking fur-
ther progress on detente.
The Kremlin is obviously reassessing'
its attitude to the Nixon 'administra-
tion. The June summit in Moscow
still on, but Foreign Minister Gromy-
ko's attitude in Washington last week
made it clear that no real SALT agree-
? ment will be forthcoming.
? The Kremlin's study of the ,options
'would presumably begin by asking
whether Mr. Nixon's survival in office
would still be to its advantage. Even if
he survies, his position would be seri-
osuly weakened. He would no longer
be able to conclude major agreements ,
'on arms reduction, trade, and the-like,
which have made his adminigtration so
attractive to Moscow. But Ford, as a
new ,President, could start all over
again?and Ford has said that he
would keep Kissinger. That would be
worth a lot to Moscow.
Mr. Nixon has had to default on his:
ptilitical debts to the Kremlin, but
Ford would be able to repay some of
'them. Most important of all, Ford
would be ? a natural candidate for re-
election in 1976, and this would make
him more susceptible to subtle pres-
sures and bargaining offers from a
Kremlin which now knows how to play
the American election game.
It was,Mr. Nixon who taught the
Kremlin ow to play the game, by in-
tertwining his last election campaign
to a President who is also a candidate:
The television coverage, the promise
of a generation of peace confirmed by,
an affectionate send-off from Moscow,
an agreement to limit arms. There
was, of course, also the new structure
, of peace. But Mr. Nixon got some
votes; and Moscow got the American
grain which averted possible food riots
And thay have saved Brezhnev.
On this count alone, it would clearly
be in Moscow's interest that the man
in the White House 'in 1976 should be
running for re-election. But it would be
doubly st) if Sen. henry Jackson (D.
Wash.) gets the Democratic nomina-
tion. The Soviet press Is creating the
'impression that Jackson and Schle-
; singer have already enough power be-
Itween them to bring the cold war back,
? even if Nixon remains in the White
House. Moscow 'press coverage of Jack
son suggests that the Kremlin ?sees
him as the most likely?and most dan-'
gerous?Democratic candidate in the
next election: It implies that Jackson
as President would not only bring back
; the cold war but even a hot war. The
, Kremlin regards him as so great a
,threat that it cannot simply sit back in
,the hope that perhaps Sen. Edward
Kennedy (D-Mass.)?whom it recently
invited to Moscow In another anti.
Jackson move?will get., the nomina
tion.
; One way to keep Jackson out is to
help get ,Ford in now, , and to
strengthen him .for the election cam-
paign by tacit electoral bargains of the
kind the Kremlin made with Mr. Nixon
in .1972: The longer Mr. Nixon stays
now, the more likely Jackson is to get.
'In later.
But can the Kremlin seriously be-
lieve that it could influence the Ameri-
can electoral process, with all its
vagaries? All we know is that it has
tried to do so in the past. It does not,
need anyone to put ideas in its head.
Khrushchev used to boast that he
.had helped John F. Kennedy win the
Presidency, in a very close election, by
timing the release of the U.S. airmen
then held captive in the Soviet Union
in a way designed to favor Kennedy.
Brezhnev helped Mr. Nixon. He will do
anything to keep out Jackson.
So long as the Kremlin thought that
Mr. Nixon could pay his debts, it con-
ducted itself in a way designed to help
him against his critics. To reverse its
conduct would require no change of
principle, only a change in its estimate
of whether Mr. Nixon can pay his
debts?and t is now clear that he can-
not.
The Krettilin knows that by refusing
to cooperate with Mr. Nixon on Salt,
the Mideast, and the like, it is depriv-
ing him of his last line of defense?the
argument that he should be allowed to
remain in office to complete the struc-
ture of peace. Moscow cannot, by it-
self, dump Nixon, but it can add mate-
rially to the pressure on defenses that
are growing weaker all the time. The
Soviet press continues to be kind to
.Mr. Nixon, but deeds are more impor-
tant than words.
Moscow's motives In refusing to co-
operate with Mr. Nixon may be mixed,
but if its uncooperative attitude per-
sists, it will be clear that the Kremlin
has indeed decided to dump Nixon and
to help install Ford, in the expectation
that it can gain more this way.
13 1374. Victor Zorosw
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2S
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'urirfe
BALTIMORE SUN
April 1974
, ? ? ?
suspects U.S. ploy ? ? ? ? . ? ? ,:
(:%!,!,!nt f I;
)1?1., 1,r . if" I ??!1" ."1
. . ?
tj ait tivasioll'reiTea e
????,.
"
?
Sun sttif/ correspondent
! Vienna?Sensational ? diaclos-
ures an :Anitrian Magazine
of a Soviet?contingendy plan to
'invade and occupy large parts
:of Western Europe have caused
,a political and diplomatic up-
roar here. .?.
? First. published in Profit in
February; the article, which
stems; from an interview with
? Jan Sejna, ? the Czech gh.neral
who defected to the West in
1968 and now i living in the
United States; has convinced
Austrian officials that the U.S.
deliberately P!anted the dis-
closures.
Though these officials express
puzzlement over the possible
:motives.of the U.S;, They Point
? out that Mr: Sejna, tald to be
under the care' of the Central
Intelligenee''AgenCY,:setthld ,not
have revealed the.so-called.Pe-
larka Plan Without .U.S. gov7
ernnient ??
As ?revealedi biri Mr: 'Sejha,..
the scenario, :which ?Iveuld be
based On real, manipulated, or,
fabricated events, Calls. foil. 'the
death of Fectilicht?Tito of Yu-
goslavia, subsequent unrest in
the .country , and a call for
Soviet heti, in quelling the .dis=
? ..? ?
order. ? ? ? "
Austria would fisCit
group i ute the country for
staging, attacks on Yugoslavia
19 violation of the 1935 state
treaty that established Austrian
,neutrality. ? 1,i ? ? !i
A" blitz attack' ' bit '50,000
Czech' and Hungarian 'troops
s intO 'Austria would be coordi-
nated With a Soviet invasion of
Yugoslavia through 'Hungary.
Most, .of Austria . would bb
brolight under "control within 24
hoUrg .i.ancl another contingent
of,, about400,000 Soviet troops
withld:rriareh through the coun-
try and into Yugoslavia froth
the northwest
Sejna revelations were
published in .February by Pro.
fit,. an, Austrian news mag4-
iine, and a, portion of the inter-
view was broadcast on
'Austrian television. ? .
Exactly why the Americana
&loved, full diSclosure. of ,the
.Polarka Plan at this time as is
believed here---is a matter for
speculation, though it Is goner.'
? ? ? I
?
,
..? , ? couraged the idea.
'ally thought that it :was. in- Finally, Mr. Stanzl was in-
structed to show up with his
tended to., swaypublic,()Pinion
in Austria, widely criticized for cameraman at a Safeway
p
a woefully inadequate defense parking lot on Cincihiati aye-
system;,, to counter a,. marked
pp-Soviet trend in,YugoSlavia; Sunday, December 16. They
and to gain support in West
Germany, where the govern-
ment is caught in the middle
of a U.S.-French feud.
Most Austrians seem to take
it for granted that the Ameri-
cans arranged the interview
with Mr. Sejna for some politi-
cal purpose.
Werner Stanzl, a former
Austrian television correspond-
ent and now a staff writer for
the Vienna-based Profit maga-
zine, said he suspected that
ex-General Sejna brought out
plans involving Austria when
he defected.
Mr. Stanzl said he tried to
obtain an interview for three
or four years. He tried through
the Pentagon, various Amen-
were to take a taxi to get
there, send the cab off, and
they would be picked up by a
black limousine.
All went according to sched-
ule and Mr. Stanzl and his
cameraman were met by Mr.
Johnson. Mr. Stanzl described
his host as definitely an Amer-
ican?judging from his English
and mannerisms?but he spoke
perfect German.
Heavy snowstorm
Mr. Johnson drove around in
circles for some time, appar-
ently to make sure they were
not being followed, then drove
to a house in a middle-class
residential neighborhood, not
far from the rendezvous point.
Mr. Stanzl and his cameraman
can embassies and through un- :were told to forget the address
official contacts, but without and not to photograph the
success. Last October, in the !house.
course of a conversation with;
an American contact, whom he
had met though Czech emigre
circles, he brought up his re-
quest again.
To his surprise, Mr. Stanzl
said, the contact said that per-
haps he could be of some help
and Mr. Stanzl subsequently
received a post office box
number In a Washington sub-
urb, to which he wrote.
Safeway parking lot
Inside the house Mr. Stant
and his cameraman were
searched and their luggage
checked by four men, who Mr.
Sejna later identified as FBI
men assigned to him as body-
guards. At one point during
their stay, Mr. Stanzl said, he
noticed that the men had sub-
machine guns kept behind the
draperies. ?
Mr. Stanzl was told that he
must stay in the house and
once he left it the interview
A few days later a cable would be over. As it turned
came from Washington, in- out, there was a heavy snow-
structing him to call a certain storm and he remained at the
telephone number in Washing_ house for three days and two
ton at a given time. Mr. Stanzl nights, talking to tiw general
was in London on assignment from 8 A.M. to 11 P.M.
at the time. When he called the
number three days too late he
received no reply.
A few days later he received
a call from Washington from a
man who identified himself as
"Mr. Johnson" and as a friend
He also received photocopies
of the Polarka Plan that then-
General Sejna smuggled out to
the West in 1968.
Mr. Stanzl said no fee was
requested or paid for the inter-
view or his stay, and when he
of Mr. Sejna. expressed his gratitude to Mr.
Over the next 10 days, Mr. Johnson, his host replied,
ganzl said, Mr. Johnson called "Don't mention It. We all
him 6 or 7 times, each conver- serve a good cause."
sation taping from 90 to 50 When the Profit article ap-
minutes, to find out all the peared, there were rumors at
questions Mr. Stanzl wanted to the same time that the 81-
ask and to arrange details of year-old Marshal Tito was
his travel plans. gravely ill. They were followed
Mr. Stanzl said when he sug- . by reports, mainly in West
gested that he might bring ;German newspapers, of i War-
along a free-lance television saw Pact maneuvers in Czech-
cameraman, Mr. Johnson en- o
26
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1,1 * ...; ?? ! ;
unusual military activity, and
the movement of two Soviet
airborne brigades from Czech-
oslovakia to Hungary.
Called authentic
Military sources in West
Germany and Austria insist
,that all the reports of extraor-
dinary military activity in the
East bloc were completely un-
founded.
The American Embassy here
disclaimed any prior knowl-
edge of the Sejna interview
and could shed no light on the
subsequent scare stories.
The reaction of the Austrian
government was also curious.
Mr. Stanzl said that upon
this return to Vienna after in-
terviewing Mr. Sejna, he went
directly to Gen. Karl Luetgen-
dorf, the Austrian defense min-
ister, for confirmation of what
he had learned.
Mr. Stanzl said the minister
told him that the Austrianstov-
ernment had long ago been
informed Of the Polarka Plan
and that what the Czech defec-
tor had told Mr. Stanzl was
authentic.
General Luetgendorf, how-
ever, said he cibuld not publicly
confirm the plan before getting
the approval of Chancellor
Bruno Kreisky. It is not clear
whether Mr. Kreisky ever
gave the official green light to
his defense minister, but it has
been confirmed that Rudolf
Kirschschlaeger, the foreign
minister, gave his approval.
Subsequently, General Luet-
gendorf gave an interview to
Profit as well as to ORF, the
Austrian television station, in
which he confirmed the au-
thenticity of the Polarka Plan
and said it should be taken
seriously and was "not to be
belittled."
Had refused broadcast
This decision was of some
importance since ORF had re-
fused to broadcast the Sejna
interview unless some authori-
tive Austrian official agreed to
go on television and speak on
the subject.
Profit, with a circulation of
only 200,000, is not widely read
in Austria. The Sejna story
would not have had the impact
that it did had it not also
appeared on Austrian televi-
sion, which is seen nationwide
and in parts of Czechoslovakia,
I Hungary and western Yugtisla-
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Whereas his government
addOd greatly to the impact of
the g\ disclosures, Chancellor
Kreliky expressed public indig-
nation over them, attributing
the work to "Cold Warriors."
He added that he slid not rule
(1'.!t the pblity ti some
; American services might be
'interested in disturbing Austri-
i 61-Soviet relations.
In an apparent attempt to
!calm Soviet furor over. the
;broadcast, Mr. Kreisky noted
that Polarka was only a con-
tingency plan and that Western
powers have ones that are
!even more drastic.
Nevertheless, indications are
that the Austrian government
was not altogether displeased
with the disclosures, though
Austrian officials say they
doubt that Austria was the
primary target for the Amen-
cab ploy.
One high Defense Ministry
official expressed pnvately a
view, apparently shared by
many Austrians, that the pri-
mary target was Yugoslavia.
While Profit does not circulate
in Yugoslavia, the West Ger-
man newspapers, which picked!
up the story and amplified it,
do. The Yugoslav popular
press had also picked up th; West Germany- in prt1cular.at a time when strains hav:
Sejna interview, though onl) developed in trans-Atlantic sol
the part that applies to Aus ,idarity.
tria. '
The interview is thought It
be an attempt to counter Pres
Tito's for closet:
reiations with the Soviet Unior
ad to Influence public opinioz
arct a more pro-Westen
orientation.
Another major target, ac
cording to some Austria'
sources, are the United States':
Western European partners;
NEW YORK TIMES
9 April 1974
Nixon's Demeanor During Paris Visit'
Draws Sharp Criticism From French
tat the residence of his host, lEurope kneels before Mr. Nixon,
, By NAN ROBERTSON Ambassador John N. Irwin 2d. seated in a throne-like chair.
Special to The New York Times France-Soir said the President She is about to kis a ring on
PARIS, April 8?President had hammered away at the the extended hand of ?the
Nixon's talks with world lead- need for Atlantic cooperation President. His feet are on a
black-bordered 'death notice.
ers and his activities on the and cloe consultation between The French man-in-the-street
streets of Paris this weekend the United States and Europe- was not at all puzzled that Mr.
brought sharp criticism in He was in fact countering
France today, as well as some France's policy "in our very
grudging acknowledgment ..of own capital," the paper said.
continuing United States power. And the conservative Le Fig-
On three occasions on Satur- aro squarely titled its account
day and Sunday, Mr. Nixon :of the President's doings: "The
plunged through police lines to Sovereign of the Western
shake hands and talk with World."
curbside crowds. This was in Le Figaro's article spoke of
addition to talks With foreign Mr- Nixon's "operation Charle-
leaders assembled here to hejasct ardeds
smoTriee, igniawowuklich? u coa
honor the memory of President audiences to Italian, British,
Georges Pompidou, Who died West Germany and Danish
on Tuesday. statesmen, all worried about
deteriorating relations between
A letter circulated to jour- the European community and
nalists and made available to- the United States.
day to the bureau of The New A cartoon next to the article
York Times by a high official makes clear how Le Figaro
of a French ministry said Mr, sees the power relationship be-?
Nixon had "shamelessly sub- tween Mr. Nixon and Europe.
A crowned woman depicting
stituted a publicity campaign
for the mourning of an entire
nation, introducing an atmos-
phere of loud feverishness, the
discourtesy of which is equaled
only by its clumsiness."
NEW YORK TIMES
,13 April 1974
Nixon and other world leaders
Iwere conducting "mini-sum-
mits," as they were called here,
after the memorial service for
Mr. Pompidou on Saturday.
More than 50 chiefs of state
and government had converged
on Paris to pay homage .to
President Pompidou.
It seemed natural to the
French that the leaders thus as-
sembled would also do a little
business with each other. Mr.
Nixon spoke with nearly 40 of
them during his 40 minutes at
a reception at the Foreign Min-
istry .and conducted more ex-
tensive talks elsewhere.
The universal bafflement was
about why a foreign president
would seek to press the flesh
and speak with the crowds of
several hundred eathered to
The Austrian Defense Minis..
try source said he did not
think it was just a coinc!L'nr,?,.
that the Americans allowed tho
Sejna interview at the time.
when the .U.S. and West Gal'.
Many were about to conclude
new agreement requiring Boni-
to offset more than $2 Willa
of the cost of stationing U.S
troops in the country over the
next two years.
watch the celebrities streaming
in and out of buildings on the
Rue du Faubourg-St.-Honor?
. One block of the south side
of that street contains not only
the residence of the American
Ambassador, but the embassies
of Britain and Japan and the
Elyse Palace, now occupied
by the acting President of
France, Alain Poher.
The crowds Mr. Nixon
rushed into on the north side
of the Rue du Faubourg-St.
Honor?ere uniformly friend-
ly, cheered him and pressed
around him. At one point he
asked a French policeman hold-
ing. back the straining throng:
"How do you like your job?"
The President spoke in English.
The policeman stared back un-
comprehendingly.
' Mr. Nixon told one group,
also in English: "Forty years'
ago I majored in French. After
four years I could speak it,
I could write it, I read all of
the classics. And today I just
understand a little."
Another Decline Of the West
Le Monde, the most respected By C. L. Sulzberger
newspaper in France, joined in
the indignation in a front-page
editorial titled "The Nixon Fes-
tival." But it added that the
American President had spec-
tacularly demonstrated his con-
tinuing ability to dominate
international politics ? even
without the presence of Secre-
tary of State Kissinger.
The newspaper said Mr. Nix-
on had asked for and received
the allegiance of the European
statesmen he Saw one after the
other and that he had continued
the "superpower dialogue" with
President Nikolai N. Porigorny
of the Soviet Union.
The mass-circtilation daily
are few _nbseners...around. w
France-Soir said Mr. Appristbd For Rgag,seolaysvoitypth,yl&
set up a virtual White House halt
PARIS?The idea of "Europe" for-
mally signalized by the Common
Market Treaty of Rome seventeen
years ago is now going backward, not
forward. When the European Com-
munity was enlarged to include Brit-
ain, Ireland and Denmark in 1972,
there was a revival of the old spirit...
that envisaged advance toward politi-
cal unity, a common monetary policy
and ultimately a unified system of
defense.
The concept of a twin-pillared At-
lantic alliance based on coherent North
American and West European contribu-
tions had started to flicker once again
last year. But a combination of eco-
nomic and political setbacks has
shoved the project into reverse. There
7-0
27
The most critical setback was the
October Arab-Israeli war, which ex-
posed gaping divisions between United
States and European policy and which
produced an energy crisis that widened
the gap still further. On the heels of
this came a British election that
; brought into power a minority Labor
Government that is trying to gain
favor with a puzzled electorate by
picking "European" scabs.
If carried too far this would be
unwise. About the only clear-cut indica-
tion in Britain's vote was a demonstra-
tion that about 60 per cent of the elec-
torate supported British adherence to
the Community. Such support came in
the Conservative and Liberal parties.
The pro-Common Market faction in
Labor over-balanced the anti-Market
Tory group.
432R000100330008-3
As the Italian newspaper La Stamp*
Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3
Iobserves: "Europe, almost everywhere; ?
now seems a remote, academic concept
in the face of the seriousness of these .
[Ctatnniunity] countries' internal prob-
lerns,,;, and this is encouraging a
self 4h, nationalistic approach." One
might add that tins approach is even.
mord disheartening as a result of the
sag In leadership among Western
lands.
Whatever happens to President
Nixon as 'the Watergate procedures
continue to unfold, he can never again
. be in a position to give the North
Atlantic world dynamic guidance. The
French war of political succession fol-
lowing President Pompidou's death
gives Frenchmen concern; Chancellor
Willy Brandt is depressed following a
popularity slump; and Britain's Harold
Wilson is fighting to surmount a tidal
wave of problems.
Amid these developments, the Com-
mon Market is being forced to face the
fact that transnational economic and ?
commercial projects worked out among
European nations are simply not
producing expected results. Thus the
Anglo-French supersonic plane, Con-
corde, is in desperate straits.
France has already invested so much'
In it that she had to cut research and,
development for military aircraft to
the bone. Now Britain seems on the
verge of deciding to dump the entire
venture, despite enormous sums in-
vested in it, as too costly and imprac-
tical.
New. doubts are developing about
the future of the swing-wing multirole
combat aircraft (MRCA), which Brit-
ain, Germany and Italy undertook to
build six years ago. And, generally
speaking, there is increasing realiza-
tion that despite the technical ability
of European manufacturers, they may
be wiser to limit their .enterprises to
less ambitious dreams.
All this provided an unhappy back-
ground to this month's meeting of
. Community foreign ministers in Lux-
embourg when James Callaghan, repre-
senting the new Labor diplomacy, said'
his Government opposes British "Euro;
pean" Membership on terms previously
negotiated by the Conservative Gov-
ernment of Edward Heath.
Although it is unlikely that Britain
will actually pull out (for political rea-'
sons), this attitude gives rise to new
talk of "perfidious Albion" prodded on,
by an Uncle Sam who, fearful of
"European" competition, wants to
break up the Common Market (as de ,
Gaulle always predicted in the past).
Such talk, in which France?never.
outstandingly "European" in its own'
concepts?has been taking a tactless
lead, comes at an exceedingly bad
time for all the countries concerned,
which means not only the Community
members but the signatories to the
Atlantic alliance. The economics of the
energy crisis have cut deeply into
, Western defense planning at a moment
when both U.S. strategic negotiations
with Moscow, and European security
discussions are approaching critical
phases.
To have the West start to fall apart
at such a moment, with its leadership
losing vigor, its economic cooperation
running into difficalties, its diplomacy
lapsing into mutual recrimination and
TIME
WEST GERMANY 8 APR 1Q71
Help Wanted: Spies
Bored with your job? Well, there's
this outfit in West Germany that has
quite a few positions available, offering
not only security, fringe benefits, pro-
motion and good pay, but also foreign
travel and exciting assignments. Ac-
cording to an eight-page brochure avail-
able at government employment offices.
men and women are needed in more
than 40 professions?from map makers
and pharmacologists to computer pro-
grammers and historians. The eyebrow-
raiser is the address to which pros-
pective applicants should write: the
headquarters of the Bundesnachrichten-
dienst. or Federal Intelligence Service.
Bonn's equivalent of the CIA. What that
agency wants to hire is spies.
Advertising for cloak-and-dagger
men and women may sound strange,
but the BND, as the agency is generally
called, maintains that it works. Since
the search began six months ago, there
have been hundreds of applicants from
a variety of backgrounds. The biggest
single group is young lawyers (sniffs a
? BND personnel officer: "Lawyers think
they can do anything"). Most of the ap-
plicants were weeded out early, includ-
ing one 13-year-old aspiring James'
Bond. This week a handful of survi-
vors will be selected for training after
final tests for IQ, language ability and
extemporaneous-speaking talent?pre-
sumably on the assumption that spies
must sometimes talk their way out of
tight places. Most will fill routine as-
signments at HND headquarters in the
Bavarian village of Pullach. But a few
will be sent out as "spooks."
Though other intelligence agencies.
including the CIA, run public advertise-
ments to recruit technical specialists and
other personnel, such candor is a bizarre
turnabout for the nNo, which has been
_supersecrctive since the postwar days
PIGA RO j Paris
when Rcinhard Gchlen organized it out
of the ashes of Nazi Germany's mili-
tary intelligence. The "Gehlen Organi-
zation" was as mysterious as its found-
er, who geperally stayed behind the
wire-topped; 10-ft. concrete walls at Pul-
lach and refused to be photographed.
But the old guard, including Gehlen
, himself, finally retired: and new recruits
for an organization of 5.000 people could
no longer be found by the traditional
word-of-mouth method.
Gehlen's successor. Gerhard Wessel.
60. first attempted to remedy.his grow-
ing staff shortages with blind newspap-
er ads: "Multinational company with
worldwide operations seeks multilingual
executive assistant willing to travel."
Other multinational companies, howev-
er, outbid him with more intriguing ads
and better pay. In desperation, Wessel
decided to go public. He ordered his
small public relations staff, whose ma-
jor function previously had been to kccp
the BND out or the news, to thrust it
into the limelight instead.
Unreconstructed intelligence men
protest that this is no way for a secret
organization to behave. They argue that
the BND can now be infiltrated by coun-
terspies armed with nothing more le-
thal than an application form. One an-
swer to that, of course, is that the BND
was unable to keep out double agents
even when it was most secretive. To
Gehlen's embarrassment, in the 1950s
the Soviets stocked his organization with
so many former SS intelligence men
that Moscow had to do its own per-
sonnel work. When too many coun-
terspies became concentrated in certain
OND departments. the Kremlin pres-
sured them to seek transfers elsewhere
in the organization,
APPELEZ-MOI
thv TAX;
its statesmen bickering with each
other is a deeply saddening event.
Still worse is the disappearance
from the political horizon of any
thought of realizing former dreams of
advance to genuine European unity
that could make of this talented but
discouraged area a valid world force.
tr432
28
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NeariEllist
THE Npi LEADER
It March 19Th
Euro
BY RAY ALAN
Questions
for the CIA
THE WATERGATE serial seems to
have reached its penultimate install-
ment, but addicts should not despair.
Another fascinating American mys-
tery is at present looking for a pro-
ducer. Its theme is the CIA's sup-
posed ignorance of Egyptian and
Syrian preparations to attack Israel
last fall.
People who know about such
things believe that at least two Eu-
ropean intelligence services deduced
or guessed that an attack was com-
ing and informed their governments
?weeks in advance. Economic offi-
cials of the European Community
warned members confidentially in
July to expect a Mideast oil crisis
by Christmas. Britain's Department
of Trade and industry was told by
the Prime Minister's office early in
August to be prepared for a fuel
, shortage provoked by military action
; in the Near East. Coupons for gaso-
linc rationing were issued to British
i post offices before the end of the
month, and oil imports were stepped
up. By mid-October, when the fight-
ing was at its peak, the immediate
I problem in Britain, France and some
other Common Market countries was
not to obtain petroleum but to find
; storage capacity for the stuff.
C
; onsequently, it seems inconceiv-
able that the CIA was left out in
; the cold, or that it failed to tell the
; White House what European serv-
ices, if not its own agents, were an-
ticipating. Yet, if Washington knew,
; why did it not alert Tel Aviv? Pre:,
isumably; Israel would then have
; taken countermeasures, the war
; would have been much shorter,
; many lives would have been saved,
and there would probably have been ;
no oil embargo. For it was Egypt's
initial military success, and Presi-
Anwar
dent
el-Sadat'AplOGIVS8eFlor
prestige, that persuaded Saudi Ara-
bia and other Arab producers to join
the victory parade and decree oil
cuts.
One British view is that the White
House did know what was coming
but wished to shake Israeli compla-
cency and allow Sadat a tactical
success that would give him suffi-
cent self-confidence to open peace
talks with Israel and accept Ameri-
can assistance in exploring for oil
and realizing his ambition to make
Egypt a major refining and petro-
chemicals center. Whether or not
this was the case, Sadat has in fact
;told his ministers that Cairo must
attract U.S. capital and lcnowhow.
His economic advisers would like
U.S. petroleum experts to prospect
the Libyan border zone north and
south of the Siwa oasis (where five
years of Soviet exploration failed to
find oil) and the northern fringes of
the Nile delta.
Other Arab governments are
aware of this and are annoyed?the
nominally "Left-wing" juntas of
Syria and Iraq for ideological rea-
sons, the Saudis because they are
eager to acquire oil-based industries
and suspect Sadat of cutting in on,
the relatively close relationship they
have had with Washington in recent
years. Some Saudis even accuse Sa-
dat and American oilmen of want-
ing to keep Saudi Arabia underde-
veloped, a mere exporter of energy
to Western and Egyptian industry. I
Though the Saudi oil minister, Sheik
Ahmed Yamani, does not go quite
so far, he adopted an anti-Americani
posture during his recent talks with
European governments, warning!'
them not to join 'the 'United States
in a defensive grouping of consumer I
nations. The Saudis are now trying,
hard to attract Japanese and Euro-
pean investment. Their bait: cheaper
petroleum than that available to in- '
dustries established in Egypt.
Meanwhile, French officials inter-
pret U.S. Mideast policy in cruder,
more hostile, terms than the British.
They believe Washington not only
knew the Egyptian-Syrian attack was
being prepared but decided to use
it to reassert American economic in-
fluence in Egypt and provoke the
oil producers into taking restrictive
measures harmful to Western Eu-
is convinced that the rapid indus-
trial growth of the European Com-
munity and Japan in the past decade
has given the U.S. a bad shock, and
that Washiggton is gateful to the
Arabs for having halted it.
Collusion
Theories
SOME FRENCH commentators
have, indeed, attributed the Mideast '
war and oil crisis to American-Soviet
collusion. Contributors to Le Monde
and other relatively sober papers ,
have written of "a high-level plot be- '
tween the Big Two" and "another
Yalta." The purpose of the plot is al- ,
legedly to wreck the Common Mar-
ket, to strengthen each superpower's
hold on "its" half of Europe, and to,
partition the Near East. A second
school of collusion theorists believes
that Egypt will henceforth 'lie in
America's sphere of influence, to-
gether with Israel, Jordan, Leba-
non, and Saudi Arabia; that the CIA
will have a free hand to sort out
Libya; and that Kuwait will in due
course join Iraq. Syria, South -Ye,-
.
men and Somalia in the USSR's
shadow.
This last theory is undoubtedly
far-fetched. One does not need to
be a collusion maniac to realize that
the Soviet Union would..not be sorry
to have the United States share its ,
Egyptian burden and may soon give
priority to strategic and economic
interests east of Suez. NATO offi-
cials take it for granted that when
the Suez Canal is reopened, the
Kremlin will double the size of its
. naval force in the Indian Ocean and
try to improve on its present Iraqi
toehold in the Persian Gulf.
The Soviets are becoming in-
creasingly interested in Arab oil,
which they need in order to keep
.
them own oil exports flowing to Cen-
tral and Western Europe. They im-
ported 12 million tons in 1972 and
plan to take 25 million tons this '
year, mostly from Iraq via a West-
ern-built pipeline across Syria. (Both
Iraq and Syria arc, by a convenient '
coincidence, under the rule of mili-
tary juntas that profess allegiance to?
, the pro-Soviet Baath party.) Mos-
cow pays for the oil with military
hardware?a trade that may tempt
it to stir the Mideast cauldron occa-
sionally.
hcniansengORMittlit&1507-004321:100PR9#330668-g
remlin urged
Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3
Baghdad to send troops to fight the
Israelis. Now Soviet advisers are
helping Iraq's Army plan a spring
campaign against the irrepressible
Kurds. in the northern part of the 1
country' , whom Moscow supportedl
until if needed foreign oil. Kurdish
sourc4 charge that the advisers are
training Iraqis in the use of gas and
another\ chemical weapon, and that
the Arniy has taken delivery of thou-
sands of Russian gas-masks. (I have
no means of checking their claims.
To date, gas has been used in Mid-
east conflicts only by the Egyptians
during the late Gamal Abdel Nas-
ser's campaign against the Ye-
menis.)
Kuwait?which, as I have noted,
balances Egypt in some French col-
lusion theories?is certainly becom-
ing a focus of Soviet interest in the ,
Persian Gulf. The emirate sent a
military mission to visit Moscow in ;
January; its Foreign Minister is ex-
pected to make a trip there; andi
Soviet officers are due to arrive in
Kuwait soon. The USSR's Iraqi
friends arc eager for closer links1
with the Kuwaitis, but the latter are I
wary, remembering Baghdad's pasti
schemings to take over their in- i
credibly rich little territory.
The kuwait government is hop-
_
ing to buy a quiet life by subsidiz-
ing Palestinian organizations, taking
over the Anglo-American Kuwait
Oil Company, and paying for Syria's
new &Met arms and aircraft. it
may siteceed, though a number of
Arabs assume that the territory will !
one day be part of Iraq. A Syrian
Baathist said recently that his party ;
would like to see a union of Iraq.
Kuwait and Syria, and then added, ,
:"no doubt the CIA will break it
:up." He is probably in a minority,
!however. After the October_ War,
there are not very many people
_ around with that Much faith in the
CIA.
THE GUARDIAN MANCHESTER
9 April 1974
Old myths obstacle to unity of Left
EACH SUNDAY in recent
weeks, Echo, the newspaper of
the Greek armed forces, has
published articles aimed at
reviving memories of the coun-
try's hitter civil wars of the
1940s. It has been dragging
from the cupboard such skele-
tons as the Communists' "kid-
napping" of 28,000 children
and their calls for the creation
of an independent Macedonia.
Now, it writes, "the aims are
unaltered, but the tactics have
changed, become more crafty,
more treacherous." -
The Communist Party has
not been letting these attacks
go unanswered and each
Monday its foreign-based radio
station, The Voice of Truth, has
been giving the alternative
view, pointing 'Out, for instance,
how the "kidnapping" was
designed to protect the children
from " re-education " in the
royalist schools?though it
was often without the parents'
consent ? and how the plans
for an independent -Macedonia
were severely condemned by
the party after the two brief
periods When they were pro-
'This raising of old boys
reflects the extent to which the
Greeks remain caught by their'
past. It Is also iv:fleet:lye of the
way that today the Communists
ar the most active of the
groups opposing the present
Greek regime, showing their
strength particularly during the
student and . worker demon-
strations in November last year.
Their powers have, however,
been ',considerably reduced by
the subsequent mass arrests
and in particular by the seleing
of key groups from the various
notions Into which the. Greek
From DAVID TONGE, Athens, April 8
Left, like other European Lefts,
et divided.
The only group to have been
left in relative peace; -apart
from a few members being
deported, is the so-called Com-
munist Party of the Interior ?
as against the pro-Moscow or
Exterior Party ? but this is
less because the security police
are unaware of its leaders than
because they know this faction
at present threatens less imme-
diate danger to the regime.
There are, however, sug-
gestions that 'the authorities
may extend to this, group the
same practice of frequent short-
term arrests as it applies to the.
other groups.
Such arrests harm the Left's
chances of building up 'the
organisation necessary to take
advantage of' the resistance
opportunities which may
emerge. But they do not affect
the factors which contribute to
the Left's appeal. Having
benefited from the economic
boom of the 'years 1967-72,
urban workers are 'suddenly
coming face to face with mount-
ing unemployment and the
worst inflation in the OECD
and are beginning to under-
stan d that the Colonels'
" economic miracle" benefited
the rich more than the poor
with the tax system increasing
income differences rather than
reducing them.
The unions offer little solace
In this, as their leadership has
been so purged since the 1967
.coup that they fall to offer a
viable channel of protest to
those calling for social change.
The 'regime appears to have
been more concerned about
further, trouble from the stu-
dents.
The students have been More
concerned with political than
economic problems but they too
express a growing ditsatisfac-
tion with the opposition to the
regime by the old political
Centre. Instead, the wide
availability of the standard text
books of the Left and the 30
Eastern block radio broadcasts
in Greek each day help to
direct their opposition to the
Left.
"When the regime considers
every opponent an anarcho-
Communist one can have few
objections to becoming one," a
recent visitor to .Athens said.
The past seven years have
helped to gain the Left the
Image of a party of social
justice among the opponents of
the Government which it seeks
and which, in 1958, won it 25 per
cent of the vote in Greece. But
memories of the earlier history
remain and the articles of Echo
and other pro-regime news-
papers seem designed to pre-
vent them from fading.
Their results affect the whole
political spectrum. They cause
the armed forces to preserve
the strongest traditions of the
cold war, and contribute to the
non-Communist opposition
leaders avoiding talk of coo-
peration with the Left. They
played a part in causing the
Greek Communist Party to split
In 1968.
Today members of the Left
describe the new wave of anti-
Communism as designed to
make the unity of the opposi-
tion more difficult owing to
bourgeois sensitiveness to the
old myths. But even though
leaders of the Communist Party
of the Interior accept the need
for the leadership to respond to
30
*hat they describe as the grow-
ing unity of the base, the
chances of unification seem
remote. The Interior Party
insists on the right to examine
critically by itself international
problems. It rejects the accusa-
tion that it is anti-Soviet but
says that it Is no uncondi-
tionally pro-Soviet ? as it
proved when it criticised the
Soviet invasion of Czechoslov-
akia.
More serious problems arise
on internal matters. The
Exterior Party refuses to accept
that there are two parties. It is
not prepared to adopt such
flexible tactics as the Interior
Party to obtain the cooperation
of the bourgeois parties in
forming a common front to call
for the creation of a popularly
based constituent assembly to
settle the futttre direction and
framework for the country.
It agrees with the Interior
Party on the need to avoid iso-
lated actions of . resistance
which separate the party from
the people, as both consider
that isolated explosions do. But
Whereas the Interior Party
argues In favour of mast; strikes
as the "decisive weapon" In
the struggle to force the regime
to withdraw, the Exterior Party
believes that TAM extreme
methods may be necessary.
It argues with the Interior
Parity's line that socialism can
be achieved in Greece through
the parliamentary system, as
Allende believed in Chile and
Togliatti in Italy.
Until mid-1973 it was far less
a force than the Interior Party
but its control of most of the
Eastern block radios con-
tributed to its gradual build up
so that now it has become a
serious factor in Greece's frac-
tured but uncrushed Left.
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Akroved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3
THE WALL STREET JOURNAL, THURSDAY, APRIL 4, 1974
The Debate Over Diego Garcia
BY RICHARD J. LEVINE
WASHINGTON?Diego Garcia is a tiny
coral 10)and in the middle of the Indian
Ocean, .lying a thousand miles off the
southern tip of India and halfway around
the world from Washington.
Isolated and uninspiring, the small
hunk of British real estate would seem an
, ?
unlikely candidate for attention in this cri-
sis-oriented capital.
?But a Pentagon plan to build a naval
support base on Diego Garcia?unveiled in
the aftermath of the Middle East war and
the Arab oil embargo?has begun to gener-
ate a lively though limited foreign policy-
national security debate here. Nixon ad-
ministration officials see the proposed
base as a logical and effective means of
protecting America's interests in that part
of the world, offsetting growing Soviet
naval power. But some in Congress fear
the base could lead to a U.S.-Soviet naval
race in the Indian Ocean, an area that has
been largely spared superpower rivalry,
and eventually add billions of dollars to
Navy shipbuilding budgets without enhanc-
ing U.S. security.
While U.S. Senators call for Washing-
ton-Moscow talks on naval limitations in
the Indian Ocean, many of America's
friends and foes denounce the Diego Gar-
cia plan. In the end, the debate could pro-
vide important clues to how serious Con-
gTess is about playing a larger, more
forceful role in foreign policy as America
emerges from its painful decade in Viet-
nam.
"From our experience in Indochina, we
know too well the cost of early, easy con-
gressional and State Department acquies-
cence to Pentagon demands," says Sen.
Claiborne Pell (D., R.I.), a leading oppo-
nent of the base plan. "We must profit
from ?Ur past errors. Our handling of this
authorization request for Diego Garcia of-
fers such an opportunity." '
Narrow Issues
Unfortunately, much of the debate thus
far has focused on such relatively narrow
issues as the comparative number of U.S.
and Soviet "ship days" in- the Indian
Ocean and the length of the runway on the
island. Often lost in the din of detail are
the basic questions raised by the Pentagon
plan?whether the U.S. should be involved
in the project at all; whether, or how, U.S.
Interests are served by increasing the ;
Navy's still limited presence in this far-off
ocean; whether, as one former Pentagon'
planner put it, "we would be willing to let
events take their course around the rim of
the Indian Ocean."
Specifically, the Defense Department is
asking Congress for $32.3 million to expand
an existing communications station on ,
Diego Garcia into a base capable of refuel-
ing and restocking U.S. warships, includ-
ing aircraft carriers, operating in the In-
dian Ocean. The base would be manned by
about 600 men and would enable the Navy
to increase its Indian Ocean deployments
?either routinely or in a crisis?without
weakening its forces in the Western Pa-
cific.
Yesterday the Senate Armed Services
Committee postponed "without prejudice"
a request for $29 million for Diego Garcia
construction contained in a supplemental
budget bill for the Pentagon?a setback
that is likely to be challenged by adminis-
tration supporters in the full Senate. And
today the House Is scheduled to vote on a
proposal to delete the same $29 million
from a companion measure.
To justify the U.S. buildup, the Nixon
administration has stressed the expanding
operations of the SovietAl ta IrVpnR
1690.10-I
AraGian Sea
9ndian Ocean
*
DIEGO GARCIA
r, Ocean (which Navy men expect to acceler-
ate with the reopening of the Suez Canal)
; and the increasing reliance of the U.S. on
I Persian Gulf oil that must be transported
across the Indian Ocean. "Our military
presence in the Indian Ocean provides
tangible evidence of our concern for secu-
rity and stability in a region where signifi-
cant U.S. interests are located," declares
James Noyes, Deputy Defense Secretary.
for Near Eastern, African and South Asian
Affairs.
By Pentagon standards, the Diego Gar-
cia request is a mere pittance, less than
one-third the price of a modern destroyer.
Moreover, Defense Department and State
Department officials have sought to down-
play the potential long-range significance
of the naval base by referring repeatedly
to their plans for a "modest support facil-
ity."
. Still, a number of lawmakers and out-
side experts remain uneasy, fearful that
congressional approval of the construction
money could prove a fateful step down an
unmarked road toward yet another expen-
sive and, conceivably, dangerous security
commitment. Adding to their concern is
the small-step-by-small-step pattern of
.U.S. involvement in the Indian Ocean: first
a few warships; next a communications
,station; then a support base. Where, they
worry, is it leading?
Despite administration assertions to the
contrary, U.S. interest in the Indian Ocean
has been rather limited until recently.
Only three years ago, Ronald Spiers, then
director of the State Department's Bureau
of Politico-Military Affairs, could tell Con-
gress: "The Indian Ocean area, unlike Eu-
rope and Asia, is one which has been only
on the margins of U.S. attention. Never
considered of great importance to the cen-
tral balance of power, it has been on the
edges of great-power rivalry."
Since 1948, the U.S. presence in this
part of the world has consisted mainly of
the Middle East force?a flagship based in
the Sheikdom of Bahrain and two destroy-
ers that Make periodic port calls. That
such a modest force was considered ade-
quate testifies to the low strategic impor-
tance Washington attached to the world's
third largest ocean.
U.S. interest began building. In the early.
1960s. One result was the British Indian
Ocean territory agreement between the
United Kingdom and the U.S. In 1966,
under which Washington acquired the
basic right to build military facilities on
Diego Garcia. Washington's interest quick-
ened in 1968, with the British announce-
ment of plans to withdraw military forces
east of Suez and the appearance of the
first Soviet warships. Since then, the Sovi-
ets have steadily increased their naval
forces, and current navy estimates rive
them a four-to-one advantage over the U.S.
in the Indian Ocean.
- -access to port facilities. For example, Rus-
sian vessels currently use the expanded
? Iraqi port of Umm Qasr and the former'
British base at Aden; meanwhile, the Sovi-
ets are expanding their naval facilities at
the Somali port of Berbera. "The Soviets
possess a support system in the (Indian
Ocean) area that is substantially more ex-
tensive than that of the U.S.," asserts
, Adm. Elmo Zumwalt, Chief of Naval Open
ations.
As the Soviet presence increased, the
, U.S. responded by sending carrier task
forces into the Indian Ocean twice in 1971,
in April and again in December, during
the Indo-Pakistan war. Last October, a
few months after the Diego Garcia com-
munications station opened and as the
Mideast ceasefire was taking effect, the
Defense Department unexpectedly moved
a task force headed by the carrier Han-
cock into the Indian Ocean.
On Nov. 30, Defense Secretary James
Echlesincey, disclosing that the Hancock
would be replaced by the Oriskany? an-
nounced that in the future the Navy would
establish a "pattern of regular visits into
the Indian Ocean and we ,expect that our
presence there will be more frequent and
more regular than in the past." Since then,
major U.S. vessels have been in the ocean
without letup.
Why? Administration officials offer a
variety of explanations?to counterbalance
Soviet "influence" on states around the In-
dian Ocean; to maintain "continued ac-
cess" to vital Mideast oil supplies; to in-
sure freedom of the seas; simply to dem-
onstrate our "interest" in that Area of the
world.
The State Department emphasizes the
diplomatic value of the Navy. "A military
presence can support effective diplomacy
without its ever having to be used," says
Seymour Weiss, director of State's politi-
co-military affairs bureau. Privately Pen-
tagon officials, not surprisingly, place
greater weight on the military value of.
Warships in the Indian Ocean. The increas-
ing U.S. Navy operations, a Navy man
says, are needed "to show we are a credi-
ble military power in that part of the
world."
But critics of the Diego Garcia proposal
are troubled by these explanations, which,
they believe, raise more questions than
they answer.
Gunboat Diplomacy
Some critics wonder whether the pres-
ence of larger numbers of U.S. warships in
the Indian Ocean will, as Naval Chief Zum-
walt claims, help preserve "regimes that
are friendly to the U.S." in the area. "Gun-
boat diplomacy doesn't really seem to
work" in this age, argues a government
analyst. Internal problems and economic
assistance, he believes, have a much
greater bearing on the political course fol-
lowed by foreign governments. What is
clear is that several states in the area?in-
eluding Australia, New Zealand, India,
Madagascar and Sri Lanka (Ceylon)?
have publicly opposed the Diego Garcia
support base, arguing that the Indian
'Ocean should be a "zone of peace."
Furthermore, there Are some military
experts who doubt that Soviet ships in the
Indian Ocean pose a serious threat to
Western tankers carrying precious Arab
oil. In the opinion of Gene La Rocque, a re-
tired rear admiral who often criticizes
Pentagon policies, an attack on, or inter-
ference with, such, shipping "doesn't ap-
pear to be a plausible action on the part of
the Soviet Union when one takes into ac-
count such important factors as relative
goeviAimbla!s6fAl wife Ri8e6i de 88,fi tnd distance and the
OR- w
v elea - - 432 0 -
Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3
alternative means of exerting influence
and powr at the disposal of the Soviet'
Union."
Other; military analysts have -argued
that .it lo highly improbable the Soviets
would aiiack ;Western ships since such a;
hostile at would likely trigger the out-
break of a major war between the super-
powers, Geoffrey Jukes, an Australian an-
alyst, has written: "It is difficult to envis-!
age a sititstion, short of world nuclear
war, in which the Soviet government would!
be prepared to place the bulk of its mer-'
chant fleet at risk by engaging to 'inter-
fere with Western shipping in the Indiair
or -any other ocean." ?
Much more liekly, critics of the Diego'
Garcia plan; stress, is a repetition of the re-
cent Arab oil embargo, a political act de-.
signed to achieve political aims. It is!
argued that the presence of sizable naval
forces can, at best, have only a minimal;
impact in such a situation.
Finally, there is the unsettling prospect'
that a base at Diego Garcia, coupled with
increased naval depolyments in the Indian
Ocean, will provide the Navy in years to;
come with new rationales for an "Indian'
Ocean fleet" and ever-bigger shipbuilding
budgets, especially for carriers and es-
corts..The Navy, a Pentagon insider notes,
"has been panting on the edges of the op-
portunity" represented by enlarged Indian
Ocean commitments.
A Call for Negotiations
To prevent a costly U.S.-Soviet naval'
race, which might not enhance either na-
tion's security, Sen. Pell and Sen. Edward;
Kennedy (D., Mass.) have jointly intro-
duced a resolution calling for negotiations ?
between the superpowers on limiting naval
facilities and warships in the Indian
Ocean. -
As in the past, the U.S. remains reluc-
tant to agree in writing to any restrictions '
on its use of the high seas. Moreover, U.S..
officials say efforts to follow up a Soviet
hint in 1971 of interest in naval limitation;
talks failed to produce a response from the ;
Kremlin.
Still, in view of the potential long-range ;
costs and dangers involved in an expanded '
naval presence in the Indian Ocean, it ;
would seem worthwhile to pursue the mat- ;
ter further. For, as Sen. Kennedy has said, ;
"It may in time prove necessary and de- ;
sirable for the U.S. to compete with the Sol ;
viet Union in military .and naval force in ;
this distant part of the globe. But before
that happens we owe it to ourselves, as ;
well as to all the people of the region, to
try preventing yet another arms race."
Mr. Levine, a member of the Jour-
nal's Washington bureau, writes on mili-
tary affairs.
CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR
27 March 1974
Naval rivalry in Indian Ocean
??? The Middle East October war,
the oil crisis, and the projected
reopening of the Suez Canal have
Combined to focus attention on the
Indian Ocean as an arena of super-
power naval rivalry.
And the littoral states, headed
by India, are increasingly con-
cerned about the actual and poten-
tial buildup of the Soviet and
American navies in this vital ex-
panse of water. Their concern has
touched off a wave of protests
against American plans to convert
the existing U.S. communications
station on the British-owned 'In-
dian Ocean island of Diego Garcia
into a- naval support base able to
handle long4ange aircraft.
There are doubts now whether
the American-British agreement
on Diego Garcia will ever go
through, not so much because of
the outcry of the Indian Ocean
'states and their friends, but be-
cause of opposition to the agree-
ment in the American Congress
'and the change of government in
London.
Announced just before the Brit-
ish elections last month, the
agreement had the full support , of
Edward Heath's ? Conservative
government. It was the type of
,arrangement that the Conserva-
tives, with their traditional con-
cept of a global strategy to counter
Soviet naval expansion, would
back to the hilt. But the Labour
Party, despite their desire to culti-
vate friendship with the U.S., has'
a different approach and is more
sensitive to the feelings of the
Indian Ocean countries. The new
Labour government is now re-
viewing the agreement and the
whole problem of superpower ri-
valry in the Indian Ocean.
32
In the meantime the Labour
government in Australia, which
sides with the Indian Ocean coun-
tries, has sought to place the
matter on the agenda of the Kis-
singer-Brezhnev talks in Moscow
by sending messages to the super-
powers urging them to limit their
naval operations in the ocean.
India and its neighbors say that
the U.S. by developing the Diego
Garcia base would be guilty of
escalating the superpower navies
already in the ocean. The U.S.
contends that the base is needed to
counter the Soviet naval buildup
which has doubled in the past year
and is likely to be further in-
creased once the Suez Canal is
reopened. It says a strong Western
naval force is essential to protect.
the vital oil routes from the Per-
sian Gulf, and the trade routes to
the Far East.
It is the prospect of the presence
In their ocean of nuclear subma-
rines and nuclear-armed planes
that worries the littoral states the
most. Understandably enough
they ask: Where will the naval
race stop?
They point to the fact that the'
United Nations General Assembly
In three resolutions since 1971 has
declared the Indian Ocean a "zone
of peace:' and has called on the big
powers to halt escalation of their
military presence. there and to
keep the ocean free from military
bases and nuclear weapons. The
UN appeals have been ignored by'
the superpowers.
An agreement to keep the war-,
ships of all nonlittoral states out of '
the ocean is hardly realistic. But ?
an undertaking by the super-
powers to balance their forces
there ? and place a ceiling on
them -- would surely be feasible.
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LOS ANGELES TIMES
7 April 1974
Proposed U.S.
Baso Seen as
Threot in India
BY WILLIAM DRUMMOND
? Times Staff Writer ?
NEW DELHI.---;Day in
and day out, the biggest
naval power in the Indian 1
Ocean is, surprisingly. In-
dia.
However, if the Penta-
gon succeeds in convinc-
ing Congress to supply
funds for setting up a na-
val installation on the tiny
Indian Ocean Island of
Diego Garcia, the United
States .will again gain a
permanent foothold in this
region and its naval
strength would grow.
When the Suez Canal
reopens, the Soviet Union
is expected to boost its pre-
sence in the Indian Ocean
by sending in vessels from
the Black Sea.
From New Delhi's van--
tage point, successive
rounds of naval buildups
by the Russians and Amer-.
icans . would be bound to
overshadow India's pre-
dominance in her own
. mare nostrum?our sea.
Fears that Indian pres-
tige would be buried under
a great power naval race
lie behind ? New Delhi's
outcry against the Penta-
gon's plan to spend $29
million expanding harbor.
and airstrip facilities on ,
the British-owned island.
1.400 miles southwest of
the southern tip of the'
Hindustan Peninsula.
India and a number of
other 'littoral states .have
demanded that the entire
Indian Ocean be declared a
"zone of peace" --r-thus
making it off limits to
foreign warships.
' To win support for its
view, India has launched a
diplomatic offensive.
New Delhi has success-
fully lined up such nor-
mally pro-American coun-
tries as Australia, New
Zealand, Indonesia and. v
Malaysia in the chorus of s
protests against a Diego. r
Garcia naval facility.
Under the proposed ban
on foreign men-of-war, In-. t
dia with her aircraft car-
rier Vikrant. two cruisers,
six destroyers, 21 frigates '
and
the leading naval power in
the South Asian region.
While the United States'
strategic case for the Die-
go Garcia facility is well
known?to check Russian
naval. expansion around
the oil-rich Persian Gulf?
little attention has been
paid to India's remarkable
status ? as leader of world
opposition to the plan.
One reason for this over-
sight is that, American offi-
cialdom does not take. the
Indian protests seriously;
"Of course, the Indian
leaders would rather not
have this (Diego Garcia
base), but their protests
have been restrained and
limited. They seem to be
satisfying their own inter-
nal leftist. constituency,"
said a senior American
government source here.
?
"They are not going to
let the Diego Garcia dis,
pute stand in the way of
the improvement in Indo-
American relations," he ad-
ded.
However, the cool self-
assurance of American of-
ficials contrasts sharply
with the emotional views
of highly placed Indian
sources, who in private
talks revealed a deep-seat-
ed suspicion of American
intentions in the Indian
Ocean.
"Twenty-eight countries ,
in the Indian Ocean area
have memories of-the
white man ruling us," said
a well placed Indian
source, a responsible fig-
ure and by no means a left-
ist.
"It was the maritime ri-
valry between the British
and French in the 18th
century that brought the
English rule here to begift
with.
"We don't want that. Our ?
memories of foreign occti-
pation are fresher than our
memories of the Second
World War.
"The Americans say they
want a balance with the
Soviet Union. Well, you
can have balance at a high
level, or at a minimum lev-
eL India is advising a ba-
lance Of no level."
four patrol subma
The creation of a power
acuum has been the re-
ult of Britain's military
ithdrawal east of Suez in
ecent years.
New Delhi's ambition is
o see that the void goes
unfilled by another nu-
lear pewer.
While one third of the
NEW YORK TIMES
17 April 1974
'India Is Sinking Pee' per
Into Crisis and Anguish.
By BERNARD WEINRAUB
SpecI41 to The New York Thneg
NEW DELHI, April I6?India,"
a democracy in anguish, is im-
mersed in a deepening economic
and political crisis marked by
agitation, self-questioning and
drift.
. Food shortages, corruption,
radicalism, inflation, indecision ,1
oil prices, the sluggish bureauc-j position parties, the rising ex-
pectations of tens of millions!
I in a nation where 200 millionl
earn less than $40 a year. 1
But a chorus of opposition
places the blame squarely upon
Mrs. Gandhi. They say that
the 56-year-old Prime Minister,
in power since 1966, has failed
to shape a coherent policy, has
tolerated bungling and corrup-
tion to keep her party in firm
'power, has surrounded herself
with "courtiers" and inept ad-
visors and, perhaps most sig-
nificant, has been unable tol
articulate a realistic vision.
1
"The Prime Minister has no
program, no world view, no:
grand design," B. G. Vergliese
a former advisor to Mn
Gandhi and now editor of Th
Hindustan Times, said in a re
cent attack on the Government.
"Bereft of a frame, she has
.merely reacted to events and
failed to shape them."
, "Not since independence has
the country faced such a deep
and all-pervasive crisis as it
does today," he added. "There
, are visible signs of disintegra-
tion. The rot has spread so far
and so deep that it will not be
: easy to restore credibility to the
Government."
I Large-scale violence over food
shortages and corruption in two
Indian states?Gujarat, where
90 people have been killed, and
Bihar, with 28 deaths?has un-
derlined the discontent. "The
general feeling is that something
has gone very wrong some-
where," said Rajni Kothari, a
prominent political scientist.
A sense of rot?it is a com-
monly used word these days?
is pervasive.
The capital's electricity and
water supply break down with
increasing frequency. A busi-
nessman slams down his phone
and says it is an official of the
governing Congress party who
is threatening him again with
denunciation unless a job, set
aside for an untouchable, is
given to the politician's son.
Wheat, sugar and milk are
scarce except at rising black-
market prices.
A member of Parliament asks
a Cabinet minister about the
source of the Congress party's
recent campaign funds, and the
minister replies that it is no
one's business. A woman, asked .
by an airline steward to give up
. her front-row scat to a govern-
ment official, says: "Why should
I? They're all corrupt!
A farmer in Orissa says that
Prime Minister Millar Gan-
dhi, the dominant figure in the
nation, concedes that India is
facing a severe test but at-
tributes the situation to forces
beyond her control: increased
oil costs, drought, labor and
student tensions fueled by op-
racy, the population spiral,
declining income, and lagging
production have interlocked,
creating a sense of gloom and
cynicism.
? What makes the crisis espe-
, ially painful to critics as well
as supporters of the Govern-
ment is that the nation is a
genuine democracy?a rarity in
Asia?and its myriad problems
are in part a result of an open
system that combines free-
wheeling politics and Govern-
Iment accountability 'with tough
!economic choices.
dian Ocean, India is. the
largest and most powerful,
country in the area.
India's protests against,
foreign powers in the Indi-
an Ocean have risen in in-
tensity only in the last five
years.
In 1963 .when the 7th
.Fleet was reported cruis-
ing the Indian Ocean, New
Delhi's reaction was mild.
India was then recover-
ing from wounds inflicted
by China in the 1962 bor-
der war and was receiving
American military ass,is-
tance.
Today, India is one of the
chief backers of the 1971
U.N. General Assembly re-
solution declaring the In-'
dian Ocean a zone of peace.
The motion passed 60 to
0, with 55 abstentions.
The United States, Bri-
tain, France and even the
Soviet Union abstained.
None of the great mari-
time powers accepts the
principle that traffic on
the high seas should be in-
terfered with in any way.
In December, 1972. Sec-
retary General Kurt Wald-
heim set up a 15-nation ad
hoe committee to suggest
practical steps to promote
peace in the Indian Ocean.'
Last November, the U.N.
Political Committee asked
Waldheim to prepare a
"factual statement" re-
garding military presence,
of the big powers in all its
world population lives on aspects.
e.1
one meal
tines Would by default as- the fringes -of the 28 mil- 'This report is expected his family lives onevery two days. A banker says:
mine a permanent role as lion square miles of the In- lobe submitted at the next "It's more and more a soft so-
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10:30 aan. and leave in the mid-i
die of the afternoon. There's no
dynamism, no sense of effort;
It's flabby."
The central problem of India;
?rooted poverty?remains un-
checked and seems to be get- !
ting worse. For the third year;
out of four per capita income
is expected to drop. Nearly 80
per cent) of the children are
malnourished. Consumption of
food, edible oil and cotton cloth
has declined. More than 70 per
cent of the populace are illiter-
ate. The educational system,
which one critic terms callous-
ly neglected, is turning out men
and women for the unemploy-
ment rolls at an astonishing
pace. Over 70 per cent of the
140,000 doctors remain in the
cities, and usually in the af-
fluent districts, while 80 per
cent of the people are in rural
areas. ,
Inflation is the worst on rec-
ord here, and there has been
a 50 per cent increase in food
prices in two years. This has
jolted virtually all classes in a
country where food costs may
amount to 50 to 70 per cent of
a family budget.
Coal Output Declines
Industrial production is ex-
pected to show no growth this
year. Coal output, providing 70
per cent of industrial energy,
is lagging because of sloppy
management in the nationalized
industry and railway bottle-
necks.
In turn, the railroads are
deteriorating, and a threatened
strike may cripple the nation.
Steel production, vital to
economic development, slipped
badly last year, and some
plants are working at 20 to 40
per cent of capacity. Fertilizer
plants, key to food production,
are operating at less than 60
per cent of capacity, also be-
cause of inept management
and shortages.
Food production is the most
glaring omen. Minimum re-
quirements are 106 million to
110 million tons of grain a
year. Last year, mostly be-
cause of drought, production
fell to 95 million tons, for the
1973-74 agricultural year, end-
ing in June, the expectation
Is 103 million to 105 million
tons, partly because of a Gov-
ernment policy that soured.
The Government's decision to
take over the distribution of
wheat resulted in a booming
black market, angry resentment
among farmers and traders and
a breakdown in supplies.
"Tampering with food for the
sake of socialist ideology is
dangerous unless a government
knows what it's getting into,"
an economist said. "This Gov-
ernment didn't." Last month
the Government scrapped the
take-over.
Clearly India Is suffering
from some of the same ills as
other countries, only more so.
Oil bills this year may account
for 50 per cent of export earn-
ing, compared with 20 per cent
last year. The population of 508
million is increasing at 13 mil-
lion a year and will probably
reach a billion in less than 30
years.
. The economic torpor seems
symptomatic of deeper prob-
lem*. Cynicism Is rampant: The
Government's socialist slogans
and calls for austerity are
mocked in view of bribes and
corruption, luxury construction
and virtually open illegal con-
tributions by businessmen ,to
the Congress party.
Said Mr. Varghese, the edi-
tor: "Radical rhetoric has be-
come an affectation, a game,
another gimmick, a promise of
jam tomorrow even while infla-
tion, corruption and economic
stagnation are taking the bread
out of people's mouths today."
The cynicism is breeding
labor unrest and indiscipline
among workers, who feel they
are not sharing the fruits of
the acquisitiveness and flow
of money.
As for ministerial fumbling,
Mrs. Gandhi's angriest critics
maintain that she has sur-
rounded herself with non-enti-
ties and "tired yes men." Dis-
gruntled officials in the Gov-
ernment concede privately that
the caliber of the Cabinet is
poor and, more significant,
that Mrs. Gandhi has retained
men whose performance has
proved dismal. Two key min-
isters are openly derided:
Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed, the
Food Minister, and D. P. Dhar,
the Planning Minister.
"Of all the poverties facing
India today it is the poverty of
the mind that is the most seri-
ous," said G. K. Reddy, a lead-
ing commentator. "The politi-
cians de a feeble and fright-
ened lot, intellectually mediocre.
They remain bogged down in
their own inconsistencies as the
country goes through political
and moral confusion."
Her Popularity Soared
Three years ago Mrs. Gandhi
toppled the ,old guard in her
party and won a striking elec-
tion victory. India's triumph
over Pakistan in the Bangla-
desh war plus Mrs. Gandhi's
populist slogan, "abolish pover-
ty" and her radical rhetoric
buoyed her to a level of popu-
larity that seemed to surpass
that of her father, Jawaharlal
Nehru.
"She had tremendous guts
and determination," a forme;
senior official, commented.
? "People thought she could be
a new Gandhi. But it all some-
how got lost in the process of
politicking. Gandhi was a rebel
and a change agent. Mrs. Gan-
dhi only turned out to be a
rebel."
"You can't change India
without paying a heavy social
price ? breaking up the caste
and hierarchical system, trying
to put an end to corruption,
having the tenacity to identify,
and meet the problems," the
official added. "We indulge in
all the luxuries that a poor so-
ciety can't afford. We resist
change.'
What has gone wrong in the
Jest three years? The impact of
10-million refugees from Ban-
gladesh, the cost of the war
with Pakistan and two subse-
quent years of drought have
severely dislocated an already
shaky economy. Drought relief,
deficit financing and raises for
Government servants have in-
tensified inflation. ?
Critics of the Government in-
creasingly discuss what they
term India's self-created diffi-
culties and man-made short-
ages. These include the failure
to build irrigation facilities and
fertilizer plants and continuing
allocations of funds for heavy
industries, such as steel, that
are unprofitable and create lit-
tle mass employment; a re-
strictive licensing policy that
thwarts business growth and
private investment; wildcat
strikes; reduced coal production
and the breakdown of the rail-
ways and power supplies; inept
and unrealistic planning, pro-
jecting growth figures that
planners concede are distorted;
a mood of inertia, perhaps even
paralysis, in government caused
by Mrs. Gandhi's highly private
and intuitive style.
Nehru's Paths Avoide.I
The critics say the Govern-
ment is afflicted by factional-
ism, random-shot policies and
a failure to involve state leaders
in decisions or endow them
with autonomy?paths that
Prime Minister Nehru strenu-
ously shaped.
"The kind of centralization
that 'has taken place has para-
lyzed the normal processes of
Bureaucratic functioning," said
Mr. Kothari,' a prominent politi-
cal scientist. "Everyone knows
how vital decisiens on food,
power, transportation and other
key policy issues have been de-
layed and the economy brought
to a near-standstill because top
politicians, too involved in sort-
ing out day-to-day pressures,
have not been able to make up
their minds. The upshot of all
this is that the mechanism per-
fected by Mr. Nehru is not per-
forming any longer." ?
Linked to this seems to be a'
loss of credibility by the Gov-
ernment and the Congress party
and a gap between tough so-
cialist rhetoric and deeds.
"The first thing the Govern-
ment needs to do is establish
WASIIINGTON POST1
Sritulay, April 14,1914
Anti-Soviet
Cairo Stand
Upsets U.S.,
By Jack Serkoff
PARIS, April 13?President
Nixon has asked West German
Chancellor Willy Brandt, due
to visit Egypt 4ter this month,
to take a pers6nal message to
President Anwar Sadat saying,
In effect, "be a little nicer to
the Russians."
An informed source said Mr.
Nixon made the request when
be met Brandt at the memori-
al service for President Pom-
pidou last week.
Disclosing the gist of the
conversation, the source said
34
its true identity, said Sham Lai,
editor of The Times of India.
"It is no use pretending what it
is not. It cannot flick off the
inhibitions which the middle-
class character of the ruling
party imposes on it. By feigning
to profess something which
has neithe the will nor capacit3i
to put into practice, it can only
dither and vacillate."
The most enduring problems
have been met, by all accounts,
with only tentative steps. In-
'eluded are the following:
LAND REFORM?Although
this is pivotal to any majot
social and economic uplift, the
government has been unable to
achieve a breakthrough. Ceil-
ings are on the books, but enn,
forcement has been minimal.
FAMILY PLANNING ? Be-
caute of Hindu and Moslem
religious strictures, because of
poverty and a lack of any so-
cial-security system, because of
the dimensions of the problem
and lack of resources, the Gov-
ernment, veering from policy
to policy, has been unable to
heck population growth. Gov-
ernment spending on family
planning, with 57,000 babies
born daily, totals about $80-
million a year.
' CASTE?There are more than
80 million untouchables, the
lowest Hindu caste, most of
them steeped in misery and
humiliation. :The Constitution
makes it illegal to discriminate
against untouchables?a re-
markable measure since un-
touchability is intrinsic to
Hinduism?and the Govern-
ment has established job and
education quotas. But discrim-
ination and violence against
harijans, as they are now
known, especially those seek-
ing to improve their lot, re-
main a severe problem. One
report says that more than 200
are murdered each year by
upper-caste Hindus.
that Mr. Nixon had conveyed!
the impression that the rapidl
deterioration of relations be-
tween Moscow and Cairo was
beginning to worry the Amer-
icans almost as much as the
Russians. Mr. Nixon's message
to Sadat, the source said,
points out that a frosty cli-
mate between the Soviet,
Union and Egypt is not like-
ly to make the search for
peace in the Middle East
easier.
The message reflects Ameri-
can fears that growing aliena-
tion from Cairo will inevitably
recult In even stronger Moscow
backing of Syria. The Syrians
insist that disengagement of
Syrian and Israeli forces must
be an integral part of an over-
al !settlement, an attitude sup-
ported by the Soviet Union.
' In Mr. Nixon's view, the kind
of outspoken criticism Sadat
has recently levelled at the So-
viet Union is doing More harm
than good.
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FaEatt
FASHINGTON POST
(7 April 1974
The Spies Who Came In
From Sakhon Nakhon
By H. D. S. Greenway
Washington Post Forr?i^n FiN?vice
istered mail and the return
SAKHON NA KHON,
address 'given the post office
?
Thailand, April 6?What
was .none other than the
was a master spy novelist
CIA headquarters in Sakhon
like John Le Carre, author
Nakhon. It seems that a CIA
of "The Si Who Came in
agent had given the letter to
From the Cold" and "A
a 'Thai office boy to mail
Small Town in Germany"
and, In an excess of zeal, the
doing here in a small dusty
' office boy had registered
town in northeast Thailand?
the'letter. Thus was the of-
The average tourist in fer,jo negotiate revealed to
Thailand settles for Bang- be,FCCIA forgery.
kok's floating market or The Thai government was
maybe a day trip to the fuHous, students howled,
Bridge on the River Kwai. protested and burned the
But John Le Caree was ob- American flag. The U.S. em-
'served nere inspecting a bay. owned up to the whole
*nondescript and deserted affair and said that "it was a
' house, across _ the street regrettable and uauthorized
from a gas station, with intiative."
empty holes where the air The new AMerican ambas-
conditioners used to be. sador, William Kintner, said
Baleful water buffaloes
watched him as he circled
around the house taking
notes and an occasional pho-
tograph.
, Until a few months ago
the house was the CIA head-
quarters in Sakhon Nakhon,
350 miles northeast of Bang-
kok. But in December the
CIA's cover was "blown" in
, one of the more bizarre and
embarrassing incidents in
the history of espionage. A
visit to the CIA house in
Sakhon Nakhon, for spy
,fans, may rank one day with
a trip' to the Berlin Wall or
'a ride on the Orient Ex-
But no one could say what
, press.
really did happen. Sources
? Northeast Thailand is the here say that there were
scene of a sputtering Corn- two ,CIA agenth?b oth in
munist rebellion, and last their 30s "They never said
December Thailand's pre- what they actually did)' one
? mier and several newspa- source said. "When you
pers received a letter put'- I asked them they, would say,
porting to be from a Com- , 40h, a little of. this and a lit-
munist rebel chief. The let- tle of that,' ,and we all fig-
ured they were ihto drug
ter offered to negotiate with
suppression.'
Thailand's new civilian gov- ? According to our infor-
ernment which came to.' mant, the agents were seen
that the local agent in Sak-
hon Nakhon had acted on ?
his own initiative without
anyone's authority in a
"gungho" s pi r it. Kintner
apologized to the govern-
ment and the king and an-
nounced that the offending
agent had been sent home
and the Sakhon Nakhon of-
fice closed.
The number of persons in
Thailand who believed the
U.S. embassy's version of
what happened' could all
quite comfortably sit on the
back of one very small
water buffalo.
power following student on New Year's Eve and they
??
riots last October. But the asked some of their friends
, ul'uunu or a chink the fol-
letter had been sent by reg- lowing afternoon. When the
NEW YORK TIMES
6 April 1974'
Whose Ambassador?
The tendency for ambassadors abroad to lose contact
at home after a while and to become in effect' the
spokesman to their own country of the government to because it ? would permit another calculated campaign
which they are accredited is common and probably of distortion." He suggested that the letter could be
unavoidable. The extent to which this affliction has answered in future testimony before "approriate"
impaired the judgmntAlhep*MlfitganbRitc006R)8 : GP RDI gRD14821NO.060438,00.84singer wisely
South Vietnam, GawarValffn, is evident-in nis proposal ignored his ambassador's advice and sent Senator
.35
guests arrived the next day
the agents were gone and
were not seen again.
"It's called 'leaving in
your socks' in the espionage
business," Le Carre said,
writing it all down. The CIA
office stood locked and de-
serted for a while ? and in
early January the news of
the agents' departure broke
in the Bangkok press. Fi-
nally, the Thai landlord
asked the local Americans
to come and take away their
strange machines, according
.1 to our source, but none of
the Americans left in town
had any responsibility for
? the equipment and no one
knew what to do. Our
source thought the machines
had something to do with
codes and radios. At last,
some Americans arrived to
reclaim the equipment.
? Some Thai youths broke
in to steal the air condition-
ers, and today the hous
stands forlorn and empty.
Le Carre said that it' h
were writing a spy story
about the whole affair he
,could not possibly' have the
agent write such a letter on
his own without authority
from his bosses in Bangkok.
That would be too unbelieV-
able.
More likely the letter had
been written in Bangkok
and sent to the agent for
mailing so that it would
have a northeastern post-
mark.
What about the mail boy
registering the letter? We
asked. Is it possible that a
first-rate intelligence service
like the CIA would make a
stupid mistake like that?
"Oh yes, quite possible,"
Le Carre said with some de-
light. "It happens all the
time. When indoubt about
something like this assume,
a screw-up."
If he were to write a
novel about ? the spies who
came in from Sakhon Nak-
hon, Le Carre said he might
assume two possible scenar-
ios. If the operation were
in the "clean tricks depart-
ment," Le Carre said, the
motive might have been to ?.
"put two imponderable
forces into collision to see
how both would . react."
There was Thailand with a
new civilian government. A
fake letter from the insur-
gents might bring a genuine
response.
"I would also assume that
the CIA had the means to
observe the effect of this
collision on the rebels, that
the CIA was engaged here
in reinfliltrating defectors
back into the, insurgent
ranks."
If the CIA had burned a
defector into their trousers,
which. is spy talk for black-
mailing somebody into be-
coming a double agent, per-
haps they had someone high '
up in the' rebel ranks?
"If it were a clean trick it .
might have been -a genuine
effort,to bring about concili-"
ation," Le Carre said. If, on
e the other hand, it were a
"dirty trick" the motive
e might have been to prevent
, negotiations by "interposing
the CIA as a bogey between
the two parties."
One can always tell a CIA
house in northeast Thailand
because, no matter how in-
nocent-looking they are,
they bristle with air condi-
tioners. They often have big
electric transformers ? out-
side as well?something to
do with the radios and the
code machines?
I Of course, Le Carre did
i not claim to have any ?real
knowledge of what ,hap-
, pened here. He was merely
looking at the plot with a ?
novelist's eye.
"Suppose that somewhere
In the world bf signals they
had broken' down a code
used by the rebels; or part
of the code and they needed
the rebels to broadcast a
text which would give them
'he indicators ...
-Le Carre .was writing In
his notebook as we headed
out of town to Nakhon ,
Thanom on the border
with Laos, where there iS
a bigger and better. CIA ?
? house sl ill in operation.
that Senator Edward Kennedy not be given an "honest
and detailed answer" ,to questions the Senator had raised
about American policy in Indochina.
Ambassador Martin urged Secretary Kissinger to avoid
"any substantive answer" to Senator Kennedy's letter
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Kennedy a 14-page letter responding in detail to all the
questions posed:
undoubtedly was within the prerogative of Ambas-
sador Martin in a confidential cable to his superiors to
chklienge the motives of a Senator or his. aides. The
? co4ntry has suffered in the past from the victimization
of some diplomats, which led to others pulling their
punches for many years. But it was not proper of
Ambassador Martin to suggest a less than honest answer.
about basic policy matters to a member of Congress.
In fact, it is characteristic of the contempt that many.
WASHINGTON POST
13 April 1974
Clayton Fritehey
members of this Administration have shown for repre-
sentatives of the American people, particularly in regard
to Vietnam.
It was nothing short of outrageous for Ambassador
Martin to suggest, even by innuendo, that those who
favor holding down American military aid to Saigon are
somehow linked to Hanoi's views or secretly desire
Hanoi to take over South Vietnam. Secretary Kissinger
has expressed disbelief that this was what Mr. Martin
meant._ But a direct denial by the Ambassador that he ,
intended any such implication undoubtedly is In' order.
The Continuing Cost of Vietnam
; and a bipartisan group of fellow sena
In proclaiming March 29 (only two
tors are resisting administration ef-
'
? days short of April Fools' Day) as forts to keep on pouring more billions
'Vietnam Veterans' Day," President of dollars in military and economic
Nixon once more assured .the country aid into Indochina and thereby sus-
that the long war he waged in South-
.
tain a war that was supposed to have
east Asia was America's finest hour,
but he hastily added that he wouldn't ended on Jan. 27, 1973; when Mr.
Nixon proclaimed "peace with honor."
let it happen again. 11 Since then, it is hard to say whether
. there , has been less peace or less
Apparently Graham Martin, his am- ?
honor, but, as the mounting casualties
bassador to South Vietnam, heard only
the first part of the proclamation for, '
like U.S. Ambassador Ellsworth Bunk-
er before him, Martin is doing all he
can to keep the United States deeply ,
Involved with Gen. Nguyen Van Thieu,
the military dictator of South Vietnam, ,
as he carries on, the war with North
Vietnam.
Considering Martin's dedication to
Thieu's cause, it is not surprising to
discover that he has secretly been
advising the State Department to deny
Congress an "honest and detailed"
answer to inquiries -about U.S. policy
in Indochina.
In fairness to Martin, it must be
conceded that his recommendation
against dealing candidly with Congress
is right in line with the policy pur-
sued by the government for the last
10 years under both Mr. Nixon and
former President Lyndon Johnson.1
If Johnson had been open and
above board with- Congress and the
American people, the United States i
would not have become involved in 1
n shooting war in the first place; and ;
I. Mr. Nixon had also not practiced
to deceive, it would not have been
prolonged for four more years in
the second place. enormous cost, a cost in its own self-
Ambassadorrespect, a cost in a turning inward
Martin is alarmed be- in a hew kind of isolationism which
cause Sen. dward Kennedy (D-Mass.) would provide enormous dangers for
WASHINGTON POST
10 April 1974
Rotdand Evans and Robert Novak
? show, there has been a lot ,less of
both. So much so that even that grand
old cold warrior, Sen. Barry Gold-
water (R-Ariz.), has come to the con.
elusion that Vietnam is a bottomless
pit for U.S. assistance. "Let's scratch
It" is his advice.
Ambassador Martin, on the other
hand, goes right on talking?almost
word for word ? as L.B.J. and Mr.
Nixon did when they were trying, to
justify the expenditure of 500,000
American casualties and $100 billion
In a prolongation of the Vietnamese
wan
? Even though the war supposedly
ended more than 14 month ago, Mar-
tin urgently calls for increasing,
rather than reducing, military and
economic support for President Thieu's
authoritarian government. Echoing
countless old speeches by Johnson
and Mr. Nixon, he says victory is just
around the corner. All that is needed
is just one ,more big U.S. push.
"To walk away from it just at this
moment," he, cabled Washington,
would be disastrous. The United
States, ?he warns, "would pay an
the people of the United States and
for the peoples of the world." And
go on, and so on.
After getting his hands on the
;secret Martin cable, which recom-
mended against an "honest" response
to congressional inquiries-- about the
present state of things in Vietnam,
Sen. Kennedy said, "The cable raises
the most profound questions about
; which country and whose interests
Ambassador Martin is truly represent-
ing."
!1 Fortunately, Secretary? of State
Henry Kissinger did not take Martin's
? advice, but he is not in a position to
remove the ambassador even* though
' his usefulness is now largely compro-
mised because, in the final analysis;
the ambassador has merely been par-
roting the old Nixon line on Vietnam.
? The only trouble is that the parroting
is a little crude and a little out of
date: It makes Dr. Kissinger, who is
sometimes wrong but seldom out of
date, flinch a bit.
In the next fiscal year beginning
July 1, the administration wants to
spend about $3.5 billion in southeast
Asia. This figure is more than the
Administration plans to spend for
foreign aid on all the other countries
of the world combined.
It represents a boost. of about 65%
in aid for South Vietnam.
The Pentagon lobby is still the
most powerful on Capitol Hill, hut an
Increasing number of senators and
representatives, alarmed over reces-
sion and unemployment in the United
States, would rather spend those bil-
lions at home, and Ambassador Mar-
tin's inflammatory cablegram has
stiffened their resistance.
Hanoi's New Strategy in South Vietna
? ?A Communist document captured by
government forces in Binh Thuan
province on South Vietnam's central
coast six weeks ago points to tragedy
growing out of the Nixon administra-
tion's bungled campaign in Congress
for continued aid to Saigon.
The document spells out unequivo-
cally what the Communist high corn-
mand in Hanoi really wants: "The rev-
olution in South Vietnam can only he
won by means of armed violence in
close coordination with the political vi-
olence of the masses." This is not local
bombast. Rather, the directive is based
on a -secret resolution setting out a
muscular strategy for the entire south.
That sharply contradicts propaganda
spread in Congress by radical "peace"
groups that enntinued bloodshed in
South Vietnam is caused by Saigon.
-Beyond that, the Communist strategy
reveals the danger facing South Viet-
narn, if as now seems increasingly pos-
sible, it is threatened by drastically re-
duced "U.S. aid. Thanks to failing re-
rolve and uncertain leadership, ? the
36
114
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z
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ront of the new Vietnam crisis is i
Washington..
-Early last autumn, U.S. intelligene
expeTta still expected a massive Corn
m st offensive this year from 210,00
north Vietnamese regulars in North-
ern, ,and Western parts of South Viet-
nam. But the 21st Communist Party
Conference in Hanoi decided Saigon's
11 the future. In sum, Hanoi is not aban-
doning force as the means to
e unite Indochina; the strength of the
- Saigon regime has simply delayed the
0 showdown.
The one factor that could advance
the showdown is an economic break-
down, to which Communist headquar-
ters have been alerting their cadre. A
arirry was too strong. What resulte
was new,strategy outlined in COSVN
Resolution 13, secretly issued in De
cember. In turn, COSVN 13 was incor
porated in provincial directives, sue
as the guidelines sent out in Bin
Thuan province. .
The directive, dated Feb. 5, is re
markable, omitting the usual prone
ganda about general elections and
coalition government (required by the
Paris peace treaty). Instead, it bluntly
admits that Hanoi's political progress
In South Vietnam since U.S. forces
d drastic, sudden reduction of U.S. aid
I would surely trigger such a break-
down. Thus, defecting Communists re-
- ' port that Hanoi's strategy is designed
h to undermine U.S. confidence in Presi-
h dent Nguyen Van Thieu's government.
This dovetails with the campaign
-? laid out last October when veteran
? radical Tom Hayden invited 200 anti-
a , war activists to Germantown, Ohio, for
,a strategy session. The propaganda
lines set forth then have been vigori-
ously relayed on Capitol Hill: the
Thieu government, not Hanoi, is the
aggressor and would collapse without
provocation should the U.S. withdraw
aid.
pulled out has been disappointing.
"The enemy temporarily has the up- ,
per hand," says the directive.
"... Puppet soldiers are still plentiful"
and are "still able to control populated '
areas." In contrast, Communist forces
"are still wetilF and undermanned; the
guerrilla warfare movement has not ,
yet become strong." The answer: "push
our attacks strongly in all areas."
As viewed here, such directives and
other intelligence data mean the Com-
munists will continue sharp military
attacks locally this year while prepar-
ing for a possible general offensive in
NEW YORK TIMES
7 April 1974
Even though such propaganda is con-
tradicted by the Communists' own doc-
uments, it has found fertile soil in a
Congress sick and tired of the Indo-
china burden. Hawkish leaders of a
decade ago, such as Democratic Rep.
Otis Pike 'of New York, have joined
the aid slashers. In the Senate, old su-
per-hawk Barry Goldwater has de-
fected.
Joining this widening congressional
Once More,
Defining the
Commitment
To Indochina. H
By LESLIE II. GELB
WASHINGTON?The scene has a strong sense of dela vu: '
two American leaders engaging on the subject of the Ameri-
can commitment to Indochina.
Senator Edward M. Kennedy, Democrat of Massachusetts,
has received a letter , from Secretary of State Henry Kis-
singer. It Is a response, dated March 13, 1974, to Mr. Ken-
nedy's queries about American obligations and other matters
concerning Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia. The Senator reads
' these words:
"The U.S. has no bilateral written commitment to the ,
Government of the Republic of Vietnam. However, as a
signator of the Paris agreement . . . the United States
committed itself to strengthening the conditions which made
the cease-fire possible and to the goal of the South Viet-
namese people's right to self-determination. . . . We also
recognize that we have derived a certain obligation from
our long and deep involvement. . . . We have thus com-
mitted ourselves very substantially, both politically and
morally. . ."
Senator Kennedy Issues a press release welcoming- the
secretary's candor, but calling it a "disturbing clarification
of our present policy in Indochina." He says "it shatters
the hope that we could finally disengage from our direct
and often mani ulative
Involvement...".
Was Mr. Kissinger's letter an enlargement of his or the
President's other recent statements on this subject? Should But what more co& 0 6.5wnsogitr
fatigue is a combination of ineptitude
and lassitude by the Watergate-obessed
Nixon administration. No effective lob-
bying effort abs been launched. Secre-
tary of Stete Henry Kissinger's letter
to Sen. Edward M. Kennedy justifying
the aid on'the basis of private and ver-
bal Paris peace agreements, did not
help. Far worse was disclosure of an
outrageous and self-defeating cable-
gram by the usually astute Graham
Martin, U.S. Ambassador to Saigon,
urging that Kennedy not be given an
"honest and detailed answer" about Vi-
etnam aid.
The major administration effort was
a plea before a closed-door House Re-
publican caucus March 26 by Vice
President Ford. Shortly thereafter,
the adminstration lost a critical test
for more military aid on the House
floor by 20 votes. Some Republican
congressmen. feel the anti-Saigon tide
on Capitol Hill is so strong that even
an all-out Nixon adminstration effort
could not reverse it.
If so, the last chapter of the tragic
Vietnam story may be drenched in
irony. At the cost of so much Ameri-
can blood, treasure and political tur-
moil, the Saigon regime at last has es-
tablished itself politically and militar-
ily, as even Communists documents ,
concede. Having reached this point,
however, its worst threat now is not
Hanoi's aggrssive designs but inepti4
?tude and battle fatigue in Washington.
n 1974. Field Enterprises, Ino.
Before the signing of the Paris accords, Mr. Kissinger was
asked at a press conference how the agreement affected the
American commitment. He answered that Washington would
continue to provide economic and military aid as permitted
by the accords. He added that the "United States expects
all countries to live up to the provisions of the agreement."
The Nixon Administration feels it is committed 'to resist
the forcible overthrow of the Saigon regime. The President
and Mr. Kissinger have said this repeatedly. This assuiedly ?
came as no surprise to Senator Kennedy.
What did seem surprising was that Mr. Kis-singer directly
linked the present American commitment to the Paris ac-
cords themselves. Is there a basis for this? Here, from their
known positions, is a hypothetical discussion of thr question.
Mr. Kissinger apparently would argue that the accords
carry with them an obligation by the partici to assure
implementation. But critics would say that the accords are
like a contract Each party has the right, but not necessarily
the commitment, to insure compliance. They would add that
even if the Nixon Administration feels itself bound, the
United States is not. The accords were not sent to the
Senate as a treaty for approval. The Administration would?
answer that actions taken by the executive are binding on
the nation.
The critics would respond that there is nothing In the
accords that binds the Nixon Administration to an open-
ended commitment. The responsibility for control and super-
vision Is supposed to rest with a four-power international
/ commission which was to work with the great powers, con-
vened in an international conference, to guarantee the
accords.
The Nixon Administration would retort that the inter-
national conference did not assume responsibility for guar-
anteeing the agreement and that the international commis-
sion cannot do more than bear witness to violations. Then,
guaranteeing the accords is an American responsibility.
But apart from the Paris accords, does the United States
have some kind of secret arrangement with Saigon? Mr.
Kissinger's letter said that Washington had "no bilateral
written commitment" But this does not mean that Wash-
ington has not given Saigon secret assurances.
Administration Threats
PffeirKietttl&i.6171*Pfli387.08 : CIABDP77-00432 er
Senator Kennedy
have said to
Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330008-3
\Saigon secretly than it has said or done publicly?
" 'President Nixon publicly threatened ? reprisals should
Hanoi launch a massive attack. American bombers are avail-
able in Thailand, Guam and on aircraft carriers. The law
prthibits Such action without Congressional assent, but '
.? Kissinger and Mr. Nixon ,have stated they might well
seek such Congressional approval. ?
Aid has poured into Indochina. By Mr. Kissinger's figures,
South Vietnam received about $3-billion in military aid
during fiscal year 1973, over $1-billion in fiscal year 1974,1
and the request for the new year is for $1.45-billion. Eco-
nomic aid Is also substantial. Senator Kennedy claims the
real figure is $3-billion for this year.
, Washington stilt has 200 military and over 900 civilian
personnel in South Vietnam, over 100 military in Cambodia,
and 30 in Laos. Aid to Laos and Cambodia totals in the
WASHINGTON POST
15 April 1974
1 U.S. Aid
Still Heavy
In Cambodia
By Jack Foisie
beg Atvrelet Ttmrs
IINOM PENH?The
United States now is spend-
ing more than $1,5 million
daily in military and eco-
nomic support for the em-
. batted government forces
in Cambodia.
This is about the same
level as American support
in Vietnam in early 1965 be-
fore the United States en-
tered the war with combat
? forces.
I Except for dollar imput,
however, no one is suggest-
ing ? there is a parallel in
. U.S. involvement here. The
American determination to
avoid direct participation in
any futher Asian conflict is
well known?and is accept-
' ed?by Khmers here.
The hope remains that
America n generosity will
continue at its present flow,
or even increase, Cambodian
officials emphasized.
Seeing the Lou Nol gov-
ernment through its present
,peril is also the desire of the
Ameeican official establish-
ment here?military an ddip-
lomatic ? which is limited
by congressional edict to no
more than 200 persons.
"TVs a moral obligation, as
I view it, said one Ameri-
can official.
While Cambodia's civil war
was triggered by the ouster
Of Prince Norodom Sihanouk
In 1379, no evidence was sur-
faced to support claims that
the. upheaval had American
backing. The moral obliga-
tion began, the official said,
when "American forces from
Vietnam crossed into North
Vieteamese sanctuaries in
Cambodia and the war here
bezarne general."
American intentions are of
particular interest in Phe-
nom Penh at the moment be-
..cause of the arrival of the
new U.S. ambassador, John
Gunther Dean. Fresh from
serviez! in Laos, where as No.
2 diplomat (the Ambasador-
ship was open), Dean is cred-
ited with being a skillful
middleman negotiator who
helped bring about the just-
formed coalition government
in Laos composed of wartime
enemies.
So the ,youthful D e a n?
? who like Dr. Henry Kissin-
ger is a German-born, natu-
ralized American?comes to
his new assignment with the
laurel of "peacemaker." How-
ever, for the time '\heing it
seems apparent that he must
continue current American
polizy of helping Lon Not
make war.
Dean is just settling in,
and not ready to express
opinions. But other dip16-
mats contend there still is..
a pressing need for Non'
Nol to demonstrate that the
rebels cannot impose their
will militarily?that a nego-
tiated settlement is the only
solution., ,
Already controlling four- ,
fifths of the countryside and
about half of Cambodia's 8
million people, the ? insur-
gents were believed ready to
deliver knockout punches
against government-held cit-
,ies and towns during the dry
season, now within a month
, of ending.
While the pressure on em-
battled government f orces
continues, the resilience of,
the Lon Nol forces has up-
set the pessimistic predic-
tions of observers made last !
'fail. It was in August that
American bombing in sup-
port of government forces
ended, at the demand of
Congress.. and the C a in h o-
Ilan government army was
hundreds of millions.
Few legislators have called for a cessation of military
aid ta Saigon. Editorial writers and students seem to have
, lost interest in Indochina.
Former Secretary of Defense Clark M. Clifford Is one of ?
the few prominent exceptions. He continues to preach that
the only way to end the on-going war is to dump President
Nguyen Van Thieu, and that the way to do that is to stop
supplying the military forces that sustain him. In this way,
Mr. Clifford has said, a neutralist government would emerge',
in Saigon which would negotiate a settlement with the-
.
Vietcong.
The Administration says that stopping military aid would
lead to a takeover in the south by the,Vietcong and Hanoi,
'depriving the people of South Vietnam the free choice over 1:
which the War was foupla in the first place.
left to fend entirely by it-
self in combat.
-However, without Ameri-
can-provided rice and .an
ever-increasing supply of
ammunition and replac e-
-ment weapons for govern-
ment forces, Lon Nol's de-
fense of this capital city and
most of the provincial towns
would soon collapse.
Despite congiessional re-
strictions on U.S. activities
in Cambodia, the American
diplomats, aid people and
military men (they wear
civilian clothes most of' the
time) are experts in the
manipulating arts most of
them practiced in Vietnami
and particularly in Laos.
They are bending, Without
busting, the restraints put
upon them by legislative act,
bureaucratic instruction and
congressional resolution.
With a crusader's zeal,
and buoyed by the grit and
somewhat improved perfor-
mance of Cambodian forces
in the field, the Americans
? happily operate in the "gray'
area" of compliance with
orders.
A furor arose in Congress
recently when Washington
Post correspondent Eliza-
beth Becker identified by
name an American officer
who she said was advising a
Cambodian unit?a violation
of congressional declaration.
With 76 members of the U.S.
"military equipment deli-
very team" and 27 American
military attaches in Cam-
bodia, half are out in the
field every day doing their
job?checking the distribu-
, Hon of U.S. military equip-
ment to government forces
and seeing how the war is
going. The difference be-
tween that and "advising" is
zero.
It is remarkable that
there haven't been any offi-
cial Americans killed in the
field recently. One of these
days, there could be. Those
who are in Cambodia?buoy-
38
Arpro-Ved For Reinse zotruutryus-71, A-KUP tArizi32ROUTTER
ed also by evidence of some
disarray in the insurgent
structure and not just con-
.fusion in government ranks !
?accept that slight risk.
Is the congressional cell-,
ing on U.S. official presence
in Cambodia really being
limited to 200 persons? The
computers say it is.
From lessons learned in
Laos, the U.S. establishment
here knows how to do with-
out Americans. They used
foreigners such as-Filipinos,
, Koreans and Thais in some-
slots. The foreigners are
paid well and also are usual-
ly veterans of Laos and '
, Vietnam. The only limit on
' their number is that the
, influx makes the Cambod-
: ians indignant at so manyO .
"job-stealers" from other
, parts of Asia.
With Cambodian refugees
now ntimbering over 200,000,
the U.S. aid mission has?
taken over much of the
? responsibility and virtually
,
all of the funding for their
relief: But except for Jack
Williamson from Laos and a
small staff, the care-and-
feeding has been allocated to
a half-dozen private relief .
organizations. In that way,
. the Americans keep under
the congressional ceiling.
Another involvement that
bends, but does not 'break,',
restrictions is the use of
"day-time temporary-assign-
ment" people. Air America
and other contractors fly in
from Thailand bases to do
their daily chores: They
don't count on the roll of
officially paid Americans in
Cambodia.
With all the effort, with ?
all the money pouring in,
there are still seething prob-
lems. Knowledgeable Ameri-
cans with insights into Cam-
bodia practices, contend that
top-level corruption, parti-
cularly among the military,
remains rampant.
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WeW
>ea.At
ettn
emisphere
BALIrthiORE NEWS AMERICAN
.APR -1974
\
By JOHN P. iVALLACH
WASHINGTON ? The ad-
ministration has set the stage
for a mid-April shift in U.S.
Cuban policy, with assists
from the Mexican foreign
minister and unprecedented,
secret use of the U.S. Air
Force.
The -White House Is expect-
ed to soft-pedal the policy
change largely because of the
domestic explosiveness of any
action to renew ties with
Cuba. The initial step will re-
semble the economic one tak-
en when the United States
first began to seek better rela-
tions with Communist China.
Secretary of State Henry
Kissinger is expected to an-
nounce, In a policy speech
' when the . Organization of
American States (OAS) holds
1 its next foreign ministers
meeting in Atlanta, that the
United States is' bowing to the
will of many Latin nations to
-remove trade obstac.es, chief-
ly the 12-year-old OAS embar-
go.
Kissinger already has in- 1.
Iformed several Latin foreign
ministers that he will reach a
decision, before their meeting,
on the precipitating issue?the
request of the U.S. big-three,
auto manufacturers. and Stu-
debaker-IVorthington, in sepa-
rate deals, for government li-
censes to make multi-million
dollar sales to Cuba. Kissin-
ger has invited the Latin min-
isters to Washington for "con-
sultations" beginning two
days before the Atlanta con-
clave In April.
The U.S. Air. Force last
month provided eight officers,
Including two navigators with
colonel rank and several-
pilots, to fly Soviet leader
Leonid Drezhnev, aboard his
Russian-built jet, to Havana.
This hush-hush operation?
NEW YORK TIMES
18 April 1974
W II
with llrezhnev's plane landing
at Homestead Air Force Base
near Miami both going and
coming from Moscow?was
ordered by President Nixon to
facilitate the Soviet leader's
Cuban visit.
Nixon last week also okayed
use of a similar Air Force
team to fly the Vatican's for-
eign ministers to Cuba.
Mexican Foreien Minister
Emitio Rabasn late Monday
sped from Havana to Acapul-
co, with less than a four-hour
stopover in Mexico City to
brief President Luis Echever-
ria, so that he could report to
the honey-mooning Kissinger
on his Cuban mission.
Rabasa's secret intermedi-
ary role was mapped during a
four-hour meeting in Washing-
ton just prior to the Mexican.
summit of Latin American
foreign ministers attended
last month by Kissinger.
Rabasa, the first Mexican
foreign minister to have visit-
ed Cuba In 30 years, spent
four days in Havana and con-
' ferred twice with premier Fi-
del Castro.
Kissinger, after a one-hour
White House session with Nix-
on, indicated to Soviet: For-
eign Minister Andrei Gromy-
? ko last month that the United
? States no longer opposed a
Latin move to end the embar-
go. Moscow strongly desires
any move that would help end
its million-dollar-plus daily
bankrolling of the Castro re-
gime.
Gromyko?f lying directly
from Homestead, courtesy of
the Air Force:-.-stopped In
. Washington after Brezhnev
returned to the Soviet capital.
While in Havana, the Soviet
,.leader delivered a stern.warn-
with Cuba
Ing to Castro that his days of
exporting revolution" must
be ended.
That was interpreted by Cu-
ban analysts here as a clear
prodding to Castro to get on
with the process of normaliz-
ing ties with the United
States. The Soviet "gentle ,
shove," as one official here
called it, may in fact have
pursuaded Castro to make the 1
next move. -
In response to numerous ad-
ministration proddings, Cuba
floated what appeared to be a
trial balloon earlier this year
when Havana's ambassador
to Mexico implied only the
embargo prevented the start
of U.S.-Cuban negotiations.
"We are not in a holy war
with the United States," Am-
bassador Fernando L. Lopez
Muino said. "We would be
willing to talk to the United
States, given a single and ir-
revocable condition?that . it
end the blockade of Cuba."
It was shortly after this ap-
parent 'Cuban "feeler" that
Kissinger met for, four hours
with Rabasa, the Mexican go-
between. In 1964 Mexico was
the only OAS member to re-
sist U.S. pressure to break re-
lations with Castro's Socialist
government.
"The ingredients are most
intriguing," a high State De-
partment official said when
asked about the meaning of
these developments. He dis-
closed only that the auto deal
had gone to the White House,
where- Nixon reportedly will
make the final decision.
"The atmosphere has been
created to force a decision,"
the official said. "The Latins
are expecting to be told some-
Status of justice in Chile Worries
thing wl en they come here for
two days of talks before the
,Atlanta session. Kissinger im-
plied, if not actually commit-
ting himself, to.a decision be-
fore they meet again." ?
The sales by American cor-
porate subsidiaries in Canada
and Argentina. are -thought
likely to take place, with or
without Washington's consent.
Like the China model, more
trade would be seen as a step
toward enventual diplomatic
relatioas or what Latin spe-
cialists call. bringing Cuba
back into the Western liemi-
sphere's "family of naticins."
? The embargo on trade with
Cuba was proclaimed by
President John F. Kennedy on
Feb. 3, 1962, "in light of the. .
subversive" activities "pub-
licly proclaimed" by the
"Sino-Soviet government of
Cuba."
Under the Trading-with-
the-Enemy Act, the embargo
applies to foreign subsidiaries
of U.S. corporations as well as
to the parent companies.
American directors of those
subsidiaries are said to be lia-
ble to the act's penalties of 10
years in prison and $10,000
fine. ?
The 5150 million sale of 44,- .
000 cars and trucks would be
made by Argentine plants of
Chrysler, Ford and General
Motors as part of a $12 billion
trade agreement between Ar-
gentina and Cuba.
The $14 million deal for 25
new diesel locomotives and
the reconditioning of nine old
ones involves MINV-Worthine-
ton, Ltd., of Montreal. It is 59
per cent owned by Studebak-
er-Worthington, Inc. of New
Jersey.
Many Backers
Ry JONATHAN KANDELL yers, judges and clergymen say "dubious actions, and that hu-
, SpecialtoTheNewlforknmes
SANTIAGO, Chile, April 17?
The legality of Chile's current
Government and the state of
justice in Chile continue to,
trouble a growing number of
supporters of the new regime.
More than seven months after
"the military coup in which the
luhta took power, Appmrdwe
privately, and even publicly, man. rights are being fully safe-
that human rights Are being guarded by the new junta.
vitylated daily. With the beginning today of
One notable exception to this the trials of 57 air force offi-
view is the Supreme Court, cials and 10 civilians accused
most of whose members share of having attempted to aid
the opinion of the court's the Marxist Allende Govern-
president, who holds that the ment and its member parties
Government of President Salve- before the coup, the military
dor Allende Gossens, who died courts will be put to a public
durinz the coup- hadatat
FegfrgieleepeoWat
of junta;
charges of mistreatment and ?I
torture of prisoners. The num-
ber of persons detained for po-
litical reasons has dropped
from a high of more than
10,000 to a figure closer to
6,000, according to church
sources providing legal aid. But
eisiiirepievoloux040401401411 arrests
ccias of f
39
Approved For Release 2001/08/08 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100330908-3
persons being detained indef-
? initely without formai charges
oreafcess to family or lawyers.
udicial Branch in Retreat
'fle judicial branch ? from
theOupreme Court down ? has
steadily retreated before the
growing executive power of
the Government - to a point
where civilian courts have vir-
tually declared themselves in-
competent to deal with the
cases of thousands of people
who have been placed under
detention for political reasons.
The military courts, which
have tried hundreds of civilians
In closed sessions in recent
months, appear frequently to
be violating the rules set forth
In the military code of justice,
according to lawyers familiar
with some ? of these cases.
It is generally acknowledged,
however, that deterioration in
the Chilean court system began
during the Allende years. Al-
though the country has had one
of the strongest legal tradi-
tions in Latin America, the
courts were drawn into the
political polarization between
Marxists and anti-Marxists that
was evident throughout Chilean
1 Society during Dr. Allende's
Presidency.
Judges ordered workers to
evacuate illegally seized fac-
tories and peasants to return
Illegally occupied land. But al-
most invariably the Interior
Ministry refused to authorize
the police ?force to carry out
the orders.
During the final months of
the leftist Government, Dr. Al-
lende and the Supreme Court
exchanged acrimonious public
letters and Government offi-
cials and supporters dismissed
the court system as reaction-
ary.
Only weeks before, the coup,
the President of the Supreme
,Court, Enrique Urrutia Man-
zano, a crusty, conservative
septuagenarian, virtually legiti-
mized a future military uprising
by. expounding the thesis that
the Allende Government, though
legally elected, had "lost it
legality by acting on the margin
, of the law."
A few days after the coup
Justice Urrutia welcomed the
junta members to the Supreme
Court chambers and declared
"This Supreme Court, which
I have the honor of presiding
over, receives your visit with
satisfaction and optimism, and
appreciates its historical and
judicial value."
President Augusto Pinochet
Ugarte responded by reassert-
ing the junta's intention to pre-
serve the autonomy of the judi-
cial branch?in marked con-
trast to its dissolution of Con-
gress and its disbandment of
political parties.
"Dr. Urrutia and the Supreme
Court ?have set the tone for
relations between the judicial
branch and the junta," a Court
of Appeals Judge said. "There
,has been an unstated desire
throughout the court system to
itry not to clash with the execu-
tive power."
As recently as a month ago,
Justice Urrutia asserted that
human rights were "fully re-
spected in our country," He
has made similar statements in
trips abroad to defend the
junta.
The Supreme Court has also
presided over the dismissal of
at least 15 lower court judges
appointed during the Allende
years. Although this number is
a small 'fraction of the court
system, a few judges have' as?
-
serted that the message has
not gone unheeded among their
colleagues.
Most important a number of
landmark decisions by the, Su-
preme Court have effectively
handcuffed lower courts in
dealing with the human rights
of political prisoners.
Perhaps the most significant
decision came last month in a
case involving. a , 15-year-old
boy who was arrested and has
been detained incommunicado
without formal charges since
Dec. 19.
s A Court of Appeals had ap-
proved a motion of habeas
corpus, ordering the Interior
Ministry to make known the
charges against the boy, or
release him.
In an appeal to the Supreme
Court, the Interior Minister,
Gen. Oscar Bonilla Bradanovic,
acknowledged that no formal
charges existed against the boy
but alleged that he had been
a member of the Communist
party since the age of 11 and
that he was being held "as a
preventive measure" in "de-
fense of the state."
The Supreme Court upheld
the Interior Minister and ruled
that under the state of siege
declared by the junta the au-
thorities had the right to detain
minors for whatever reason and
for as long they deemed
necessary.
The Supreme Court went
even further in declaring that
"the motives for the decree of
arrest are the executive con-
cern of the authorities."
According' to Judge Ruben
Galesio of Santiago's Court of
Appeals, the civilian courts can
now legally exercise control
over the executive power only
by demanding that arrests be
made on the basis of decrees
issues by the Minister of Inter-
ior, and by ascertaining that
detained pesons.are brought be-
fore a military court within 48
hours, as required by law un-
der the state of siege.
.Violatimis Acknowledged
Yet he acknowledged that in
practice "many areests" were
made without any sort of de-
cree, or that decrees were
signed days after a person had
been detained. Further, he note
that the authorities rarely
brought detainees before a
court within 48 hours.
"Often we cannot even find
out who made the arrest and
where a person is beingheld,"
he said.
He added that hundreds of
motions for habeas corpus had
been ignored by the aiitorities
and the courts, including a mo-
tion filed in his court last
mqnth by leading represen-
tatives of the Roman Catholic
and Protestant churches and
the Jewish community on behal
of 131 persons woo were ar-
rested during the months since
the coup and have not been
heard from.
The pervasive feeling of help-
lessness in the face of the au-
thoritarian junta has led law-
yers and judges to justify their
conduct on the grounds of the
"lesser evil."
' Thus thousands of 'workers
have illegally been dismissed
'from their jobs for poltical rea-
'sons or unproved charges of
"extremism," while the labor
courts accept new decrees by
the junta arbitrarily expanding
the grounds for dismissal of
laborers.
In the universities, where
thousands of students and hun-
dreds of professors were sus-
pended under an anti-Marxist
purge after the coup, law pro-
fessors served as "prosecu-
tors," receiving written or oral
denunciations of reported ex-
tremists. Tht accused were not
allowed to face their accusers.
"If I don't do this, somebody
worse will," said a professor of
constitutional law, explaning hi
decision to act as a prosecetor
in a science department of the
University of Chile. "The way
I see it, it is a choice between
throwing out some innocent
Marxists and throwing them all
out."
INow that the meting out of
justice has shifted to the mili-
tary courts, the same feeling
of acquiescence is evident
among civilian defense attor-
neys.
? Lawyers have noted that
even under the state of siege,
the Constitution does not per-
mit a military court to try in-
dividuals for alleged crimes
!committed before the state of
Isiege was put into effect.