CONGRESSIONAL RELATIONS

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP80B01676R003100210030-4
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 38
• Document Creation Date: December 14, 2016
• Document Release Date: May 6, 2003
• Sequence Number: 30
• Publication Date: April 4, 1963
• Content Type: MF

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OGC 63-0944
4 April 1963
MEMORANDUM FOR: Director of Central Intelligence
SUBJECT: Congressional Relations - John V. Lindsay
(R., New York)
1. The attached memorandum from Colonel Grogan quotes
Congressman John V. Lindsay as being critical of a "briefing" by
CIA. The facts are as follows:
a. Mr. Lindsay called this office on 14 March, saying
he desired (1) Agency views on the creation of a Joint
Supervisory Committee of the Congress; (2) briefin
on the extent the Agency is s pporting the
1(3) the Agency regular
briefing on current activities in Cuba.
b. I took this request up at the 9 a. m. meeting a day
or so later. I pointed out that Mr. Lindsay had been
friendly to the Agency and that we had responded to
inquiries or discussed matters with him before on a
cordial basis. I felt, therefore, that we should respond
to his inquiry, particularly as he had almost certainly
picked up some information in New York on our con-
and it would be better for
him to have an accurate story from us than for him to
depend on what were probably rumors. General Carter
said that in the light of recent publicity on congressional
hearings we were now obligated to pull in our ears and.
that we should not respond to requests of individual
congressmen. Specifically he directed that we should
not respond to inquiries for classified information such
as that we did not give
individual briefings on such matters as Cuba, and that
we should not express views on Joint Committees, which,'
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was an Administration problem. General Carter said he
realized this would cause us a problem in the handling of
the matter but that we should respond in the negative.
c. A representative of this office saw Mr. Lindsay on
18 March and said that we did respond to our parent sub-
committees in the Congress but were restricted to those
subcommittees on classified matters and that as far as
the Joint Committees were concerned it was our position
that this was a matter of organization for the Congress
to determine. Mr. Lindsay was obviously displeased by
this reaction.
2. Examples of previous experience with Mr. Lindsay are:
a. Mr. Lindsa was most interested in the Tibetan
refugee problem 25X1
I and gave him a general briefing on the Tibetan
situation. As a result, Mr. Lindsay said he would do all he
could to educate his fellow congressmen on the Tibetan
question and was very appreciative.
b. In May 1961 Mr. Lindsay asked for help in responding
to his constituents on the Cuban situation, particularly those
criticizing or mentioning the Agency and intelligence. We
met with him and discussed the situation in some detail.
Mr. Lindsay was most appreciative and closed with an offer
to be of any assistance to the Agency in any way he could.
These are just two of a good number of situations in which Mr. Lindsay
has been cooperative and helpful.
3. This is a good example of a congressional problem that
arises, often daily. I think we need more flexibility than is allowed
by a basically negative attitude which, as may have happened here,
needlessly makes us enemies. There are certain congressmen whom
we know we cannot talk to on any subject, and there are certain subjects
we will not discuss outside of our subcommittees and certain selected
key people, but there is a large area in-between where I believe we
should be able to have some discussion and thereby improve our
general congressional relationships.
LAWRENCE R.QI
General ;Gou 'el F{
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Ex Dir
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7 4
3 April 1963
1. This memorandum is for information only.
2. Murray Kempton, writing about "The Adult Congressman" in
the NEW REPUBLIC, 8 April 1963 issue (attached herewith), quotes
the following remarks critical of CIA's briefings to Congressmen
(on pp. 12-13):
"'Everything,' says (Senator) McCarthy, 'seems to be a pilot
project.' And yet we may be going through one of those periods like
the late Middle Ages when the serfs were turned off the farms and into
the cities with nothing to do. Automation could be that fundamental."
"If he is an outsider like John Lindsay, the adult Congress-
man explores dark towers of the government, like the Central Intelli-
gence Agency, which moves and shakes outside the limits of public or
Congressional knowledge. Lindsay and McCarthy and a number of Con-
gressmen have introduced bills to set up a joint Congressional Com-
mittee to watch the CIA as the Joint Committee on Atomic Energy
watches the AEC.
"'I called CIA one day and asked them to send down a man
for a brief
it. h In (' - E
t o second was to w extent cone has es a : s e
e danger in Cuba; the third was how the Central Intelligence Agency
would feel if Congress set up a committee to watch over its operation.
"'Three days later, a little man appeared in my office and
announced he was from the CIA and that the answer was negative.
"'"What do you mean negative?" I asked.
"'"We won't discuss your first two questions," he answered.
"That is our policy. We are an arm of the President and report only
to him. On the third question we have no opinion. The CIA does not
take a position on legislation before Congress."""
"'And that is a CIA briefing for a Congressmanf.'"
Stanley J. G gan
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Enclosure
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Ex Dir w/o enc).osure
Leg Counsel w/o enclosure
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THE NEW
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Sri Robert
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T.R.B.
from
Washington
Once Upon a Time
In Paris a hundred years ago Louis
Napoleon waited for his army to cap-
ture Mexico City, which it promptly
did. In Madrid a liberal wrote that the
crowned heads wanted the South to
win to sustain the slave state. In Lon-
don young Henry Adams, who was
still getting educated, watched a pro-
Northern mass meeting of 3,000 trade
unionists organized by a chap named
Karl Marx, and wrote his father, the
ambassador, "I never quite appreciated
the moral influence of American de-
mocracy, nor the cause that the privi-
leged classes in Europe have to fear us,
until I saw directly how it works."
After the mass meeting Marx went
back to a book he was writing.
In Pittston, Maine, a boy jumped out
of bed and ran into the kitchen; he had
been dreaming that the ice was out of
the Penobscot and that he was riding
the log booms with the rivermen, but
that wouldn't happen for a month yet.
In the kitchen he was suddenly struck
dumb because a soldier was there and
he saw it was Pa, trying on his cap
before the mirror over the woodbox;
he gave a brush to his curly sidewhis-
kers just for Ma's sake, and said
"Georgie" a couple of times, but the
boy was struck dumb and he was
travel-proud at breakfast, too.
Down at the Kennebec & Portland
yards the train was late and filled with
soldiers and a lot of Methodists were
out to see Pa off. The boy was to go to
Augusta and come back with Enoch. It
was a whole lot more cheerful after
they started because they didn't have
to look at Ma's face; she would take
the pillowcases and shirts and pick lint
with the church ladies that morning.
At the Capital some of the boy's shy-
ness returned. Bustle and confusion!
All about were recruiting officers, and
re-enlisted soldiers claiming bounties,
and teams from livery stables, and
shouts of runners and the drum and
fife. The three stopped instinctively
before the Bartlett store in the Smith
block to compare city prices of sperm
and whale oil and kerosene burning
fluid. The sign in the window said,
"Regular Mail Steamers to California
via The Panama Rail Road."
And so, let us say, that is how it was
happening ioo years ago as the chess
pieces were set up for one of the deci-
sive battles of the world (the second,
in America, after the capture of
Quebec at the Heights of Abraham).
Even then in April, great events were
vaguely taking shape and the remote
little capital was doing what other
towns were doing - in Iowa, Wisconsin
and wherever - bringing in broad-
shouldered farm boys - "reg'lar great
big hellsnorters, same breed as our-
selves" - as an admiring enemy said.
Things were grim in 1863. The 1st
Maine had enlisted for only ninety
days, gone to Washington and then
returned, without firing a shot. An
apprehended deserter from a later
group told his captors back in Maine
that he had been ordered to retreat at
Bull Run, and nobody had ever told
him to stop.
In the South, Lee looked at his splen-
did generals whose names sound like
warcries - Jeb Stuart, Stonewall Jack-
son, Jubal Early - and thought of a
daring plan. They had fought from
Chicahominy to Shenandoah; how
about invading Maryland, cutting in
behind Washington and striking
through Pennsylvania, to stalemate the
war and bring recognition from Lord
Palmerston? This was the year; now
or never.
Now or never! Washington felt it,
too. Men there also had great rolling,
mouth-filling names - Simon Cameron,
Gideon Welles, Hannibal Hamlin (a
Maine man). This indeed might be the
year, thought the lonely, over-advised
man in the White House, if only
Hooker would fight. He had tried Mc-
Clellan, but the stick broke in The
Seven Days; he would keep trying till
he found a stick that fitted his big fist.
On that April morning in Augusta
even the children sensed 't. They
chanted,
"Eighteen hundred sixty-one, was the
year the war begun;
Eighteen hundred sixty-two, was the
year we'd see it through;
Eighteen hundred sixty-three, was the
years the slaves got free -
Eighteen-hundred sixty-four, is the
year the war'll be o'er."
Pa left them, and there was a big
crowd round the soldiers, and people
took off their hats and Pa said a prayer.
Enoch nudged the boy and pointed out
a shambling fellow hawking live hens
from a stick: he had lost his front
teeth. The boy understood-the draft
rejected you if you couldn't bite the
paper off the cartridges. Right here in
Augusta there was dissension, and
back in school there were sullen Dem-
ocrats, too, and if you said "Copper-
heads" you got into a fight. The boy
had never seen a Negro but knew all
about them from "Uncle Tom"; more
important, he was for the Union.
In London Cotton was King and the
Confederates successfully floated three
million sterling in bonds, redeemable
in cotton at a rate that would make
buyers rich. Friends of the Confeder-
acy in Parliament got ready a motion
of recognition for introduction when
word came of a big Southern victory.
Karl Marx went on writing his book.
And here in Augusta there were com-
mands, and the music started, and the
crowd moved beside the blue line. One
of the companies broke into "The
Battle Hymn." The rhythm went along
with the tramping feet and sent shivers
up the spine.
The regiment left about four, clad in
regulation blue, armed with Windsor
rifles, and filling 19 passenger and
four baggage cars.
And so that was what was happening,
more or less, a hundred years ago, and
my father came back from Augusta
to Pittston with Enoch, and pretty
soon went back to drilling again with
the other boys with wooden guns,
which they bought at Sawyer & Libby's
hardware and crockery store.
In the quiet market town of Gettys-
burg farmers looked out at their fat
pastures and waited for the mud to
dry out for Spring plowing. Prices
were high and they hoped for a good
harvest.
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THE NEW REPUBLIC A l ournal o f Opinion Volume 148 Number 14 Issue 2524 April 6, 1963
Published weekly (except for omissions of four summer issues) and distributed by The New Republic, 1244 19th St., N.W.,
Washington 6, D. C. Phone: FEderal 8-2494. Single copy 35c. Yearly subscription, $8.00; Foreign, $9.oo, Armed Forces
personnel or students, $5.00. Advertising rates upon request. Subscribers desiring change of address should notify us at
least three weeks in advance. Include old and new address.Copyright? 1963 by Harrison-Blaine, Inc. Item g. Second class
Imprint, reading Second Class Postage Paid at Washington, D. C. Indexed in Readers' Guide to Periodical Literature.
3. Giving and Getting; McNamara's
Doctrine; Crime and Reapportionment;
What's Public Property?; Foreign Report's
8. Underground in the Northeast
by Denis Warner
9. No Pipeline for Moscow
by Terence Prittie
z1. The Adult Congressman
by Murray Kempton
14. Containing Ourselves
by David Riesman
17. Does the FCC have AT&T's Number?
by Dan and Diane Gottlieb
20. Books 26. Music 28. Correspondence
Editor-in-Chief - Gilbert A. Harrison
Publisher - Robert B. Luce
Editors - Christopher Jencks, Robert Evett
Murray Kemp ton
Associate Editor - James Ridgeway
Circulation Manager - Bertha Lehman
Assistant to the Publisher - F. R. Ruskin
Copy Editor - Lucille Davis
Contributing Editors: AlexanderM. Bickel
Robert Brustein, Asher Brynes,
Helen Fuller, Frank Getlein,
B. H. Haggin, Morton H. Halperin,
Irving Howe, Gerald W. Johnson,
Stanley Kauffmann, Walter Z. Laqueur,
Charles Burton Marshall, Helen Hill Miller
Giving and Getting
The more one studies the Clay Report on foreign aid, the more elusive
it becomes. It is a little like the Bible; there is a text for almost every
taste. Still, it is possible to discern a couple of themes. The first is that
American business is a Good Thing ("I don't believe," said General
Clay at his press conference, "any aided country can stand on its own
feet without private enterprise"); the second is that the primary pur-
pose of aid is "the curtailment of Communist efforts in all parts of
the world."
The first theme is heard in the Committee's praise for the "Hicken-
looper Amendment, requiring suspension of aid to countries expro-
priating privately owned US property without adequate compensa-
tion." It recurs in a warning that there have been "too many instances
in which foreign economic aid has been given without regard to .. .
the historic form, character and interest of our own economic system."
The Committee also objects to helping "a foreign government in
projects establishing government-owned industries and commercial
enterprises which compete with existing private endeavors."
The second theme - aid as a weapon in the Cold War - is more
muted. Indeed, at the end of the report, it is said that "the need for
development assistance and a US interest in providing it would con-
tinue even if the Cold War and all our outstanding political differ-
ences with the Communists were to be resolved tomorrow." That
comment, however, read in the context of the whole report, appears
to have been an afterthought. In the main, the Committee recom-
mends aid to "those countries, which, in their contiguity to the Com-
munistic bloc, occupy the frontier of freedom." These countries, it
notes approvingly, "are now receiving the major portion of US foreign
assistance, but are also providing more than two million armed men
ready, for the most part, for any emergency . . . Indeed it might be
better to reduce the resources of our own defense budget rather than
discontinue the support which makes their contribution possible..."
There are, however, some countries "whose military forces presently
are of value largely for internal security purposes," and others, "par-
ticularly in Southeastern and Western Asia, which are neither allies
nor members of alliances with which we are associated." Military
assistance to such countries, the Report says, "is not essential to our
own free world security, and we cannot recommend continued supply
of this equipment..." India and Pakistan are excepted. They are the
only nations in South Asia "able to offset the Red Chinese colossus."
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 THE NEW REPUBLIC
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When it turns to Africa, the Committee backs away:
"The Western European countries should logically bear
most of the necessary aid burden." Why this is so, ex-
cept for the historic fact that Africa until recently was
a colonial preserve of Western Europe, is not explained
in the report. The Committee's assumption of adequate
and continuing French and British aid, with supple-
mental funds (mostly from West Germany) channeled
through the EEC development fund, ignores both eco-
nomic and political dynamics. Nigeria and Tanganyika
have both refused to accept associate status with the
European Economic Community, because they do not
wish to sacrifice their economic independence and
flexibility, even for much-needed development funds.
The only European nation that is now supplying eco-
nomic aid on a scale comparable to the US (Britain can't
afford it) is France. But direct French aid in grants,
technicians' salaries and outright budgetary subsidies
rests on a commercial quid pro quo which ties French
African agricultural products and expanding consumer
imports into a subsidized production-distribution sys-
tem, functioning at above world prices for both exports
and imports. A number of the 14 French African nations
are dissatisfied with these arrangements. Yet the
orderly and rapid evolution of every African state is as
important to the US as it is to Europe. While this is
no argument for a US-sponsored African Alliance for
Progress, it is an argument (which the Clay Committee
does not consider) for maintaining an active interest
in the unfolding of African development plans.
The Report is not convincing either when it suggests
that the US is "over-extended in resources and under-
compensated in results." With a GNP of around $560
billion, what does it mean to say that we are doing
more than we ought, and what criterion are we to use
in deciding whether we are being adequately compen-
sated for help given? Foreign aid properly conceived
is not comparable to a private business transaction, in
which cash returns can be tidily computed.
During the past decade two general and conflicting
versions of the purpose of foreign aid have emerged.
One view is that the program's justification is primarily
moral. From that point of view, aid is not so much a
power-holding operation as it is a continuing act of
faith in the human race. This is the view of Americans
whose consciences are troubled by the thought that
while we buy electric toothbrushes, Indians work 12
hours a day for a pittance. A very rich nation does not
ask what the poor can do for it, but what it can do for
them. The poverty of Asia, Africa and Latin America
is, as the race to the moon seems to President Kennedy,
"a challenge we cannot refuse."
The other broad view, and it is the Clay Report's, is
that unless aid is a weapon in the Cold War it is of
only marginal value; the test is whether a foreign aid
dollar contributes more to US security than a dollar
given the Pentagon or CIA.
If the Congress acts on the second of these assump-
tions, as it probably will, a good deal more will be cut
from the requested appropriation than the $500 million
proposed by General Clay. When the Congress begins
to demand some proof that these 95 countries now get-
ting US aid are helping us fight Communism or bring-
ing us more business, what will the Administration
reply? Rep. Otto Passman, the chairman of the House
Subcommittee that must first consider foreign aid, has
already replied: the Clay Report is "absolutely mean-
ingless . . . Congress cuts the President's foreign aid
request an average of $i billion each year." And even
a liberal Republican like Senator Cooper, former Am-
bassador to India, wants no new aid commitments until
Congress undertakes a country-by-country review.
Smarting from the 1962 cut in the aid budget from
$4.9 billion to $3.9 billion, and foreseeing Congres-
sional demands for further economies this year, the
Administration perhaps hoped, when it appointed this
impeccably conservative Committee last December,
that its report would provide a barricade from which
to defend the program against massive assault. Per-
haps this tactic will succeed in averting the worst. But
it should be pointed out that there was an alternative.
The President could have picked a quite different Com-
mittee, a Committee whose members were more know-
ing about the developing countries (only two members
of the Clay Committee - Eugene Black and Professor
Edward Mason of Harvard - can be termed qualified to
reappraise the program). Another sort of committee,
while sharply critical of what we are now doing, might
have put forward a much more ambitious program, not
a less ambitious one, permitting the Administration to
fight from a forward position. That, in our judgment,
would have been more in keeping with the best inter-
ests of both the Administration and the country.
McNamara's Doctrine
As with John Foster Dulles' "massive retaliation"
speech in 1954, there has been much debate about what
Mr. McNamara really meant by his "no cities" doc-
trine. It was not until January 31, when the Secretary
testified before the House Armed Services Committee
on his specific budget -decisions, that the doctrine came
into clearer focus. In this testimony, gradually being
released to the public, and in other statements, Mr. Mc-
Namara and Defense Department officials reaffirm the
importance of developing nuclear weapons systems
(and particularly civilian command and control under
wartime conditions) which could hit Soviet strategic
forces without attacking cities. They do not state
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that the ultimate destruction of cities is inconceivable;
rather that it is the responsibility of the Administra-
tion not only to deter any kind of nuclear war, if it
can, but to do what can be done to limit a nuclear war
if deterrence fails.
Although some commentators have viewed the "no-
cities" doctrine as an alarming attempt to extend the
life of "massive retaliation," it was evident from the
start that the Administration conceived it as a supple-
ment to conventional build-up, not as a substitute for
it. Now Mr. McNamara has gone even further. He re-
veals that he has ordered studies of US combat require-
ments for the non-nuclear defense of various areas
throughout the world. Europe aside, the Administra-
tion believes the West could "counter a wide spectrum
of Sino-Soviet bloc aggressions" by conventional
means. Though he stresses that the US would use what-
ever weapons are required to turn back a Soviet assault
on Western Europe, Mr. McNamara comes as close as
any high US official ever has to saying that the Ameri-
can aim is to have sufficient conventional forces to de-
fend Europe against a non-nuclear assault without re-
sort to nuclear weapons. He is confident that NATO
could create and maintain such conventional forces.
On the question of what kind of strategic nuclear
power the US intends to develop, Mr. McNamara re-
plies that he is not committed to targeting every Soviet
strategic delivery vehicle, as the Air Force would like
him to do. For example, he notes that the US now has
no way to destroy Soviet submarine forces. In addition,
he points out that the Soviet Union is hardening its
missile sites and that it would not be practical to build
sufficient forces to destroy these sites. In effect, Mr.
McNamara is saying that as long as the USSR con-
tinues to depend on soft missile sites and vulnerable
aircraft systems, the US will go on manufacturing mis-
siles to destroy Soviet retaliatory forces. Thus, money
spent by the USSR on such forces is money partly
wasted, since the US will keep "covering" these forces
by increasing its own expenditures. If, however, the
Soviets concentrate on hard, dispersed missiles and on
submarines, the US cannot try to target them all.
All the evidence now available indicates that, wheth-
er we like it or not, both sides are developing second
strike forces which can survive a first blow. As Stewart
Alsop reported last fall in Satevepost, Mr. McNamara
believes that when this happens the danger of nuclear
war will be substantially lowered. But even if Mc-
Namar's optimism is unwarranted, it is hard to refute
his contention that, with our first-strike capacity van-
ishing or already vanished, we ought to face this fact
and attempt to use it to add to our security rather than
ignoring it and suddenly in some future crisis realizing
that we have no acceptable means of meeting our
national commitments.
Crime and Reapportionment
The Supreme Court on Monday, March 16, handed
down a number of decisions that will significantly af-
fect the administration of criminal justice by the states.
The case that is likely to have the widest immediate
impact is Fay v. Noia, which makes more readily avail-
able to persons held in state prisons - on convictions
obtained against them as long, it may be, as a genera-
tion ago - the federal writ of habeas corpus, and thus,
a fresh and independent test of the constitutionality of
their detention. Before the court spoke, habeas corpus
could be denied on the ground that the prisoner had
failed to take advantage of a correctional procedure
provided by the state, which was open at the time, but
not later. The present decision gives access to the fed-
eral courts if at the time such access is sought no fur-
ther state procedure is open to correct what is alleged
to be a constitutional error. This will make a consider-
able difference.
The Supreme Court also straightened out a much-
debated prior doctrine under which the Constitution
was held to require the states to provide indigent de-
fendants with counsel in all death cases, but not neces-
sarily in all other criminal proceedings. The states will
now be required, as is the federal government, to pro-
vide counsel throughout the criminal process. The de-
cision is important because it speaks with clarity to
state judges across the country about their obligation,
though not in a good many years has any criminal case
in which an indigent defendant was denied counsel
passed muster in the Supreme Court, even under the
old doctrine.
The same decision-Monday also saw an 8-1 opinion
striking down Georgia's notorious county-unit system,
which Georgia had provisionally abandoned in the
1962 elections under pressure from a lower federal
court. This makes it final. Few will mourn the passing
of the system, though one may regret somewhat the
Court's opinion, for it sheds not a ray of light on the
apportionment problem in general and fails even to
state a tenable principle on which to base its own de-
cision. "One person, one vote," the opinion states in its
peroration, but it will be one hundred years, if then,
before any branch of American government is con-
stituted on that basis, and many of us will be surprised
how little we will like or value the result, should it
come about. Earlier in the opinion, the statement is
qualified. It is to be "one person, one vote" only within
a given constituency from which a representative is to
be chosen-once that constituency has been designat-
ed. But what is a constituency? Why must it be a geo-
graphical unit? Would it be all right if Georgia had its
governor chosen by the legislature? Why are require-
ments imposed on the states which obviously do not
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HE NEW REPUBLIC
obtain for the federal government?
It may be ungracious and ungrateful to ask such
questions of a Court that gives us such a satisfying
result. But satisfying results obtained from the judici-
ary are uncertain blessings if they do not rest on in-
telligible, let alone satisfying, reasons.
ALEXANDER M. BICKEL
What's Public Property?
In the American dream, a lone inventor toils for years
in a barn or attic to produce an idea like the cotton
gin, the mechanical reaper, the sewing machine, the in-
candescent lamp; a man wins fame and fortune not by
pushing others around, or outfoxing them, but by us-
ing his mind to confer a benefit. The first automated
factory, a flour mill, was conceived by one man, a farm
boy turned mechanic; he had it operating in the year
of the Constitutional Convention and secured for it
one of the earlier federal patents, in 1790. The great
Edison headed what we would call today a hole-in-the-
wall research and development firm which created the
electric power and light industry almost complete, from
generators to transmission lines to switches and recep-
tacles and electric lamps.
All that has changed. The Federal Government, once
so anxious to reward successful research and develop-
ment that it sanctioned the issuance of grants of mo-
nopoly to lone inventors, has had to go into business
itself. The kind of inventing that needs to be done
today requires funding on a scale that is beyond the
reach of individuals. In fiscal 1964 the government will
spend just about $15 billion for such purposes, an in-
crease of 50 percent over research and development
expenditures in 196z. Research and development ac-
counts for an impressive slice of the federal budget, a
seventh of the whole; it is the fastest growing major
enterprise in the country.
Much of this experimental work is in fields far re-
moved from normal civilian concern. The Department
of Defense will probably use up some $7.6 billion, or
about half of the federal R&D budget; another huge
slice, $4.2 billion, will be spent by the National Aero-
nautics and Space Administration, mostly for getting
to the moon and living on it for short periods.
Smaller agencies such as the Department of Agri-
culture spend very little on R&D, but what they do
spend is of direct interest to the public, here and now.
Perhaps that is why Agriculture has sensibly kept all
its own patents, licensing manufacturers and others to
use them freely. He who pays for R&D, so reasons
Agriculture, ought to keep the fruit of it, the patents.
That is the way it is done outside government; the
government itself has to buy the use of patents not
owned by it, like all other processors and purchasers.
The Defense Department's relatively lower yield of
patentable ideas for its research dollar has led to the
odd practice of allowing R&D contractors to patent for
themselves whatever they can, even though the De-
partment may have paid all of the costs of the research
that preceded the invention and provided the research
firm a guaranteed profit on its work as well. When one
of its contractors takes out a patent on the work he has
been paid to do, the Department demands a "royalty-
free license" which allows the government the free use
of the idea. Everybody else then has to pay a royalty
or fee, as if the patent were the product of an ordinary
commercial venture.
The National Aeronautics and Space Administration
has now proposed to follow Defense Department
patent policy. Should this happen almost four-fifths of
the nation's public R&D costs will be allocated to the
production of new knowledge and ideas for which the
public has to pay twice - first in taxes, in the form of
profit-loaded research contracts; and again in the form
of licensing fees or royalties which are added to the
costs of the same things when produced for the market.
ASHER BRYNES
FOREIGN REPORTS
* Mrs. Meir's charges in the Knesset that German
scientists have been hired by the Egyptians to help
them build weapons of "mass destruction" for use
against Israel are probably exaggerated, but they none-
theless throw a sinister light on the Arab-Israel arms
race. By weapons of "mass destruction," Mrs. Meir,
the Foreign Minister, was obliquely referring to what
the Israeli press has been describing as rockets loaded
with bacteriological, chemical and radiological material
which, on detonation by a conventional explosive,
would disperse and exterminate Israel's two-and-one
quarter million people. Dr. Sanger, a leading German
rocket expert who was persuaded by Bonn to leave
Cairo in 1960 but whose students apparently are car-
rying out most of the research there now, says it will be
several years before Nasser will have rockets for "mili-
tary use." The Egyptians are particularly lacking in
knowledge of guidance systems and warhead construc-
tion. And they are relying on the talents of only a
dozen Germans, not 40o as originally reported. The
latter are employed in constructing aircraft.
Yet Nasser is making a slow but sure start on his
own Force de Frappe with which he can terrorize the
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Israelis and scare his some-time Middle Eastern allies.
Faced with this Israel cannot be expected to sit tight
and be silent. Israel has some ground-to-ground rockets
and will purchase Hawk missiles from the US as a
deterrent against Soviet Badger bombers, owned by
the Egyptians. Her nuclear expertise cannot be far be-
hind that of the Germans at work in Cairo, if at all.
There has never been any serious discussion between
the US and the USSR on turning the Middle East into
a nuclear-free zone, though the Soviets made the sug-
gestion in 1958. It was regarded at the time with sus-
picion in Washington, for it would have been a threat
to the continuance of the Baghdad pact. The idea now
deserves reconsideration. In the meantime, the Bonn
government is ransacking its statute books to find laws
which could force its rocketeers to return from Cairo.
Moscow
* The news from the Moscow cultural battlefield is
sad. Mr. Khrushchev's speech of March 8th in which
he announced the reimposition of strict controls and
upbraided all those writers and composers, painters
and moviemakers who had strayed from the norms of
socialist realism, has now been followed up by a flood
of letters and statements expressing enthusiastic sup-
port in the Soviet press. Most of the letters were writ-
ten by conservatives or writers and artists from the
more remote parts of the Soviet Union where de-Stalin-
ization had been less advanced than in Moscow and
Leningrad. The few prominent writers and artists who
have expressed support for the new controls have done
so in very general, sometimes ambiguous, terms. A few
daring spirits in Leningrad even had the courage to
answer back. More disturbing are the administrative
measures that have been taken. Mr. Tvardovski, who
edited the more liberal Novy Mir, is said to have been
replaced by the conservative critic Ermilov whose
primary claim to literary fame is the ignominious
part he played in the attacks against Mayakovski in
1930 and against Pasternak in the Fifties. Ehrenburg
will have to rewrite the last part of his memoirs if he
wants them published, movies already in production
will have to be adjusted, "formalist" poems, abstract
pictures, serial music and a great many other things
have been banned, and visits of Soviet writers and
artists abroad have been severely curtailed. A very cold
wind is heralding the spring of 1963 in Moscow.
The real quarrel is not, of course, about modernism
or abstractionism or formalism; Mr. Ehrenburg does
not really write like Joyce and Kafka, and Mr. Nek-
rassov (the other main culprit in Khrushchev's eyes)
is not a Russian Henry James. The real issue is creative
freedom for the writers and artists; what the "liberals"
wanted was more latitude, more freedom to comment
on Russia's past and present, more cultural exchanges
with other countries. Politically, the "liberals" were
very much in sympathy with most of Mr. Khrushchev's
domestic and foreign policies. Yet the party leaders
thought their demands potentially very dangerous and
felt that unless a firm stand was taken against the fer-
ment among the intelligentsia, the mood would spread
to other sections of the population, especially the
younger generation, and as a result the party leader-
ship would soon find itself threatened. Mr. Khrushchev
is not after all a hero in a 19th Century Russian novel
who can afford to make all kinds of damning admis-
sions; in view of his own involvement, he has to find
excuses and justifications for much of the Stalin period.
Politically, this no doubt makes sense, but there are
strong pressures in Soviet society in favor of a more
radical break with the Stalinist past. Mr. Khrushchev
took great trouble to deny the existence of a conflict
between the generations, despite some statements to
the contrary in recent novels and films. Yet what good
is there in denying the obvious? The younger genera-
tion will have the last word anyway. The stronger the
pressure exerted on them now, the more violent their
reaction is likely to be. Mr. Khrushchev seems to have
forgotten all about dialectics.
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TIME BOUGHT IN LAOS IS BEING WASTED IN THAILAND
Underground in the Northeast
Victoria, Australia
The only remaining Western justification for the Ge-
neva Agreement on Laos is that it bought time. "We
didn't really think that we had more than about a four
percent hope of making neutrality work," is the way
one American official puts it, "but, having rejected the
alternative, which was to fight for Laos under the most
disadvantageous circumstances, this was the best we
could hope for."
The statement is not mere diplomatic face-saving.
Though events in Laos have followed the widely ex-
pected pattern, those who insist that Geneva bought
time can still present a reasoned case. It is true, as they
insist, that because of the Geneva Agreement, and in
spite of its weaknesses, the Pathet Lao forces do not yet
control the vital Laotian side of the Mekong valley,
and that the main lines of Laotian communications
along the river are still in the hands of Phoumi Nosa-
van's right wing. Geneva did nothing to halt or hinder
the movement of cadres and supplies over the Ho Chi
Minh trail into South Vietnam, yet it is patently to the
Communists' disadvantage to be confined to the back-
breaking and treacherous jungle trails that pass
through their areas and to be denied by the Geneva
Agreement what they could have picked up very quick-
ly by force. For the moment, the large-scale movement
of men and supplies from North Vietnam to South
Vietnam needed to change the balance of forces heavily
in the Communists' favor cannot take place. Or this, at
least, is how the argument runs.
The time bought in Laos, it is also said, is not merely
working for the cause in South Vietnam but for north-
eastern Thailand, where for years the forces allied to, or
under the control of, the Viet Minh in Hanoi have been
making preparations for another "war of national
liberation." Like icebergs, only a fraction of these
"wars" show above the surface. They become military
only in their final expression, and their success depends
primarily on the hidden social, economic and ideologi-
cal preparation at the village level. Incredible as it may
now seem, however, for at least io years every Thai
Government and every Western embassy in Bangkok
has been aware of this underground effort in the north-
east. No impending "war of national liberation" has
ever cast quite such a long shadow.
As early as 1945 Prince Souphanouvong and other
members of the Lao Issara forces, which were intent on
preventing the reimposition of French rule in Laos, used
the Mekong as a means of escape into friendly north-
eastern Thailand. Some of the main Lao Issara bases
were in Thailand, and Souvanna Phouma in relaxed
mood will tell with obvious pleasure how he stripped
Vientiane of everything from its water reservoir pump
to its light brackets and sold them across the river in an
effort to raise funds to continue the brief revolt.
Many years earlier, before the first big Communist
uprising in Vietnam in 1931, Ho Chi Minh, now the
venerable leader of the Viet Minh, made his headquar-
ters in northeastern Thailand, and even raised and
trained groups of Vietnamese Communists there for
service against the French. Bangkok knew little of these
activities and cared less. Though the northeast now
has a population of nearly nine million, it has always
been Thailand's Cinderella. In race, culture and lan-
guage its inhabitants are more Lao than Thai, and es-
pecially along and near the Mekong have always felt
more intimately associated with their kin across the
river than with remote Bangkok.
In many places, the Thai Government's writ extends
to the district level in the northeast, but not beyond,
and elected village chiefs have no link with government
authority. Even the policeman, that universal symbol of
authority, is conspicuous by his absence. Often with
no access roads, or even ox cart tracks to the nearest
district center, and, in any event, cut off for months
at a time by monsoon rains, lacking in even the most
primitive medical facilities, sometimes even without
wells for water, these northeastern peasants have been
the "sea" for all sorts of "fish." Opium traders for
years have hauled the Laotian crop through the north-
east, with no questions asked. During the Indo-China
War the Communists' external supplies of drugs and
medicines originated in Bangkok and went unchal-
lenged through the northeast to the Pathet Lao and
then on to the Viet Minh.
Though an incipient separatist movement appeared
to die with its leader Tiang Sirrikhan, in a police am-
bush early in the 'fifties, the northeast has remained a
simmering center of potential dissidence. Given the Lao
emphasis and orientation among so many of its people,
it was obvious that the Laotian debacle would have
serious repercussions here, even if only of a sympathet-
ic nature. A further complication was the presence of
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a Vietnamese minority, almost all of it sympathetic to
the Viet Minh, and which, at its peak, numbered about
65,000. For years the Thai Government wrestled in a
half-hearted way with this aspect of the problem. Ten-
tative plans to resettle some of the Vietnamese in less
sensitive areas were abandoned a decade ago when the
women, in protest against the move, lay down in the
streets of a Mekong River town to bar the way for a
cavalcade of cars carrying. Prime Minister Pibul Song-
gram and his party. Pibul went home in disgust: the
Vietnamese stayed.
Pibul's successor, Field Marshal Sarit, himself a
northeasterner and a distant cousin of Laos' Gen-
eral Phoumi Nosavan, has been tougher, if not neces-
sarily more effective, and in the past couple of years
there have been repeated roundups of Communist sus-
pects in the northeast, and thousands of Vietnamese
have been repatriated to North Vietnam. The Thais
were delighted that young men and women were ac-
corded the highest priority in the Vietnamese repatria-
tion program: they are much less enchanted now to dis-
cover that many have merely made the round trip and
become indoctrinated, trained, and sometimes armed,
on the way back.
Though all sorts of impressive plans have been on
the drawing board for the northeast, it was not until
last year - and then only under US pressure - that
Bangkok really began to dig into the grass roots of the
northeastern problem. Mobile teams, including Ameri-
cans, went out not merely to check on Communist in-
trigues but to find out something of the living condi-
tions of the people and their needs. They discovered in
some areas that the only external assistance the people
had ever received had come from the Communist
Pathet Lao on the other side of the Mekong, and that,
in addition to returning indoctrinated Vietnamese re-
patriation, Lao-Thais has also begun to come back
from Pathet Lao training schools.
It is never easy to gauge in such a situation the ex-
tent of infiltration and penetration. Repeated stories
from eyewitness sources that the Pathet Lao have even
used helicopters in their own movements across the
Mekong and the conspicuous, and unexplained, absence
in some areas of young men, suggest that the problem
is serious. It is more difficult to evaluate Thai "evi-
dence," including the frequent rounding up of suspects
and their "confessions." The opinion among those
who should know, however, is that penetration is far
advanced and increasing and that the translation of
plans for community aid from the drawing board to the
ground will need to move much more rapidly if the
shadow of subversion is not to become the substance
of another "liberation" war.
THE UNITED STATES AND ADENAUER MAKE A DEAL
No Pipeline for Moscow
Bonn
The muggy air of Bonn has been heavy with drama
during the past fortnight as a consequence of varying
German interpretations of the Federal Republic's obli-
gations to NATO and of outstanding bureaucratic
muddling. (By a curious coincidence Professor Park-
inson, perhaps the most acid critic in the world of
bureaucracy, was lecturing in Bonn only a few days
previously but he knew nothing of the monumental
muddle right under his nose.) The dramatics began
when Adenauer flew back from his Italian holiday
resort on March 18, having traveled there from Bonn
only two days before. He returned to face a "walkout"
from the Bundestag by the Christian Democrats, which
resulted in the Bundestag being unable to muster a
quorum to vote on the subject under discussion.
That subject was the Government's embargo on the
export of 163,000 tons of 170 millimeter steel tubes to
the Soviet Union. They were needed by the Soviet
Union for the construction of the 6oo-mile oil pipeline
from the Ukraine to the East German town of Schwedt-
on-Oder. Contracts for delivery of these tubes had
been signed with three Ruhr firms' on October 5, 1962.
Mannesmann undertook to deliver 8o,ooo tons,
Phoenix-Rheinrohr 52,000 and Hoesch 31,000 tons of
tubes. But on November 21 the NATO Council de-
cided that the tubes had a potential military and "stra-
tegic" value and their export should not be allowed.
On December 18, the Federal Government approved an
ordinance which promulgated the embargo.
The Bundestag is allowed a statutory period of
three months in which to protest a Cabinet ordinance
passed without its having been consulted. The three
Ruhr steel firms evidently supposed that the ordinance
would in any event apply only to deliveries of tubes
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which might be negotiated after the NATO Council's
decision on November 2I. They certainly did not sup-
pose the ordinance would be made retroactive. More-
over, on January 8, the Customs Office in Dusseldorf
completed and delivered the necessary permits for the
transaction. The three firms had been given - even sup-
posing it was needed at all - the final green light.
Nevertheless, they wanted to clear up all possible
doubt in the matter. In the course of January and
February they sent no fewer than ii letters to the
Chancellor, the Ministry of Economics and the Foreign
Ministry, requesting confirmation and further informa-
tion. Not one of them was answered.
"Not Exactly Elegant"
On March 18, Adenauer tried his utmost to secure
the support of his Free Democratic coalition partners
for the embargo - due to enter into force at midnight.
He failed. The Free Democrats were ready to approve
the ordinance only on condition that its implementa-
tion not be made retroactive and that contracts which
were already signed should be honored. The US Em-
bassy in Bonn took the unusual step of making its
own approach to the Free Democrats, but was equally
unsuccessful. In the Bundestag the Christian Demo-
crats struggled desperatly to avoid defeat-for the
Social and Free Democrats could jointly outvote them.
The Chancellor's lieutenants argued that the ordinance
had really gone into effect on March 17, but this was
sharply denied by the President of the Bundestag, Eu-
gen Gerstenmaier, himself a Christian Democrat. Next
the Christian Democrats claimed that they were im-
plementing a treaty by imposing the embargo, and
Bundestag approval was not therefore needed. The
majority of the house rejected this argument too.
Dr. Adenauer accordingly led the Christian Demo-
crats out of the Chamber and Gerstenmaier, the only
Christian Democrat who stayed, had to announce that
no valid vote could be taken. The ordinance thus en-
tered into force, and the imposition of the embargo
means that the contracts entered into by the three
Ruhr firms must be cancelled.
The consequences will be considerable. In the first
place the three firms have lost business valued at $z8
million, and 3,000 steel tubes are lying in Bremen ware-
houses, awaiting shipment to the Soviet Union. One of
the three firms, Hoesch, has said that it will have to
put some of its workers on short time from May i
onwards, when its steel tube factory will be operating
at only two-thirds of capacity. The scale of the orders
is considerable - total West German export of steel
tubes to the Soviet Union averaged 200,000 tons a year
during the last three years. The three firms ask why
such exports were considered harmless in the past
but now are regarded as so "dangerous."
The cancellation will hurt the Soviet Union consider-
ably, for Western Germany is believed to supply be-
tween a half and two-thirds of the Soviet imports of
steel tubes. This may, in turn, have an adverse effect
on the Federal Republic's trading relations with Com-
munist Bloc countries. The Social Democrats have been
quick to point out that the Federal Government has
only just signed an expanded trade agreement with
Poland and agreed to establish a trade mission in War-
saw. It is contemplating similar arrangements with
Hungary at the moment. What effect will the embargo
on the export of steel tubes have on these countries?
The plain fact is that contracts, which were entered
into legally, are not to be honored by West Germans.
Poles, Hungarians and others may regard Ludwig
Erhard's remark, made by the Minister of Economics
on March iq, that the way things had been handled
was "not exactly elegant" as a major understatement.
West German public opinion is for the most part sharp-
ly critical of how the Bundestag has been treated. The
Christian Democrats have pointed out that the Social
Democrats have themselves often prevented a vote
being taken by insisting that there was no quorum.
But this has been a totally different matter. The Chris-
tian Democrats on March 18 artificially created the sit-
uation in which no quorum could be found. They did
this only a few hours before a hotly debated ordinance
was due to enter into force. The prevailing view is that
this action constituted the negation of parliamentary
democracy. The word has been passed around Bonn
that British, Italian and Japanese firms are poised to
take on the orders which the German firms are not
being allowed to fulfill. In Britain, both South Durham
Steel and Stewarts and Lloyds must be ready to jump
at a chance like this. The British Government, more-
over, has no power to prevent the export of goods
which are not specifically armaments. The Soviet Union
may get its tubes from another NATO country instead
of from Germany and, thus, this is all that may have
been achieved.
It is self-evident that the Christian Democrats acted
as they did in order to please Washington. It is equally
evident that they were keen to do this because Ameri-
can opinion has been so worried by the implications of
the Franco-German Treaty of Cooperation and by the
breakdown of the Brussels talks between Britain and
the Common Market. But has the Government's action
been wise? Should the building of a Soviet pipeline
come within the competence of the NATO Council? In
Germany, at least, there is a growing feeling that trade
should be expanded between East and West and that
this is one of the most effective ways of making peace-
ful coexistence something more than a slogan.
TERENCE PRITTIE
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The Adult Congressman
by Murray Kempton
The long legs of George Lodge, who had been the last
stepping stone to Teddy Kennedy's ascension to the
Senate, were found stretched and relaxed the other day
in the office of Congressman John Lindsay of New
York City.
A visitor observed that the Massachusetts Senatorial
election had been almost too pat an exercise in the
inverse operations of the merit system in American
politics. Professor Stuart Hughes, the independent and
the freshest candidate, had gotten the fewest votes;
George Lodge, the Republican and the best-trained
candidate, had gotten the next fewest; and Teddy Ken-
nedy, who had never taken any greater trouble than to
be born, had gotten most of all.
"You know," said George Lodge, "I was sorry about
Hughes. He started so well, talking about disarmament
and disengagement. I thought he promised a different
kind of campaign. Then -I don't know, maybe he
thought he had a chance to win - he ended up sounding
almost as bad as Kennedy and I did."
One leaves such men with a pang. We do not seem
merely to have gained an appallingly junior Senator
from Massachusetts; we very well may also have lost
an adult Congressman.
Still there are more adult Congressmen than either
the exterior reputation or the interior mood of their
institution might condition any visitor to expect. The
adult Congressman can be hopeful or disenchanted. It
is useless to assay him as liberal or conservative, since
these words are usable with Congressmen for describ-
ing public attitudes rather than private feelings. He can
be an insider or an outsider. He can believe, as Senator
Clark of Pennsylvania does, that President Kennedy
has a brilliant record in office or he can wonder, as
Senator McCarthy of Minnesota sometimes does,
whether the Administration is not so busy taking
soundings that it forgets to sail the ship.
But there is one certain test for identifying the adult
Congressman whatever his party. He qualifies if, dur-
ing the first half hour of any visit with him, he brings
up the one text whose citation defines him. Its source,
oddly enough, is Dwight D. Eisenhower, whose final
words as President were a warning against the mili-
tary-industrial complex the growth of which, he said,
has come "to involve the very structure of our society."
Mr. Eisenhower's farewell address has a peculiar his-
tory. The liberals, who have the franchise on respect-
able discontent, had in the main ceased to listen to
Mr. Eisenhower and barely noticed it. The Republicans
quite forgot to enter it into the Congressional Record;
it was finally introduced by Eugene McCarthy, a liberal
Democrat. It has survived since as an underground cult
work-Mr. Eisenhower would be surprised that he has
been preserved as Henry Miller was-and it exists
now as the ark of the doctrine which separates the
adult Congressman from his fellows.
The successful Congressman, now as always, has
been the one who thinks of his seat as a counsel bench
for just one client, his district.
"They work their way," says Richard Boiling of
Missouri, a critical adult insider, "on to those commit-
tees where they can get favors for their districts and
after that they can't be beaten and they establish them-
selves in little enclaves of subcommittees where they
are more powerful than the President."
It is this passion which John Lindsay, a Republican
and an adult, parodies when he mockingly explains
why he votes against bills to outlaw pornographic
literature.
"Pornography is the largest industry in the Seven-
teenth Congressional District," Lindsay says. "Do they
want to make it a depressed area?"
The $5o billion defense budget has grown without
effective resistance because it fattens on the demands
of Congressmen for their districts and because it di-
verts private corporations from their pride in their
independence and from that concern with fiscal stabil-
ity, which overcomes them when they confront a child
on a relief roll.
"I was complaining to a friend of mine who is in the
Defense Department about the industrial-military com-
plex the other day," Lindsay says. "He said he had
heard a lot of vague talk about this sort of thing, but
he just wished someone would come up with one con-
crete example. I told him I could give him two.
"Last year the Justice Department brought in a bill
which would have given it the power to fire any em-
ployee of a defense contractor whom it judged a secu-
rity risk. The Pentagon, of course, testified for it. And
then every Congressman got a letter from the largest
association of defense contractors urging him to vote
for the Industrial Security Bill. And this would have
been the first law ever written in the United States
which would have given the government the power to
fire people in private industry."
"Then we were debating the raise in the debt limit
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from $3oo billion to $308 billion. One Congressman
took the floor to report that the chairmen of the
boards of mighty corporations had called to ask him
to to raise the debt. They freely admitted that the
gon had called and told them that, if the debt
limit wasn't increased, they wouldn't get paid. 'All
right,' my friend conceded; you win.' "
Gerald Ford, a Grand Rapids Republican, was the
first Congressman to inject the fact of corporate pres-
sure for a higher national debt into the debate.
"I mentioned Chrysler," says Congressman Ford.
"And right away five or six other members asked me
to yield so they could tell the same story about calls
from their districts."
A Middle-Aged Turk
Lindsay, of course, is an outsider - a resistance Con-
gressman familiar for his solitary dissents from par-
ticular House assaults on personal liberty; he and three
Democrats stopped the Internal Security bill by joining
to refuse unanimous consent for the suspension of the
rules that was needed for its passage. But Ford is an
archetypal insider, the ranking Republican on the
Armed Services Committee and the new chairman of
the House Republican Conference. He was elected to
the latter office by a caucus in revolt against Minority
Leader Halleck; its impulse was more personal than
political; but it still reflected the sense of an unex-
pected number of Republicans that their party needed
some programs related to the engagement of problems.
"I'm one of those middle-aged Turks," Ford says.
"There's a speech I've been wanting to make for a
long time, but, for some reason or other, there's never
been an occasion," he says. "Do you remember Ike's
farewell speech? Well, there's a condition around here
that's bad.
"It's these military reservists. They meet here one
Thursday a month for 'training.' They get allowances
and pay and promotions. More than half my committee
members and most of the staff are reservists. They
can't be objective. There's one member of my commit-
tee who is a brigadier or maybe a major general in the
Chemical Corps reserves. He sits behind our table when
the Chemical Corps comes in with its budget and asks
questions they've written out for him to help them
make a record."
"I thank God for old John Taber. When I came here,
I went on appropriations and John put me on the Army
panel. I'd been in the Navy and I figured I'd know more
about that, so I asked John why he hadn't put me on
the Navy panel. John said he figured I'd be more ob-
jective on the Army panel."
The adult Congressman is detached about himself
and modest about his powers of resistance. The Navy
could hardly have neglected to invite Gerald Ford to
join its reserves, and he must certainly have declined.
Barry Goldwater is a reserve Brigadier General in the
Air Force and the stout champion of every excess his
comrades-in-arms demand from the Senate. And that
is one good reason why Barry Goldwater can hardly be
considered an adult Senator.
"Look what's happening to McNamara," says Ger-
ald Ford. "I'm sorry he bought all of Max Taylor's
theories of defense. But he's a hell of a good man. He's
making decisions; if they're right, he will be the best
Secretary of Defense we've ever had; if they're wrong
he could be the worst. But he's dealing with the facts as
he sees them; he can't always be thinking about these
guys and their damned districts."
The adult Congressman is engaged with real prob-
lems, as Taft was and the younger LaFollette was; he
is a national politician. He is not without certain vani-
ties but they are never the disabling small ones. There
lurks in the back of his mind, more often than not, the
dream that he could be President of the United States;
it is the surrender of that dream which, more often than
not, makes the adolescent Congressman turn to a
career in his house and end as a committee oligarch.
The adult Congressman turns out to be surprisingly
aware of problems that a liberal society and a liberal
Administration have almost forgotten. If he is an out-
sider such as Eugene McCarthy, he is disturbed by the
tiny dimensions of all remedies so far advanced by
the government.
"Everything," says, McCarthy, "seems to be a pilot
project." And yet we-2nay''be going through one of
those periods like the late Middle Ages when the serfs
were turned off the farms and into the cities with noth-
ing to do. Automation could be that fundamental."
If he is an outsider like John Lindsay, the adult Con-
gressman explores dark towers of the government, like
the Central Intelligence Agency, which moves and
shakes outside the limits of public or Congressional
knowledge. Lindsay and McCarthy and a number of
Congressmen have introduced bills to set up a joint
Congressional Committee to watch the CIA as the
Joint Committee on Atomic Energy watches the AEC.
"I called CIA one day and asked them to send down
a man for a briefing. I sent them three questions. The
first was whether the CIA is financing a certain sup-
posedly private organization in New York; the second
was to what extent Mr. McCone has established the
danger in Cuba; the third was how the Central Intelli-
gence Agency would feel if Congress set up a com-
mittee to watch over its operations.
"Three days later, a little man appeared in my office
and announced he was from the CIA and that the an-
swer was negative.
'What do you mean negative?' I asked.
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'We won't discuss your first two questions,' he
answered. 'That is our policy. We are an arm of the
President and report only to him. On the third question
we have no opinion. The CIA does not take a position
on legislation before Congress.'
"And that is a CIA briefing for a Congressman."
If he is an insider like Richard Bolling, he sees signs
for the first time in his service that the adult Congress-
men may be approaching a position of command.
Congress has never seemed more closely divided
between those who are apathetic and those who are
disgusted. The general mood strikes the outsider as
baleful; but it seems, in point of fact, only sodden. The
President has artfully avoided the one thing that might
disturb the ordinary Congressman, which would be to
get the country moving again.
In whatever nerve ends it has, Congress feels un-
moored, drifting and with a brackish taste at the back
of the mouth. It has, of course, lost those tie ropes
which Sam Rayburn and Lyndon Johnson held so
tight. Rayburn held the House with a cluster of syn-
thetic Texas ropes. John McCormack was the Boston
Irish Texan; Emmanuel Celler the Brooklyn Jewish
Texan; William Dawson, the South Chicago Negro
Texan; and Bolling, for whom the old man had a spe-
cial personal affection, an occasional Kansas City
liberal Texan. In death, the old man was revealed
as larger than the sum of his parts; what power there
remains in the House that survived him is fragmented.
"Tad Walter is a powerful man," one veteran says,
"he has control over private immigration bills. And the
Un-American Activities Committee is big. Walter's a
guy who can give you a clearance if they call you a
Communist in your district. And I don't know anyone
else but Walter who could have rescued the Adminis-
tration on aid to Yugoslavia and Cuba. Then Mike
Kirwan's big. He has the subcommittee on Appropria-
tions for the Interior Department, and he has power in
terms of control of boodle."
In this disorder of independent fortified towns, there
are signs that a new establishment is forming. The
House Republicans elected Ford against the will of
their leadership and the House Democrats refused to
seat Congressman Landrum of Georgia on the Ways
and Means Committee after their leadership had
promised him the place in exchange for Georgia's votes
for an expanded Rules Committee.
"The Republicans," Bolling thinks, "are getting tired
of reacting on the orders of Charley Halleck's knee
jerks. But there's this terrible discouragement for the
younger men. The House hasn't discovered a tech-
nique for using all its members." But Bolling concedes
that it has not perhaps wanted to. "They say that loo
people do all the work of the House. A young man
comes here and finds the doors closed and is compelled
to discover his own ineffectiveness against the walls
in front of him."
The Texas rope in the Senate, of course, went slack
when Lyndon Johnson rose into the blue, although he
is said to exercise some power from the spirit world
through rappings to his former assistant, Robert Baker,
now secretary to the Democratic policy committee.
The established Democratic family is, moreover, in
danger of engulfment by an influx of Northern cousins
which began to grow excessive in 1958 and now threat-
ens to take over the whole house.
"I'm Going to Win"
Senator Clark of Pennsylvania who mounted a three-
day attack on the Senate establishment last month,
ended it by pointing out that, in the last five
years, the Southern Democrat-Safe Republican alliance
has lost control of five Senate committees, including
"believe it or not" Senator Eastland's Judiciary. Sena-
tor Mansfield of Montana, Johnson's successor as
majority leader, is a mild man with more bent for rec-
onciliation than resistance and so disturbed by the
factional breach that he is reported considering resig-
nation from the leadership. There would then be the
danger that Hubert Humphrey, now the party whip,
would succeed Mansfield. The Southern Democrats,
who distrust Humphrey's principle as whole-souledly
as they cherish his person, are distressed enough at
the prospect to have begun to hint to Humphrey that
he really should guard his health - which is superior
to Sonny Liston's - and give up the whip to some soul
less restless, say Senator Pastore of Rhode Island.
Joe Clark is unconscious of these petty devices, and
cheerful about the prospects that the younger Senators
will take control of the party delegation and that
Mansfield will go peacefully on as their leader.
"I'm going to win," he says. "If we can hold the
class of 1958, nothing can keep us from organizing the
Senate caucus. I feel sure that the President will step
in in January of 1965. He would hardly be content to
go down in history with this legislative record."
There would seem to be a little boy even in an adult
Congressman. For we cannot yet say for sure whether
the President's fascination with history is a thing of
memory or of desire. The Congress that Bolling and
Clark think to reshape is that Congress where John F.
Kennedy went to school. Its old men are as dear to him
as the stained walls of his old dormitory are to any
true alumnus. He was a model student and properly
sensitive to school traditions. The recollections of him
there are pleasant, as an;~recollection of him usually is;
but, even though he is very much the grown-up every-
where else, it is difficult to remember the President as
an adult Congressman.
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Containing Ourselves
Some Reflections on the Enemy Within
by David Riesman
Eric Larrabee likes to distinguish between the "Federal"
and the "Confederate" styles in war. The Federal is
reactive, waiting for the hotheads to begin something
and then more slowly, relentlessly, and uncondition-
ally finishing matters. Ordinarily, the Federal style
comprises a cautious waiting for overwhelming logis-
tical supremacy; it is in this respect a style befitting an
industrial democracy. The Confederate style is more
dashing and honorific, glorifying the military rather
than seeing it as a last and punishing resort. In the
Second World War, the American commanders in the
European theater, save for General Patton, were char-
acteristic representatives of the Federal style: sober,
unflamboyant men like Generals Eisenhower, Bradley,
Hodge, Devers, and so on. But in the Pacific theater,
General MacArthur notably harked back to the Con-
federate style and surrounded himself with many men
who admired him and shared his values. These men
constantly felt that their theater was subordinated to
the fight against the Nazis; and to this day, they resent
the fact that they were never able to "finish" the war
in the Pacific. The unsatisfactory endings - unsatisfac-
tory even in Federal terms-of Japan's surrender and
the truce in Korea have tended to create a kind of
Zeigarnik effect among many men who are today the
leaders of the military right wing (General Walker,
for example). Incomplete involvement in guerrilla-war
in South Vietnam does not satisfy such men. Pragmatic
solutions seem to them unmanly and un-American.
Yet neither the Federal nor the Confederate styles is
appropriate to today's nuclear world. We speak of
"general war" or "all-out war" or "nuclear exchange,"
but even such terms simply extrapolate from tradi-
tionally destructive wars and hide from us the discon-
tinuities created by the atom. Another semantic index
of the same sort is the phrase, "finger on the trigger,"
which is endlessly applied to the problems of independ-
ent or coordinated nuclear forces in Europe. The effort
still to find a line where quantity changes into quality
is shown by the use of the word "unacceptable." Thus
Herman Kahn, in effect, warns Air Force Generals of
Confederate orientation that there is a point beyond
which millions of American dead are "unacceptable"
while at the same time he seeks vis-a-vis civilians or the
ground Army to erase the distinction between nuclear
and other weapons. But the question of acceptability is
a political one not likely to be decided on rational
grounds. In July, 1961, a friend of mine, talking to peo-
ple in the Pentagon concerning the Berlin crisis, was
told that the US would have to resort to nuclear weap-
ons since we could not defend Berlin by conventional
means. My friend suggested half jokingly that Dean
Rusk call in the Soviet Ambassador, shoot him, put him
in a box and send him back to show that Soviet be-
havior in Berlin was "unacceptable." People, of course,
were shocked at this idea, although they were not
shocked at the idea of the prospects of a duel over
Berlin escalating into nuclear catastrophe.
The present civilian leadership in the Pentagon finds
too dangerous the Confederate style of some of the
more vocal Generals and Admirals, and too inert and
simply inactive the Federal style (marred by periodic
Confederate rhetoric) of the preceding Administration.
But its effort to apply pragmatic logic to the enormous
political tensions within NATO and within America
(quite apart from the Communist world) has led to
building up weapons for various contingencies to such
a point that war now seems conceivably manageable
and controllable; it is seriously thought about in a way
that was not done under Eisenhower, where credibility
rested on bluster rather than on actual preparations.
Increasing our weapons-lead over the Soviet Union
helps (though insufficiently) to sop up unemployment
and to satisfy various Senators, but it has plainly not
been a success vis-a-vis General de Gaulle, who wants
his own nuclear force as a way of keeping the US
within his range of influence. He is not satisfied to be
told by Secretary McNamara that the American pan-
oply of weapons can keep everything under control if
only the Europeans will increase their conventional
contributions to NATO. And it also seems unlikely that
a Soviet society built by parvenus will find "accept-
able" their present position of drastic inferiority: they
may be kept in line for a while, but not indefinitely.
What I am suggesting here is that it may be easier
in the short run to contain the Soviet Union than to
contain our own allies or the American energies mobi-
lized behind the Cold War. The Right Wing's rhetoric
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APRIL 6, 1963
within America is a nostalgic reminder of our Con-
federate past. It asks for a policy of victory, not of tem-
porizing, and charges the Administration with a "no-
win" policy. And the strength of this rhetoric is such
that the Administration, rather than trying to exhibit
the complexity of affairs to the public, argues back that
it does after all have a "win" policy: to change the
rhetoric itself would be inordinately difficult. For some
time I have been haunted by the probable reaction in
the US if two or three more of the Latin American
countries go Communist, or what we define as Com-
munist, or if South Vietnam is overrun, especially if
all this happens when we feel that we are stagnant
domestically and that our leadership is in doubt as to
its direction.
Curiously, perhaps the majority of the civilian strat-
egists who deal with these matters think in terms of
deterring the Russians and not the Americans. For
example, Thomas Schelling and Henry Kissinger in
recent articles engage in elaborate and brilliant calcula-
tions as to how to deter the Russians, on the assump-
tion that they are just waiting to invade Western Eu-
rope and are kept from this, not by inertia, dislike of
adventure, or any factors in their own society, but only
by American power. Schelling wants to be sure that we
are sufficiently unsure of what we ourselves may do so
as to intimidate the Soviets by an apparent willingness
on our side to take risks of escalating warfare; this is
his rational strategy of irrationally leaving something
to chance. And while his paper shows a commendable
awareness that even so-called tactical nuclear weapons
are not "weapons" in any traditional sense, he shares
the general American assumption that the existence or
the importance of NATO need not be questioned. But
NATO must be seen as a somewhat delayed reaction
to the Berlin blockade and the Korean War - a means
which, as so often happens in human affairs, has now
become its own end under the umbrella of new ration-
alizations. Our retroactive thinking here, in which we
worry about another Munich or Berlin blockade, re-
sembles that of a new nation which fears with dispro-
portionate anxiety the return of the recently expelled
colonialists. Such fears then lead us to build up elabo-
rate defenses, the provocativeness of which escapes us,
since we claim that our purpose is no more than the
preservation of the status quo.
DAVID RIESMAN, co-author of The Lonely Crowd, is
Henry Ford II Professor of Social Science at Harvard.
This article is drawn from his reflections on "Contain-
ment and Initiatives" that appeared in the February,
1963 Newsletter of the Council for Correspondence.
At the same time, the focus on NATO serves as in-
surance against the return of domestic isolationism
(which was seldom really that, so much as a dislike of
Europe's wars, as against forays into the Pacific or
Latin America) and as an incipient form of interna-
tionalism built around the ideal of Atlantic Union. But
in the American forensic climate, this ideal is pursued
through constant discussion of the dangers of Com-
munist military and political power.
A large proportion of the intellectuals and strategists
who deal with defense and foreign policy seems to me
to have an insufficient appreciation of the cumulative
impact on American public opinion of such discussion.
Communist military and political power is a real dan-
ger, and reasonable insurance against the possibility
of a Soviet advance in Central Europe is desirable,
since Russian intentions are subject to. change, just
as our own, and our influence on these intentions re-
mains very great. But a focus primarily outside Ameri-
ca, characteristic of the Atlantic Seaboard elite which
is oriented toward NATO, leads to underestimating
the problem of containing American as well as Soviet
bellicosity. It is plain that any political detente or major
steps toward disarmament will be interpreted by large
sections of American opinion as appeasement, for our
own people and opinion leaders are not deterred by
American nuclear credibility.
chr'u~O..-t o
"What Are You - Some Kind of Nut or Something?"
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 Approved For Release--2M/?1i,,5/ ;pbq ( RDP80B01676R003100210030-4
The New Europe and the US
three articles by Louis 1. Halle in one reprint
"De Gaulle by Twilight"
"The Cracked Alliance"
"Reconsidering Our Foreign Policy"
25c, single copy 2oc a copy for ioo or more
Mail your order with payment enclosed to
THE NEW REPUBLIC
1244 - 19th St., N.W. Washington 6, D. C
When the question of the Canadian border was set-
tled, Americans neither got possession of "54' 40" nor
fought, but it is difficult to think of other instances
where all American political factions consented to a
negotiated settlement. (The by no means auspicious
settlement of the War of 1812 was in part rendered
acceptable by General Andrew Jackson's stirring vic-
tory at New Orleans a few days after the signing of
the peace treaty.) The Yalta and Potsdam agreements
helped undo the Democratic Party, and the Korean
War could only be settled by a man who was a Gen-
eral and a Republican, namely President Eisenhower.
As Roger Fisher has pointed out, the Cold War
means that every incident abroad and at home having
to do with "Communism" is pulled into a single vortex.
This has happened at the same time that industrial de-
velopment and social mobility within the US and the
assimilation of the immigrant groups have nationalized
our society as never before, so that the loss of local
identities and loyalties is more than compensated for
(as happens so obviously in the new nations) by a ris-
ing tide of nationalism. Or to put this in other terms,
the US as a nation is the entity into which American
energies are increasingly thrown, since they cannot so
readily be invested in local (even Southern) loyalties
which have declined in relevance: national unity is
bought as elsewhere at the price of chauvinism.
I have been asking acquaintances in the Government
whether high officials actually do fear the Soviet Union
-recognizing that millions of ordinary Americans do
have such fears. The range of my contacts, of course, is
limited, but I have still to talk to any highly-placed
person who does fear military aggression from the
USSR, although officials may fear being undercut do-
mestically, that is within America, by Soviet obstina-
cies or by new gambits in Cuba or elsewhere. The gen-
eral view seems to be that our missile superiority is
now so great that the Soviets can move only at their
peril; this is one meaning of our counterforce capabil-
ity. They can escape that peril only by an aggressive
rearmament effort which will cramp them economically
even more than they are cramped at present; and there
are plainly some in the Government who want to keep
up the pressure to force the Soviet Union into a com-
petitive arms race or possibly into giving up the race,
even if this means closing the widening gap between
the Soviet and Chinese leaderships. (The Cuban crisis
of October may be seen in one perspective as an effort
by the USSR to break out of this vise.) Thus I think
those are mistaken who believe that high American
policy is primarily influenced by reciprocating fear of
the Soviet Union or that this is the chief reason why
we do not take measures to limit armaments, although I
would readily concede that popular fears of Russia and
elite demands for flexibility would make disarmament
difficult even if leadership were united in wanting it.
In fact, I would go further: any unilateral initiative
toward disarmament within America, not coupled with
domestic activities to heighten our national sense of
strength and well-being, may only increase the move
toward greater armament by those who think that the
country is about to be given away to the Communists -
or if not that, given away to indolence and stagnation.
Even the top policy makers are wrong to assume
that they can manage the country, that they can follow
a Grand Design which can be understood by their con-
stituencies. American leaders need the help of both
allied and enemy powers to shape American policy.
Tacit agreements, which is what responses to unilateral
initiatives would be, are possible among a scientific or
aristocratic elite who understand each other's signals
and are not swayed by Populist pressures. They may
not be possible in our democratic world.
Prisoner of the White House
Let me take one example. Last winter and spring
when the US decided to resume bomb testing (respond-
ing in this needless way to the Soviet initiative of the
previous autumn), many scientists argued that bomb
testing is not really important one way or the other,
and took the position that opposition to American re-
sumption of testing would be a waste of scarce re-
sources. For one thing, they saw bomb tests as leading
to slight qualitative improvements in nuclear warheads
and perhaps guidance systems, but not to a new level
of military expenditure which would seriously alter
"the delicate balance of terror." Such considerations
pay too little attention to the political consequences
within America of our renewed testing. As Urie Bron-
fenbrenner has observed, bomb tests can be signals to
the people on the side which is testing that the other
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side must be terribly aggressive - else why would one's
own honorable government expose people to the dan-
gers of fallout. It seems to me that, in the relations of
the great powers to each other, the technical arms race
is important, but the psychological effects of the arms
race with its different cycles and cumulative tensions
are even more important. An end to bomb testing
might signal to our own people that the enemy is not
quite so vicious as we had supposed, and on these
grounds it might be worth great efforts to reach agree-
ment. Such a signal is relevant also to the domestic
struggle within America, for it would make clear that
our atomic policy is a product of compromise between
different points of view and is not controlled by Dr.
Edward Teller and his associates or by a faction within
the AEC or within the Joint Congressional Committee
on Atomic Energy.
Here I recur to the great assymetry between the US
and the Soviet Union, namely that while popular pres-
sures operate there through the Party, the managerial
group, and the Army and so on, there is no mass press,
no Congress, no organized opposition to take advan-
tage of foreign policy, and if not to impeach Khru-
shchev, then to hamstring him domestically; in con-
trast, President Kennedy is the prisoner of the White
House, easily able to move decisively against the Com-
munist powers, when he can mobilize nearly the whole
population back of him, but able to move only margin-
ally and erratically when he explores a detente.
This is especially so since those of our allies who
require the tension of the Cold War to remain our
allies are in general much less afraid of nuclear dis-
asters than either the Americans or the Russians; they
can demand that America "stand firm" without really
believing that they will suffer the consequences. They
can do so in part because, except for the British, who
possess the weapons and who know what this means,
and the Japanese, who have suffered from atom bombs,
they have not really been exposed to nuclear weapons.
(The French, while they have the bomb, do not think it
is very real, and moreover the importance of it has
been overshadowed by the Algerian War and its do-
mestic impact.) And it is also in part because many of
our allies have a juster appraisal of the Russians than
the Americans do and just see them as cautious,
or despise them as Slavs and think that they can be
kept in their place. But it is also true that many West
Europeans, admiring President Kennedy, have a greater
confidence that he is in charge of American policy than
they might have if they lived in this country, read our
non-elite press, or listened to our many jingo broad-
casters, and came to realize that the House of Repre-
sentatives is in many ways more truly representative
of American opinion than is the White House itself.
To be sure, for many Congressmen, issues of foreign
policy, Cuba for example, are much more salient and
sensitive than for their more apathetic or less aroused
constituents, just as there are many Congressmen who
are more enlightened, dispassionate, and courageous
than their constituents "deserve." But in swing dis-
tricts, it is salient issues and the ability to mobilize
latent hopes and passions that decide elections (or at
least Congressmen think so); hence, though Congress-
men may speak louder or at times more softly than
their constituents would have them do, they share a
similar rhetoric, whether Federal or Confederate.
Does the FCC Have AT&T's Number?
by Dan and Diane 5ottlieh
A plan to reduce rates for long distance calls after g
PM announced recently by the Federal Communica-
tions Commission might give the impression that the
public is being fully protected by that agency. This
may be more illusion than reality.
DAN and DIANE GOTTLIEB are a husband-wife free-
lance writing team, Mr. Gottlieb is a newsman who has
specialized in the coverage of regulatory agencies.
The FCC's announcement of the reductions in
interstate, station-to-station rates between 9 PM and
4:3o AM played down the fact that the American
Telephone and Telegraph Company was being allowed,
at the same time, to raise person-to-person rates for
calls up to 8oo miles. The net effect of the changes, the
FCC said, would be an estimated $3o million savings
to the calling public. It has estimated the After - 9 plan
alone will reduce phone bills by more than $70 million
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annually within two years. Judging from past "reduc-
tions" the FCC has negotiated with AT&T, greater
profits may also occur because of increased calling.
Ordinarily, this would be in the best tradition of
free enterprise: lower prices, higher profits. In a regu-
lated industry such as telephone communications, how-
ever, profits are supposed to be kept down to reason-
able levels so that the public may enjoy the lowest
rates possible consistent, of course, with giving the
company enough money to attract capital and to pro-
vide good service.
Last year, AT&T had the biggest profits in its his-
tory: nearly $1.4 billion. The company stood to lose
about $55 million annually (much less in profits) from
the After-9 plan alone, according to FCC estimates.
It occurred to at least two Senators, John O. Pastore of
Rhode Island and Ralph Yarborough of Texas that
with the exact results of the After-9 plan unpredictable,
the FCC should wait to see whether the company bene-
fits or loses from the lower rates, before adding
increases to person-to-person calls under 8oo miles
(which incidentally make up more than 8o percent of
all interstate person-to-person traffic). The FCC's ra-
tionale was that it did not want to risk driving com-
pany earnings below what they have been since '59.
Senator Yarborough formally petitioned the FCC to
suspend the increases in the new rate package (orig-
inally scheduled to go into effect last week) while it
tested the effect of the reductions. At this writing, the
petition was still being considered by the FCC.
Chairman Newton N. Minow of the FCC, whose
probable departure in the near future from the com-
mission will do nothing to reassure the FCC's critics,
expressed genuine surprise that the Senators did not
share his enthusiasm for the "package deal" with
AT&T, as Senator Pastore termed it. At hearings before
the Commerce subcommittee on communications late
in February, Mr. Minow spoke of the benefits to fami-
lies who would be encouraged to reunite via telephone
after 9 and defended AT&T's profits. It would be "a
very bad thing" if profits did not go up every year, he
said, because the company was investing $3 billion an-
nually in new equipment and plant on which it "must
get a return."
While it is impossible to predict the benefits to the
public and AT&T from the recent rate changes, the
real issue which the critics were driving at during the
Pastore hearings was whether the FCC really knew
enough about AT&T to regulate it effectively. The
same issue was raised during the hearings and debate
last year over whether communications satellites sys-
tems should be privately or government controlled.
Those who feared AT&T would dominate the new
Communications Satellite Corporation were then as-
sured by the private ownership advocates that the cor-
poration and the rates it charged for space communi-
cations services would be under the watchful eye of
the FCC. The government ownership advocates replied
that the past record of FCC regulation of AT&T did
not inspire their confidence. This aspect of the satellite
debate received scant coverage. Yet government own-
ership advocates were not alone in their feeling that the
FCC has been doing something less than its responsi-
bilities under the law call for.
Several independent outside studies have also raised
grave doubts about the FCC's ability to come to grips
with the crucial regulatory problems of the interstate
telephone business, about 97 percent of which is in the
hands of the Bell System. One report (by the manage-
ment consulting firm of Booz, Allen & Hamilton) re-
leased last year said: "It is clear the important func-
tions of surveillance and regulation of ... rates ...
have not been adequately undertaken. These functions
do not seem to have been accorded an appropriately
high priority by the Commission...." Not even the
method of timing and billing long distance calls has
ever been adequately examined, the report said.
That the shortcomings of the FCC are not of recent
origin is suggested in a study for the Hoover Commis-
sion made 15 years ago: "The Commission is primarily
an agency which acts on applications for broadcast
station licenses. Any real regulation of the mammoth
telephone industry continues to remain a statutory
hope." (The Bell System is the world's largest corpo-
rate enterprise. Its assets at the end of 1959 equalled
those of the Standard Oil, General Motors and United
States Steel Corporations combined.)
Today the FCC has 85 persons devoted to regulation
of telephone rates and services. In contrast, AT&T has
more employees than the federal government, exclud-
ing the Post Office and the military, Chairman Minow
told the Pastore subcommittee, and furthermore the
FCC has difficulty in attracting talented personnel.
"Under the circumstances, we are doing the best job
possible," he added.
Senator Ralph Yarborough of Texas, a sharp critic
of the FCC's record in telephone regulation, empha-
sized at the hearings that he did not put the blame on
the Commissioners for the agency's failings. At one
point, he even hinted sympathy. His state, which has
so far failed even to create a regulatory commission
with power over intrastate telephone rates, is "fully
cognizant of the tremendous power of AT&T,- he said.
If the FCC is doing "about as competent a job as
can be done under the circumstances," as Senator Pas-
tore concluded after hearing Chairman Minow's testi-
mony, then the question still unanswered is: Is the
public being protected?
Congressman Emanuel Celler of New York, whose
House Anti-Trust subcommittee has interested itself in
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APRIL 6, 1963
FCC regulation of AT&T, claims that the American
public, over a 7-year period, had been overcharged al-
most a billion dollars for interstate calls. Celler has
noted that from 1955 through 196-1, Bell's revenues
resulted in a rate of return on investment of more than
6.5 percent, the level of earnings which the FCC, in
1953, said would be fair and reasonable. These facts
were undisputed. From them, Geller reasoned that if
the commission had ordered phone rate reductions to
keep AT&T's earnings down to the 6.5 percent level,
the savings to the public during the 7-year period
would have been about $985 million. Under this rea-
soning, AT&T would still be overcharging the public,
since its rate of return for 1962 was about 7.5 percent.
This one percent difference in the rate of return repre-
sents $1oo million in charges for interstate services on
an annual basis. The FCC enters only the mildest de-
murrer here, pointing out that 6.5 percent is not the
maximum return permissible and further, that a higher
rate of earnings may be justified by present conditions.
The difficulty is that in spite of some study the Com-
mission has not made a finding since 1953 on what the
return should be. While admitting this, individual Com-
missioners, including Chairman Minow, have nonethe-
less on various occasions in the past two years defended
the rate of AT&T's earnings at the particular time they
were being questioned. The Booz, Allen & Hamilton re-
port says that the Commission has not established cri-
teria for judging what the rate of return should be, the
controlling factor over the general level of phone rates.
Without a finding on the record based on careful
evaluation of the company's current financial needs -
a finding that can be used to defend any rate changes
ordered pursuant thereto - the Commission is not in a
position effectively to challenge the Company's point
of view (in the courts, if need be). In this connection,
the testimony of Commissioner Rosel H. Hyde at the
Pastore hearings is revealing. Relating the company's
reaction when the Commission proposed the After-9
reductions, he said that the information available indi-
cated it would cost the company about $55 million in
revenues annually, and that "the Company ... said
that they could not go into a lowering of their overall
revenue at this time...." (italics supplied). The Com-
mission, while making no formal judgment on the
Company's claim, nevertheless was sufficiently im-
pressed to look into raising the person-to-person rates.
The FCC announcement of the agreement with Bell
said: "The overall effect of the changes will result in
substantial savings to the public while permitting the
company to maintain a level of earnings on investment
within the range realized by it" since late 1959. Thus,
the Commission inferentially took for the time being
the company's view of what overall revenues (and con-
sequently earnings) should be.
The Commission's handling of rate of return is just
one of several crucial areas where it has been criticized
for not making well-informed judgments based on in-
dependent evaluation of the company's figures. Some
critics have gone so far as to term the Commission's
record on telephone regulation "a sad travesty on what
regulation is supposed to mean." Others have con-
tended that effective regulation of AT&T is impossible.
In defending the FCC's record, Commissioners
Minow and Hyde have used a simple statistic: overall,
long distance rates are 19 percent lower today than
they were in 1940. This sounds reassuring, but it does
not prove that today's rates are reasonable. Savings
made possible by lower unit costs due to increased long
distance calling and introduction of automated equip-
ment may permit both lower rates to the public and
excessive profits. It is, of course, possible to argue that
the public is better served in the long run by letting the
company earn enough in the short run to stimulate for-
ward-looking planning and investment.
More Staff for the FCC
Chairman Minow read a lengthy statement to the
Pastore committee explaining just what the Commis-
sion does do. He stated that on-the-spot inspections of
the company's records are being made to obtain com-
pliance with the FCC's proscribed accounting system.
In answer to questions from the committee, however,
he conceded that more field inspection of the com-
pany's books and records are needed. His prepared
testimony said that the FCC determines what is to be
allowed in calculating the company's investment in
plant, equipment and other assets - a vital figure in
determining the company's level of earnings. Yet the
commission has not made an independent examination
of the books of Western Electric (AT&T's manufactur-
ing subsidiary, virtually its sole supplier of telephone
equipment) in order to see whether the prices Western
charges for equipment sold to Bell companies reflect
true costs and a reasonable profit.
Chairman Minow levelled with the committee when
he said that the FCC is not doing the job that "ought to
be done" and that it needs at least double the present
staff for telephone regulation. He has also properly
.reminded the Congress that the Communications Satel-
lite Act has placed new demands upon the FCC which
are "extraordinary."
In spite of this increased responsibility, the Admin-
istration has included just 28 new positions in its
budget for the Common Carrier Bureau, the FCC's
unit in charge of telephone work. Assuming this request
is granted in full, the Bureau will have a few more peo-
ple than it had in 1949 when it was regulating a tele-
phone plant less than half the size of today's.
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BOOKS AND THE ARTS
JVIark Twain from Under Ground
by Stanley Kauffmann
Letters from the Earth, the newest
selection from the immense store of
unpublished Mark Twain material, was
prepared for the press in -1939 by the
late Bernard DeVoto, commissioned by
the estate's trustees. Permission to pub-
lish it was delayed by Clara Clemens,
the surviving daughter, for over twen-
ty years. It appears at last; and if it
adds little to Twain's stature, it con-
Letters from the Earth
by Mark Twain
(Harper & Row; $5.95)
tains some valuable items, and it re-
directs our attention to this fascinating
man whose career is unlike that of any
other equally prominent writer.
The book consists of the title-piece,
which is unfinished, two other long
unfinished pieces (Papers of the Adam
Family and The Great Dark), and nine-
teen short pieces, some of which are in
groups. The Letters are written by
Satan (before his fall), reporting to his
fellow-angels on a trip to the newly
created earth, informing them of man's
customs and religion and his curious
conception of God. Twain uses the let-
ters as vehicles for his bitterness about
human cruelty, stupidity, hypocrisy,
and vanity. In the fall of 1909 he wrote
about the letters to a Miss Wallace:
"I'll read passages to you. The book
will never be published - in fact it
couldn't be, because it would be felony
... [Albert Bigelow Paine] enjoys it,
but Paine is going to be damned one of
these days, I suppose."
Paine, companion of his last years, his
biographer, literary executor and post-
humous nanny, has been damned many
times, with justice; but after printing
"one admissible extract" from the Let-
ters in his biography, Paine offers what
we can now see is a sensible opinion on
the remainder: "Most of the ideas
presented in this his last commentary
on human absurdities were new only
as to phrasing. He had exhausted the
topic long ago, in one way or another,
but it was one of the themes in which
he never lost interest. Many subjects
become stale to him at last; but the
curious invention called man remained
a novelty to him to the end."
The judgment of ideas in this is sound
enough. What is surprising is that the
censorious Paine was so little disturbed
(ostensibly, at least) by the frankness
of parts of the material. Some of it is
mere outhouse humor - attenuated
jokes on a Bible verse (z Kings, 9:8).
This, like 16oz, is just lodge-meeting,
smoking-room stuff. But there is a
comparison of male and female sexual
proclivities that is astonishingly candid
for its day. As a point of comparison,
Stephen Crane's Maggie, a contempo-
rary tale of a girl of the streets, con-
tains nothing like it. Crane's book was
published, Twain's pre-Kinsey report
was not; still it is startling to see that
he so much as set it down in careful,
literary form.
I have always thought Eve's Diary-
tedious; the Adam papers, in the same
vein, do not alter my feelings. The last
long section, The Great Dark, is what
we would now call science fiction. With
a microscope a man sees the teeming
life in a drop of water, and he and his
family are magically transformed so
that they can sail for months across
that drop in a ship, encountering mon-
sters. The theme behind it, now a fami-
liar s-f one, is the blurred balance be-
tween dream and reality. (Which was
the man's real existence - the previous
one or this?) This theme is also famil-
iar in Twain, developed in The Mys-
terious Stranger, My Platonic Sweet-
heart, and elsewhere. What is chiefly
interesting about all the above-men-
tioned pieces, as well as six of the
others in the book, is that they fall into
two classes: Biblical material used as a
medium for socially caustic, religiously
skeptical comment; and material indi-
cating a strong concern with science,
reflecting the growing preoccupation
of the times. The contrast between
Twain's Scripture-soaked upbringing
and the incipient positivism of his age
shows clearly that his mind was a locus
for the meeting of two centuries.
Most of the other pieces, good and
bad, have obvious antecedents in
Twain. A Cat's Tale is just as mawkish
as the previously published A Horse's
Tale. Cooper's Prose Style is just as
funny as Fenimore Cooper's Literary
Offenses. Parodies of a book on eti-
quette parallel innumerable similar
sketches. Venting his persistent ani-
mus against the French in another
sketch, Twain strikes-out in a way that
others have mimicked and none has
surpassed: "There is little question, in
my mind, that France is entitled to a
distinguished place among the partly
civilized peoples of our globe."
The foremost material for me in this
book is that which helps to illuminate
Twain's character: a group of three
travel sketches about England, The
Gorky Incident, and a comment on
Zola's La Terre. The three London
pieces are no better than the best in his
chronicles of the Innocent or the Tramp
abroad; but their special significance is
that they are part of a planned book on
England, for which he visited that
country in 1872. He wrote hundreds
of pages and then decided not to pub-
lish the book so as not to "offend those
who had taken him into their hearts
and homes." What is here printed
could have offended no one; perhaps
there is satire in the unpublished pages
that might once have given offense. But
as Van Wyck Brooks says in The
Ordeal of Mark Twain, "Imagine
Emerson having been prevented by any
such consideration from writing Eng-
lish Traits."
The Gorky Incident is microcosmic of
the morality of Twain's era. When the
Russian came here in 19o5 to raise
funds for revolutionists in his country,
Twain offered to help and to organize
an authors' dinner for Gorky. Then,
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when it was learned that the woman
traveling with Gorky was not married
to him, Twain and W. D. Howells with-
drew their support. This brief article
attempts to explain the impossibility of
bucking local custom, without claiming
that the custom is right. Twain even
tries to make humor of it. It has the
air of a suave vaudeville star regaining
control of the audience after a small
disturbance in the balcony.
The Zola comment is the saddest. La
Terre gripped and shook him. He made
his customary anti-French jokes about
a French newspaper's objections to the
book's "foulness." ("A story so foul
that the French people could not stand
it; why, that is like speaking of food
that was so appetizing that no French-
man would put up with it.") But it is
borne in on him that Zola is writing of
man, not of Frenchmen, and one sees
Twain begin to question his own hon-
esty. He does not go so far as to say
that he ought to have written as realis-
tically as Zola, but the last paragraph
is pathetically revealing:
"How strange it is to reflect that the
book is true. But it is. You have to
confess it at last. Then you are
aware of a grudge against him. Be-
cause he has exposed those odious
French people to you? No; but be-
cause he has exposed your own peo-
ple to you. You were asleep, and had
forgotten; he has waked you up.
You owe him a grudge - and will
keep it."
The Zola article, like the rest of this
book, was not published in Twain's
lifetime.
This leads to the paramount and
familiar question about Mark Twain,
one which, because of its social impli-
cations, is among the important ques-
tions in American literary history. Was
he a writer increasingly repressed by
his era's moral conventions or was he
a writer who simply became increas-
ingly refined by experience and educa-
tion? The leading exponent of the first
belief was Van Wyck Brooks, of the
second Bernard DeVoto. (As Dwight
Macdonald has pointed out, they ex-
changed positions as time went on.)
DeVoto's view is that Twain was a
rough diamond who submitted to
polishing. "He came East and accepted
tuition. That is a complete description
of what happened-as it is an epitome
of Western experience." It is neither
one nor the other. But to disagree with
DeVoto, it is not necessary to accept
Brooks' glib psychoanalysis. (E.g.,
Twain's wife was a deliberate substi-
tute for his mother as moral mentor;
because of frustration, Twain had a
subconscious wish to kill the infant
son who died of pneumonia.) Facts are
sufficient. Twain told Archibald Hen-
derson: "After my marriage, [my wife]
edited everything I wrote. And what is
more - she not only edited my works -
she edited me." When it wasn't his
wife, it was Howells. There was much
fuss, for instance, over whether Huck
Finn should say that the Widow Doug-
las combed him "all to hell" or "all to
thunder," with Howells finally prevail-
ing for the latter in order to protect
young readers' sensibilities.
The best proof of Twain's repression
- and in this he is alone among writers
of the first rank - is that he divided his
latter-day output in two: material writ-
ten for publication and material writ-
ten to be pigeon-holed, possibly for
posthumous publication. In his auto-
biography, which appeared after his
death, he says: "I am writing from the
grave. On these terms only can a man
be approximately frank. He cannot be
straitly and unqualifiedly frank either
in the grave or out of it." (Paine evi-
dently interfered with even that ap-
proximate frankness. One of DeVoto's
recommendations was the publication
of autobiographical material omitted
by Paine.) All through his life, of
course, Twain had discarded some
material, left some unfinished, excised
some. This is true of any prolific writ-
er, although with Twain there was so
much that DeVoto says, "His pub-
lished works are not much greater in
bulk than his unpublished manu-
scripts." But the salient point is that in
the fifteen years before his death
(1910), the years shadowed by the
deaths of his wife and two of his
daughters, Twain worked harder at his
hidden career than his public one.
He wrote to Howells from Vienna in
1898: "I couldn't get along without
work now. I bury myself in it up to the
ears.... It isn't all for print, by any
means, for much of it fails to suit me.
..." Whether it wasn't printed because
it didn't suit him or because it wouldn't
have suited Howells, his arbiter, is not
dependably clear; but the work poured
out. "During this period," says De-
Voto, "he wrote as much as in any
similar length of time in his life, per-
haps more, but most of it is fragmen-
tary, unfinished. Almost all of it deals
The Lemmings
Food short against the long days' hunger, sunset
a fatty morsel in the western broth, and sick
of racing the birds and the tides on the sand spit
for bits of edible sea wrack at which to pick,
it seems no more unreasonable one day
to try at least that sea which somewhere reaches
a western landfall where each footfall may
fester with food, where it rolls down the beaches.
Thus their Columbus argues, convincing them,
for who has the strength to discuss or even care?
Slowly, like a tide, they begin to swim
westward in the nobility of despair.
And if they never return, who can say the conclusion
is the obvious drowning it probably all comes to,
who has stared for twenty minutes the horizon
where the herring silver touches the herring blue?
DAVID R. SLAVITT
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 THE NEW REPUBLIC
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with the nature of man, man's fate, and
man's conceptions of honor and moral-
ity." (Note that DeVoto's changed view
of Twain - from the rough Westerner
who took polishing to a prisoner of
despair - came about after he had been
through all the Twain papers.)
Certainly much of those writings must
be fragmentary, and almost certainly
much of them must be repetitious. But
what has been published posthumous-
ly, particularly items like the Gorky
and Zola pieces, and what we know of
Twain's correspondence and conversa-
tions, all confirm that he felt he had to
bury his most serious thoughts. Here
we have the strange spectacle of a ma-
jor writer, an oracle of his day, who,
as he matured and deepened, felt that
he could not reveal the whole truth of
what he was thinking; but who did not
dismiss that truth, who went to the
trouble of writing it down as best he
could, possibly against resurrection in
the future. One could understand this
with an obscure or struggling writer,
but Twain was a demigod. Consciously
or not, he became a writer living in
hope of an earthly life to come.
It is easy today to say that he ought
to have been fearless, candid, uncaring
of consequences. He ought never to
have let his wife or anyone else change
a word of his manuscripts for extrinsic
reasons, and in his later days, when
his thoughts were sere or searing, he
should have stated them completely.
The fact is that Twain was an artistic
genius but morally an average man.
Let us posit that moral heroism means
ruthless disregard for society, if neces-
sary, in pursuit of one's art, and we
can see that the union of genius with
morally heroic character is not always
certain. It happened with Joyce and
Wagner, not with Dickens and Verdi.
Nor with Twain.
There are, however, some extenuating
circumstances. First, he told as much
truth as any American writer of his
generation, more than the vast major-
ity. Second, his wife was not an extra-
ordinary crank; she was typical of her
society. Howells was not a nutty blue-
nose, he was a pre-eminent novelist,
critic, editor. Twain, although he pro-
tested frequently, could easily have
persuaded himself that he was being
"improved" by them. Third, he would
certainly have hurt deeply - in a way
that we today cannot quite grasp -
many people who loved him if he had
published all his religious remarks in
their lifetimes. And, as for the rela-
tively mild sexual references in this
new volume, no printer would have set
them and no bookseller would have
handled the volume, even though it
was by Twain.
Writing in The New Republic on
Twain's centennial, Newton Arvin pre-
dicted that Twain will survive less as
a writer than as a folk hero, a grand
half-legendary personality:
"That . . . is the role he really
played in his own time. The people
of his class . . . could not seriously
venerate the canny iron-masters, the
swindling monopolists, the dull and
paltry politicians who prevailed in
the public life of the country; and
they turned with a deep human in-
stinct to a man whom they did not
properly value but whose essential
largeness and sweetness they rightly
idolized. They helped to defeat him
as a writer, but it is perhaps the
highest tribute that can be paid to
their arid culture that it was a writer
whom they spontaneously elected as
Wormwood to Our Conscience
by Charlton Ogburn, Jr.
The time is during the Civil War, the
place Colorado. Major Edward Wyn-
koop is leading a force of 130 men to
an encampment of a thousand Chey-
A Very Small Remnant
by Michael Straight
(Knopf; $4)
enne braves whose chief, Black Kettle,
has signified a wish to accept the am-
nesty offered by the Governor.
"The center of their line fell back as
we approached," Wynkoop relates; "in
classical style, their flanks closed in
around us. Still moving forward, we
reformed as squadrons, with our
wagons and howitzers in the center."
The greatly outnumbered whites are
warned that Black Kettle may not be
able to control his young warriors, led
by the brother of a chief whom white
soldiers had shot in cold blood while
his hand was raised in the peace sign.
Wynkoop wonders: "are all white men
responsible for one white man's folly?"
The upshot is such as to pose a far
more disturbing question: is the United
States as a whole to be implicated in,
by condoning, a monstrous crime
against Black Kettle's people; or will
a few troubled men ("a very small
remnant" which "the Lord of hosts had
left unto us"), holding a hearing on
the crime in a Denver courthouse,
threatened by mob violence and hired
assassins, be able to redeem the na-
tion's honor in some measure by fixing
the blame for the crime where the
blame is due?
For Black Kettle's Cheyennes did not
fire upon Wynkoop's force. They ac-
cepted the Governor's terms, settled
down virtually unarmed under the pro-
their Cid, their Robin Hood, their
Barbarossa."
I doubt that millionaires lacked venera-
tion, but otherwise this statement needs
only to be amplified to say that Twain
stood in this relation to others besides
Americans. His European audience was
tremendous. Nietzsche recommended
Tout Sawyer to a friend. Leschetizky,
the famous piano pedagogue, said that
Viennese youth suffered from "Deliri-
um Clemens." In 192-1, when a group
of young Petrograd actors and direc-
tors wanted to reform the socialist the-
ater, they included a quotation from
Twain in their manifesto. (To this day
he has remained a prodigious favorite
in the USSR.)
It is a curious paradox: a writer of
enormous fame, celebrated by the best
minds of his day (he was not a mere
mass entertainer), yet who was, as
Arvin says and as this new volume
further substantiates, defeated. De-
feated, finally, because although he
could see, he did not dare; although he
was a genius, he was not a great man.
That was his tragedy; but like a true
tragedy, it has grandeur and inevita-
bility.
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tection of an Army fort as willing
prisoners. And there, without warning,
they were set upon by a regiment re-
cruited from the saloons of Denver
and butchered.
Unfortunately, A Very Small Rein-
nant, though a novel, is not fiction. The
author has resorted to imagination
only upon coming to the end of the
known facts. The man responsible for
the massacre was Colonel John Milton
Chivington, Commander of the Mili-
tary District of Colorado, who needed
a splashy victory to catapult him into
the Senate. He is worth taking a look
at as Straight presents him. A purse-
fighter turned preacher turned soldier,
he is a giant of a man with "bearded
chin thrust out; his eyes, small and
fierce." Intolerant and fanatic, arrogat-
ing the mantle of a vengeful Jehovah,
Chivington is in fact the recurrent evil
genius of American history, an affable
Uncle Sam's Mr. Hyde.
In Edward Wynkoop, Chivington's
subordinate, Michael Straight has a
hero who serves his purpose well. His
strict regularity as an Army officer and
reluctance to accept the role that fate
and his inherent fairness force upon
him make particularly effective his
standing up to Chivington and subse-
quently casting away his career to
ters, he is undeviating and proof
against distraction. The pace is steady,
even and unslackening - what Ernest
Thompson, I believe, called "a wolf's
mile-eating lope." You see for your-
self along the way how things are. In
a curious way the country you traverse
seems to speak for itself. The charac-
ters certainly speak for themselves,
often in dramatic confrontations, for
which Mr. Straight has a sound in-
stinct. There is no intrusion by the au-
thor, no preaching. This is how it is -
how it was.
A Very Small Remnant is wormwood
to the national conscience. Like Car-
rington, it is also a contribution to the
permanent literature of the West, and
a reminder that the moral salvation of
the many may, and perhaps always
does, depend upon the decency and
courage of a very few.
Tales Out of Katanga
by Joseph P. Lash
Style is not the man. If it were, this bravura remarks by former colleagues,
would be a minor classic. Conor Cruise the sort of thing said over drinks and
O'Brien can write. If that was a reason never intended for public print. Gus-
why the late Dag Hammarskjold sent tavo Duran, for example, unaware
him to Katanga as his chief diplomatic that he was talking for the record, ad-
representative, he made no mistake. Dr. vised O'Brien before he left for Ka-
O'Brien's book will be read long after tanga, "the Congolese? You will hate
Katanga has vanished from the head- them all...." Duran as this is being
lines. It is funny; it is moving; its written is back in the Congo for the
portrayals of Katangese personalities UN. O'Brien's tattling is making his
job no easier. But O'Brien is guilty of
To Katanga and Back more than bad taste: the remark he
by Conor Cruise O'Brien quotes did not, in fact, reflect the real
(Simon and Schuster; $5.95) view of Duran, who several times in
become an Indian agent with the hope priceless; its observations on lobbying
of ensuring just and humane treatment at the UN are worth a dozen doctoral
of Black Kettle's surviving Cheyennes dissertations.
- themselves a very small remnant. But this is also a disgraceful book-
Mr. Straight's preceding book, Car- a case of a first-class writing talent at
rington, was justifiably praised as an the command of a wilful, self-centered,
outstanding novel of the West, about self-exculpatory personality. O'Brien
as different from the conventional begins with a letter from U Thant re-
romance of the Plains as spring water minding him that his obligations as a
from sarsaparilla. Those who read the former international civil servant for-
present book will find that the moral bade the disclosure of information
issues of man's relations with his fel- gained as a member of the Secretariat.
lows retain their fascination for Mr. His first chapter explains why he de-
Straight. They will also find that he has cided to disregard U Thant and push
lost neither his feeling for the red man ahead, though he knew that his book
and the Wyoming-Colorado country "at first sight" would seem to play into
nor his ability to communicate it. the hands of the enemies of the UN.
In both of Mr. Straight's novels there Publication of the truth, which the Sec-
seems to me to be a happy marriage of retariat by reasons of its "servitude"
I
stye and subject. His prose is as spare could not undertake, would serve the
as the vegetation of the country that is long-term interests of the UN, O'Brien
his second home; there is never the rationalized.
congestion of verbiage that would pre- Perhaps. At the moment, O'Brien's
vent the wind from sweeping through. book has become a handy stick with
As a storyteller he has something of which to belabor the United Nations.
the character of one of his own Indians O'Brien's passion for the truth is so
on a trail. In the pursuit of what mat- compelling that he puts on the record
my hearing has spoken warmly of such
Congolese leaders as Adoula, Sendwe
and Lundula.
Nothing better illustrates O'Brien's
capacity for self-indulgence than his
resentful comment about the people
who suggested that it might have been
indiscreet to invite the woman he loved
and intended to marry-as soon as his
divorce came through - to spend her
holidays with him'in Elizabethville:
"What impressed me about some of
the people who most emphasized the
indiscretion. . .was the complacency
with which they accepted the impli-
cation regarding themselves, that
they had never cared enough about
anybody or anything to do some-
thing indiscreet for the sake of him,
her or it."
What impresses me about this observa-
tion is the complacency with which he
permits the implication that he never
cared enough about the UN to avoid
such indiscretion.
This story he tells is largely of the
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first battle of Katanga which took place
in September, 1961. Dubbed "Mor-
thor," which is the Hindi word for
"smash," the operation was a fiasco in
terms of the UN attempt to end Ka-
tanga's secession, and a tragedy since
Dag Hammarskjold perished while try-
ing to negotiate its cessation.
When O'Brien first wrote about these
events in the London Observer in De-
cember, 1961, there was a note of con-
trition, the sense that he felt he might
unknowingly have let Hammarskjold
down. This book, on the contrary, is
devoted to the thesis that Hammarsk-
jold let O'Brien down. It is O'Brien's
opinion that the Secretary-General on
his arrival in Leopoldville - confronted
by "Morthor" in disarray - instead of
signalling retreat by going to parley
with Tshombe, should have stood firm.
Even though the Secretary-General had
not authorized "Morthor," he should
have called for reinforcements, roused
the Katangese by radio against Tshom-
be and resolutely pressed ahead to end
Katanga's secession by force.
Whether there was a real chance of
salvaging "Morthor" by the time Ham-
marskjold arrived in the Congo is irrel-
evant. O'Brien had proclaimed the pur-
pose of "Morthor" to be the ending of
Katanga's secession. That was contrary
to Hammarskjold's policy, which was
to rely on negotiation, persuasion and
the mystique of the UN to bring about
a settlement of the constitutional issue
between Katanga and the Central Gov-
ernment.
O'Brien's suggestions that Hammar-
skjold abandoned this policy for one of
imposing a settlement are unpersua-
sive. O'Brien contends there were con-
flicting interpretations of the February
21, 1961, Security Council resolution
directing the UN to oust the Katanga
mercenaries - the British stipulation
that it did not authorize imposition of
a political settlement, and the Afro-
Asian view that it did. Hammarskjold
accepted the Afro-Asian interpretation,
O'Brien maintains, when he informed
the Security Council he intended to be
guided in implementing the February
resolution by his Advisory Committee
on the Congo, fifteen of whose mem-
bers were from Africa and Asia.
The weak link in this chain of argu-
ment is O'Brien's claim that the Afro-
Asians interpreted the February con-
sensus to mean authorization to end
the secession by force. O'Brien does not
document this claim.
And he couldn't. What the resolu-
tion did do, and this was the Afro-
Asian understanding of it, was to direct
the UN to oust the foreign political
advisers and military mercenaries from
Katanga. It was generally accepted that,
deprived of foreign assistance, Tshombe
would be disposed to negotiate a settle-
ment with Adoula.
That this was also O'Brien's view at
the time is implied by his euphoric ob-
servations on "Operation Rumpunch."
This swift UN maneuver on August 28
resulted in the apprehension of 338 of
the Soo-odd foreign officers believed
to be in Katanga. "That was a more
significant contribution to the reunifi-
cation of the Congo than anything the
UN had previously done," wrote 0'-
Brien.
"Morthor" was supposed to finish
the job and while "smash" is now con-
strued by O'Brien to mean demolish-
ing the secession, it could also have
meant cleaning up the mercenaries.
"Morthor" was set for 4 A.M. on
September 3. Hammarskjold was to ar-
rive eleven hours later. Why didn't the
men on the spot wait? Did they wish to
confront him with a fait accompli? Al-
though none of Hammarskjold's asso-
ciates contends that UN officials in
Leopoldville and Elizabethville did not
have the "green light" to expel the mer-
cenaries, Hammarskjold did not ap-
prove "Morthor," presumably did not
know about it, and certainly would not
have sanctioned it as a plan to end
Katanga's secession by force.
How far the notion of an imposed set-
tlement was from his thoughts is sug-
gested by the meetings he had with the
Ambassadors of Canada, Norway and
Ireland just before he left New York
on his fatal journey. All three came
away from their talks on the 38th floor
with the impression that as a result of
"Rumpunch," Hammarskjold was high-
ly optimistic about the outcome of
the Congo operation. He was going to
Leopoldville, he told them, because he
thought his presence in the Congolese
capital would provide Tshombe with a
golden opportunity to come there for
talks with Adoula without a loss of
face. Such a denouement, he indi-
cated, would put the Secretary-General
in a strong position to meet Soviet and
colonialist criticisms at the General As-
sembly, scheduled to meet a few days
later. He also felt that a projected plea
to the Assembly for a large-scale pro-
gram of economic aid to the Congo
would be bolstered by an on-the-spot
estimate of what would be needed.
Operation smash, therefore, while it
didn't smash the mercenaries, must
have been a severe blow to the Secre-
tary-General when he arrived in Leo-
poldville. The British threat of a with-
drawal of confidence, O'Brien suggests,
was the reason why Hammarskjold
shrank back and agreed to fly to Ndola
to arrange a cease-fire.
But this hypothesis is nasty and super-
fluous. "Morthor," in addition to be-
ing poorly prepared, was contrary to
Hammarskjold's line. Why should he
have thrown good money after bad?
One of the shabbier and more sensa-
tional parts of this book is O'Brien's
claim that Hammarskjold knowingly
put out a false account of "Morthor."
What O'Brien really means is that
Hammarskjold undertook to describe
and defend "Morthor" in the frame-
work of his, rather than of O'Brien 's
policy. Hammarskjold described "Mor-
thor" as a defensive reaction to the vio-
lent anti-UN campaign mounted by
Tshombe after "Rumpunch." O'Brien
agrees this was a major factor in the
genesis of "Morthor," but the opera-
tion once begun had the added objec-
tive of ending the secession.
That, however, was O'Brien's, not
Hammarskjold's policy, and the latter's
silence on the subject of his subordi-
nates having exceeded their instruc-
tions scarcely justifies O'Brien's as-
sault upon Hammarskjold's integrity.
It still is not clear where the end-the-
secession aspects of "Morthor" origi-
nated. Sture Linner, the chief UN of-
ficial in the Congo at the time, told me
he approved "Morthor" only as an ac-
tion necessary to keep the mercen-
aries from overrunning UN positions.
O'Brien says the more far-reaching in-
structions came via Mahmoud Khiary,
a Tunisian who was one of Linner's
top political aides.
In his Observer pieces, O'Brien wrote
that when fie went to Leopoldville sev-
eral weeks after the windup of "Morth-
or" he was bewildered to learn that
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I
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A century of
conflicts and
crusades
nobody outside of Elizabethville except
Khiary and Vladimir Fabry (Linner's
legal aide who perished with Hammar-
skjold) had known about the broader
instructions he had received. Khiary's
explanation, according to O'Brien, was
that he knew Hammarskjold's wishes
because "he had been in personal, di-
rect communication, by a channel un-
known to anyone else, with Mr. Ham-
marskjold by secret unnumbered tele-
grams." In the book, O'Brien's instruc-
tions still come to him via Khiary, but
the business about Khiary's being in
secret communication with Hammar-
skjold is omitted. Why?
What emerges from all this is that
United Nations headquarters had one
policy and that some in the field, con-
temptuous of Hammarskjold's stress on
legality and his reluctance to use force,
had their own.
In the end force had to be invoked to
end Katanga's secession. But that does
not vindicate O'Brien. In the grim after-
math of Hammarskjold's death and
Katangese violations of the "Morthor"
cease-fire, the Security Council on No-
vember 24, 1961 authorized U Thant to
use force to expel the mercenaries and
stiffened the UN mandate to end Ka-
tanga's secession.
That resolution was not an exercise
in supererogation. Its passage in it-
self refutes O'Brien's thesis that the
February 21 mandate already had con-
ferred that authority upon the Secre-
tary-General.
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PROHIBITION
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MUSIC
J'-findemith-Early and Late
During the middle of March, two of
Paul Hindemith's works for the theater
received their American premieres un-
der the composer's direction. They
were his new (1961) opera, The Long
Christmas Dinner, and his very old
(1924) ballet, The Demon, which were
presented as a double bill. It is odd
that a big work by a major composer
would have to wait, as The Demon
did, almost 40 years for an American
performance. It is odder yet that the
premieres, when they took place, were
under the auspices not of one of the
great impresarios but rather of the
Juilliard School of Music. The Juilliard
paid the costs of production and tapped
its enormous resources of student and
faculty talent for the singers, dancers
and instrumental performers required.
ballet Herodiade, in which an incom-
patibility between the choreographer,
Martha Graham, and the music, re-
sulted in something less than a tri-
umph. There is an irony here: the sym-
phonic music for which Hindemith is
best known here is excerpted from his
music for the theater - the symphony
from his opera Mathis der Maier and
the suite from his ballet Nobilissima
Visione. The ballet, I believe, has been
dropped from repertory, but the opera
Mathis der Maier has, since the fall of
Hitler, become a sort of old favorite in
the German-speaking countries.
A reason for Hindemith's neglect by
our operatic theaters can be explained
by his position in the modernist move-
ment. I don't know just what the mod-
ernist movement is, but it seems to go
After the New York premiere, the pro-
duction was moved to Washington
where the deficit was met by the Wash-
ington Institute of Contemporary Arts,
the Opera Society of Washington, and
eleven other local organizations and
institutions.
To my knowledge, only one of Hinde-
mith's dozen-odd theater pieces has
been performed before in the United
States under anything approaching
professional conditions. This was the
Charlton Ogburn, Jr. is the author of
The Marauders. Joseph P. Lash is an
editorial writer for The New York Post
and author of DagHammarskjold, Cus-
todian of the Brushfire Peace. David R.
Slavitt is a young New York poet who
makes his first New Republic appear-
ance with this issue.
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back about fifty years, to Schoenberg's
Pierrot Lunaire and Stravinsky's Sacre
du Printemps; at any rate, to a time
when new music began to sound quite
different from any music that had
been written before. At the time of
these innovations, Hindemith was a
boy (he was born in 1895), and he was
writing prolifically in a manner heavily
influenced by Brahms. Few composers
have ever exhibited such perfection of
technique and such profound sensibil-
ity in their teens as Hindemith.
At some point around 1920 - after his
tour of duty with the German army -
Hindemith took a long look at his mu-
sical resources and made the changes
in his style which threw him from the
conservative to the modern camp. Dur-
ing this brief second phase of his
career, which was over by 1934, he
wrote two works on which his early
international reputation was based-
the song cycle, Das Marienleben,
which was improved by revision in
1948, and the Third String Quartet
which remains one of the most elo-
quent modern contributions to the rep-
ertory. In addition his second period
included some other good works which
have never quite caught on, and some
which are now dated and dispensable.
His shift of allegiance naturally made
for consternation among the conserva-
tives. He joined the moderns about the
time that the term "modern music" be-
came, in the public mind, a synonym
for ugliness and outrage. He had the
luxury of being the youngest of the
internationally famous moderns (being
younger by at least a decade than
Stravinsky, Schoenberg, Bartok and
their contemporaries). But, in payment
for this distinction, he became the sub-
ject of an extensive mythology which
has not been dispelled to this day. Of
the Hindemith myths, the silliest (and
the hardest to put down) is that he was
- or is! - an atonal composer. The fact
is that Hindemith has always been an
outspoken and deadly opponent of
atonality. His enemies claim that his
loathing for atonality has deafened
him to much of the best music of his
own time. Nonetheless, the myth re-
mains. There is also the business of
Gebrauchmusik - workaday music,
music for use. When, in the late twen-
ties, Hindemith wrote some pieces that
were very easy to play, word got out
His new opera, The Long Christmas
Dinner, is a substantial specimen of
third-period Hindemith: poignant,
lovely, subtle, but touched with great-
ness only three times, and then briefly.
The text must have been frightfully
difficult to set, and Hindemith must
have enjoyed solving technical prob-
lems that are foreign to his conven-
tional method of working.
Thornton Wilder adapted the libretto
from a one-act play that he wrote in
1931- which now looks like a finger-
exercise for Our Town and The Skin
of Our Teeth. In all of these plays,
Wilder was concerned with the con-
tinuity of human existence. His sub-
ject was Man with a capital M, and
his method was to reduce character to
type. In The Long Christmas Dinner,
he establishes continuity by means of
a set dinner table, the places of which
are occupied by succeeding generations
of a single family over a period of
ninety years. The original group sits
down to the table. A new baby is
brought in through the white door at
the left of the stage and is carried off.
`lama
fighter!"
These are the words
4 that best describe the
long career of the dis-
tinguished American
whose story is now
set in proper perspec-
tive by a Pulitzer
Prize-winning biog-
rapher. From boy-
hood to battling Tammany Hall, the Herbert Lehman story
is one of courage, action and accomplishment in govern-
ment, business, social reform, and world humanitarianism.
HERBERT H. LEHMAN
AND HIS ERA
by Allan Nevins
32 pages of photographs $7.50 at all bookstores
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
that he was interested in music as a
commodity rather than as an aesthetic
entity.
These and other myths would have
banned him from (for instance) the
Metropolitan Opera House while he
was young-this, combined with the
generally shortsighted view of the
management of that theater. Curious-
ly, his unpopularity with the Nazis
(his music was banned in Germany as
early as 1934) brought no increased
popularity in Western Europe.
A further explanation may lie in the
fact that by the time (the late forties
and early fifties) an American public
had developed for the way-out styles
of the twenties, Hindemith was no
longer writing way-out music. About
30 years ago, Hindemith completed his
evolution. He arrived at a style which
lends itself to conventional analysis
and which is characterized by nobility
and serenity. Within it, he can be
witty and he can be tragic, but he very
rarely pushes his style to these ex-
tremes. And his mature style has no
shock value whatever.
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Presently, the grandmother retires
through the black door, which is death.
Her place at the table is taken by a
new character. Then the baby reap-
pears full grown. As he matures, his
bride is introduced, their children are
brought in, the aging parents go
through the death door, and so on.
A metaphysical conceit as elaborate as
this is, of course, extreme for the oper-
atic theater; I will never know whether
a person who did not know in advance
what was up would be able to follow it.
The text, which Hindemith had trans-
lated into German before setting it,
had to be translated back into English
with some unfortunate results.
For his purposes, Wilder needed to
use the simplest and most prosaic lan-
guage. My heart sank when I heard the
first words:
"We're ready. I reckon we're ready.
Roderick! Mother Bayard! Come to
dinner."
Hindemith had set this in a parlando
style that, to any American listener,
could only conjure up plain old Menot-
ti pass-the-sugar. Hindemith, primarily
by ingenious use of his orchestra, was
able to compensate for the lack of
clear thematic vocal material, but only
prano voice, has some talent as an
actress; and John Harris, a brilliant
young baritone who, being a Negro
and without sufficient makeup, created
the impression that the story was really
about miscegenation in 19th Century
America.
As for The Demon, it is one of those
early second period pieces that Hinde-
mith wrote when he was young and
full of beans and hadn't learned how to
orchestrate very well. Jose Limon's
choreography, though recent, is as
dated and faded as the score. The piece
should have been done a long time ago.
Its only value now is as a compendium
of the expressionistic cliches of 40
years ago. That Hindemith allowed
himself to get mixed up in this per-
formance can be charged to the justi-
fiable vanity of an aging giant.
ROBERT EVETT
Correspondence
The New Republic welcomes communi-
cations in regard to subjects of current
interest. Those of 300 words or less are
most suitable for publication.
to a degree. For almost fifty years, the
c
o
r
vate Schools
the central elements of Hindemith's
musical thought, and in this work, the
recurrent literary motives of birth,
death, carving the turkey, etc., gave
him an opportunity to exploit the
technique that he has developed to
perfection. However, at the three
points where he emerged at his best, (a
trio, a quintet, and a sextet) he either
cleverly adapted the text or deliber-
ately distorted it. Frequently a new
opera can be dismissed because of a
bad libretto. That is not true here.
Wilder's libretto is a strong one, but
not one to which a man of Hindemith's
habits and temperament could have
written a great work.
In any of the excellent opera produc-
tions of the Juilliard School, there are
bound to be some undiscovered Leon-
tyne Prices. Of the eleven good solo-
ists in this performance, two struck me
as particularly worth watching: Lorna
Haywood, who, in addition to having
a big and phenomenally accurate so-
Sirs:
* Surely you cannot intend seriously
your suggestion of March 23 that fed-
eral aid to independent schools be con-
ditioned on the use of public school
textbooks? Aside from the fact that
such textbooks not infrequently fail "to
present the full range of academically
respectable opinion on controversial is-
sues," enforced textual conformity
would tend to eliminate both diversity
and freedom from the educational sys-
tem. A major strength of private (in-
cluding parochial) schools has been
their power to vary from the currently
fashionable educational curriculum.
(The increasingly common practice of
offering college-level courses to quali-
fied high school students was pioneered
by independent secondary schools.) To
the extent that conformity is demand-
ed, the justification for independent
schools largely disappears.
The very suggestion, however, points
Publi
Aid t
P
i
out the difficulty of reconciling "sepa-
rationist" demands with the continued
independence of the non-public school.
Rather than have the federal govern-
ment contribute to the schools directly,
why not allow a tax credit for tuition
paid to any accredited independent
school (up to some maximum limit,
such as $200 per child per year)? The
problems of church-state separation on
the one hand and excessive government
control on the other would be largely
avoided. The tax burden on those who
choose independent schools for their
children would be reduced. Additional
funds would be available to the school
through increased tuition fees. The in-
dependent school's existence and
strength would be governed by the
willingness of parents to patronize it-
arguably, at least, the appropriate
standard for determining education in
a free society. Minot W. Tripp, Jr.
Berkeley, Calif.
I have been following with much in-
terest your discussions of the past few
weeks on the church and school rela-
tionship, especially since I am a student
at a Protestant Christian college and
went to a similar prep school.
I agree that state aid to private and
parochial schools could be of great ben-
efit; I also agree that there must be
some control over this aid so that it
would be spent in the public's interest
and not just the church's. The main
problem, then, is how to control the
use of this aid so that it will serve the
public's purpose without infringing on
the fredom of the private school.
Consider the suggestion to limit pri-
vate schools to a selected list of text-
books if they wished to receive state
aid. There is a real danger, I believe,
that these schools could thus eventually
lose some of their freedom of education
and be pressed into the same conform-
ing mold.
Another suggestion made was that the
schools should not reject any teacher
solely because of his religious beliefs.
. . . This lack of freedom to choose
one's own teachers, however, would
encroach upon the aims of a parochial
school. The goal, and I adhere to it
completely, of the college I am attend-
ing is that of relating Jesus Christ in
every aspect of education and life in
general. This can be done only through
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a faculty dedicated to this task. But
this does not mean that I receive only
one viewpoint on different issues. On
the contrary, since we also have "secu-
lar" textbooks and literature along with
Christian professors, we actually have
a more varied range of views to choose
among than the secular campus which
tends to ignore the religious side. The
college's choice of teachers has not pre-
vented it from being academically bet-
ter than most state universities, either.
Richard Pierce
Wheaton College
* Just a belated note to thank you for
that fine editorial on aid to church-re-
lated schools. It was certainly a refresh-
ingly sensible piece of work, consider-
ing the bombast we've been subjected
to from both sides. It was calm, reason-
able, and right to the point.
Paul V. Farrell
Oceanside, N. Y.
* I call your attention to the current
situation in Rhode Island. This state is
now 6o percent Roman Catholic. This
year, a bill has been signed into law
which will permit the state to buy text-
books for Catholic schools. There's no
provision made for the public supervi-
sion you recommend. The American
Civil Liberties Union, various Prot-
estant bodies, and POAU, protested in
vain. Unless overturned by the courts,
non-Roman Catholic Rhode Islanders
will be paying for the instruction of
Roman Catholics in their parochial
school system.
I live in New York. An amendment to
the state constitution was narrowly de-
feated recently which would have given
the state the right to pay tuition to
children going to private (mainly Cath-
olic) schools. The Catholic argument
was: we are helping the children, not
the schools.
We watch Monsignor Hochwalt in ac-
tion in Congress. He tells us, in effect:
No federal aid for Roman Catholic
schools, no federal aid for any schools.
And he makes it stick. Of this, Walter
Lippmann has said: "The defeat of the
President's program under such condi-
tions would have grave consequences,
for it would introduce into the center of
American public life the profoundly
troubling issue of clericalism."
You ask yourselves if the Catholic
hierarchy would accept secular stand-
ards, and you reply: "We don't know."
I suggest you haven't been reading the
history of church-state relations in Eu-
ropean and South American countries
carefully. I urge you to adopt the posi-
tion of The New York Times:
"We have always considered the
right of parents to choose and main-
tain non-public schools for their
children as a fundamental right. But
we believe that this basic freedom
does not therefore imply the right to
public financial aid."
W. H. von Dreele
New York, N. Y.
* It is often said that parents who have
children in parochial schools bear an
extra tax burden. Perhaps so. This bur-
den, however, is self imposed. Catholics
feel that public schools are not suffi-
cient, so their children are sent to
church schools. The fact is apparently
ignored that religious instruction may
be obtained after public school hours.
In regard to bearing an extra tax bur-
den, it would seem that unmarried men
and women, and couples who have no
children also bear this burden. We do
not want our tax money to be used to
support any private school whether it
be St. Helena's, Kemper, or Groton. If
people want their children to attend
private schools, it is they who should
pay - not we. John H. George
Carl Wiechmann
Hobbs, New Mexico
* Now that the mythic constitutional
fog surrounding the church-related
school controversy is beginning to
break up (although it still lingers
around the Supreme Court building),
the real reason for some of the more
virulent opposition to aid is coming in-
to focus. For one reason or another, it
is assumed that private and, above all,
church-related schools have no right to
exist, let alone benefit from the na-
tion's concern for the education of its
children. The three letters appearing in
your March 16 issue demonstrate this
rather well.
While I sympathize with Mr. Schnei-
der's concern that private schools are
skimming the cream off the crop, leav-
ing only the mediocre and the dregs to
the public schools, I seriously question
"Likely lobe the most talked
about Italian production since
'La Dolce Vita"
BEEKMAN
its basis in fact and I even more seri-
ously question its relevance. The ques-
tion at hand, after all, is not the rela-
tive one of maintenance of standards
in the public schools; it is the question
of justice to a substantial number of
non-public-school children. Mr.
Schneider wants public-school students
to be superior, and this is laudable; but
a superiority which is achieved by
standing on the other fellow's head
involves a peculiar ethical posture.
Dr. Mackay's doctrinaire rantings
hardly rate a reply. He is quaint and
amusing in his money defense of 19th
Century militant secularism; but he
suffers from that generation's morbid
defect, the tendency to make secularism
into a monolithic orthodoxy-an or-
thodoxy far more dangerous than its
religious counterpart, since it demands
the allegiance of everyone, not just
that of a limited number of sectarian
adherents.
Mr. Guyton throws his hands up in
pious horror at the divisive tendencies
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of parochial education. If a monolithic
uniformity is indeed desirable, as Mr.
Guyton implies, then of course private
education is wrong and should be abol-
ished; but it is a concept alien to the
democratic process.
When such responsible journals as
The New Republic manage to stand up
without flinching before the legions of
bogeymen generated by such special-
interest groups as the NEA (the disso-
lution of the public school system),
such monomanic aggregations as the
POAU (a papist plot), the fuzzy fringe
on the far Left, and the lunatic Right,
it seems just barely possible that the
American public will cease being
frightened out of its uninformed wits
and will see fit to render to each of its
children the justice due to him.
Michael Sundermeier
Omaha, Nebraska
* If parochial schools are not religion-
oriented, why have them? Why spend
money on them? If they are not re-
ligion-oriented then they are the same
as secular public schools. Under these
conditions, if parents can get their chil-
dren educated at public expense, why
should they support, at great sacrifice,
a parochial school system? In that case,
a simple solution would be to have all
the parochial schools handed over to
the public school system and converted
into secular schools. You say, let's take
a chance and see if the parochial
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schools, when and if they are handed
the money, would eliminate the reli-
gion-oriented instruction in non-reli-
gious subjects. That, I claim, is putting
the cart before the horse. Thus far, we
know quite definitely that parochial
schools will not permit the elimination
of religion-oriented instruction from
any part of their curriculum. If they did
so, they would be clearly defeating the
very purpose of their existence.
Alan DeWitt
Brooklyn, N. Y.
* Once public tax money becomes
available to parochial schools, Protes-
tants will jump on the bandwagon; if
they are being taxed for Catholic paro-
chial schools, they might as well have
their own. (At the last Presbyterian
General Assembly, it was proposed,
but defeated, that the Presbyterian
Church plan a parochial school system,
ready to be implemented if and when
federal aid is granted to parochial
schools.) Since Protestants will not, for
the most part, be able to get together
on a single Protestant school system,
there will come into being a multiplic-
ity of sectarian schools, most of them
small and weak; but the reduction of
public school enrollment, and conse-
quent reduction in the number of peo-
ple interested in voting for school tax
increases or bonds, will probably mean
a very serious weakening of the public
schools - a vicious circle.
Six years ago a Committee on Reli-
gion and Public Education, including
prominent educators and churchmen
widely representative of varying back-
grounds and experience, was appoint-
ed by and reported to the General As-
sembly of the Presbyterian Church.
Their report, entitled "The Church and
the Public Schools," merits your atten-
tion. It includes the following state-
ments:
"There is very real danger that as
parochial schools become strong the
public-school system may be reduced
to a second-rate institution. It is dif-
ficult to finance and to engender
psychological drive to support com-
peting systems of education. We are
convinced that in the event paro-
chial schools become dominant, the
free public schools will not only be
made less effective but the health of
the body politic will be weakened
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and freedom in the community di-
minished. It is our conviction that
parochial education accentuates dif-
ferences, causing social cleavage.
This cannot serve the best interest
of free inquiry as a part of broad
educational values. A united com-
munity calls for a setting within
which children of all religious and
cultural backgrounds freely mingle
and develop attitudes of common
understanding and trust."
As a Presbyterian minister, I can see
great advantages in Christian schools,
whether Catholic or Protestant, for I
believe that religion runs through every
aspect of life, and that even mathe-
matics is seen truly only when seen as
a manifestation of divine order. But in
our American pluralistic society the
price of Christian schools is simply too
high. Banes Anderson
Fresno, Calif.
* Your advocacy of public aid for pa-
rochial schools is a blow to democracy.
The Catholic Church, which would be
the main beneficiary of such aid, is a
religious dictatorship, a fact which you
entirely overlook. Since one of the prin-
cipal foundation stones of that Church
is its school system, to give it state fi-
nancial assistance would simply serve
to strengthen that dictatorship. Wheth-
er in politics or religion, the world has
too much of this kind of rule as it is.
Edwin E. Aiken
Goshen, Massachusetts
* Milking public schools of support
and siphoning out better students could
be more harmful to public schools than
NR seems to envision. It would be
tragic to transform public schools into
ghettos of troublemakers and slow
learners for the sake of building up a
private school elite. When apportioning
public funds, the familiar formula - the
greatest good for the greatest number -
should be remembered. Most of our
students are in public schools. More,
not less, state aid should be given to
public schools to help improve their
educational offerings.
Public education has been the single
most important institutional factor in
making the United States as great as it
is, and is our hope for the future. I am
opposed to anything detrimental to the
continued growth and improvement of
that system. As evidenced in your issue
of March 23, NR has done some re-
thinking of the issue and will, I hope,
do more.
As a final note, I suggest the questions
NR raises on the possibility of secular-
Catholic standards-of-instruction con-
flict in the event of state aid being in-
creased be posed to several members of
the Catholic hierarchy. The answers
should be enlightening and interesting.
Clifford C. Hill
Kankakee, Illinois
* Three years ago when I was in Hol-
land, having been raised in Brooklyn, I
visited Brueklin, the village that gave
its name to the New York City bor-
ough. I was graciously shown around
by the Burgomaster and, when I asked
about a rather dingy school building in
the middle of the village, was told that
no new school could be built because
the Catholic minority in the village
wanted a parochial school; the non-
Catholics wanted a new public school;
and since the village was too poor to
have two schools, it could have none!
Holland, you probably know, has the
system you advocate of subsidizing
Catholic as well as public schools.
Jean B. Trapnell
Los Angeles, California
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i which to raise the question.
iich we are in somewhat of a dilemma and
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:dinarily approved a more positive approach.
e favor the latter; I believe this is a good case
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