JPRS ID: 8279 TRANSLATIONS ON USSR POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS

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~7PFt5 L/8~79
15 ~`nbruary 19 79
~
T!RANSLATIONS 01~ USSR POLIT~CAL
AlVD SOCIOLOGICAL 11FFAIRS
- (FOUO 2/79)
U. S. JOINT PUBLICATIONS RESEARCH SERVICE
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s?~f:cr .ik~[ts L/8279
~L I i~~l~~ .ui~l `.~T~ u h S. Ito~~t~n U:IIc
't'It~VSt,~~'I~ I c~NS UN US51t I~UL l~t'ICAL ANU Sot:IUl,cui tCAt. ACFAIIt5 ~5 F~bruary 19 79
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JPRS L/8279
15 Februa~y 19 79 -
- TRANSlATIONS ON I~SSR POL,ITICAL
ANp SOCZOLOGICAI~ AFFAI ~ZS ~
c~o~o 2/~9)
CONT~NTS PAGE _
INTERNATIONAL
_ Petrovskiy Discusses SovieC-U.S. Relations
(V. Petrovskiy; VOPROSY ISTORII, Oct 78) 1 -
USS[t Indochinu Strategy Analyzed
, (Takio Yamnzaki; GUNJI KENKYU, Jan 79) 24
F'edoseyev Addresses 5ocialist Countries' Theoretical Confer~nce
(L. S. Yagodovskiy; VESTNIK AKADEMII NAUK SSSR,
No 11, 1978) 37
NATIONAL
Socio-philosophical Problems of Law Enforcement �
(N. A. Shchelokov; VOPROSY FILOSOFII, Nov 78)........... 42
- a - [III - tTSSR - 35 FOUO)
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I N'L' CRNA'~TONAI~
PETROV5KIY DISCUS5ES SOVIET-U.S. R~LA~'I:ONS
_ Moscow VOPRO5Y ISTORII in Russian No 10, Oct 78 pp 79-96
[Article by V. F. PeCrovskiy: "The Ro1e and Place of SovieC-American
a Relations in the Madern World"]
[Text) The GreaC October SociAlist ltevolution fundamenrally change the world
syqtem of staees and Che structure of international relatinns that conformed
to it. The appearance on the world scene of the first socialist state
marked the end of the undivided dominance of imperialism. The historic -
conflict, the competition between socialism and capitalism, became the
basic content of international relations. "Ttie mutual relltions among
peoples, the entire world system of states," V. I. Lenin emphasized in 1918,
"are determined by the struggle by a small group of imperialist nations against
the Soviet movemene and the Soviet states which are headed by Soviet Russia"1.
The new system of international relations that arose as a result.of the
October Revolution has not remained unchanged. The relationship of forces
within the framework of that system has been steadily changing in favor of
- socialism~ Where~s, after the victory of the revolution, the Soviet state
was enci.rcled by the capitalist countries, the combined forces of which con- -
siderably surpassed the might of the Soviet state, at the present time imperi-
alism not only has ceased to be the undividedly dominating force: it is
opposed by the community of socialise countries, the na.tional-lioeration
movement that has grown up, and the organizational force of the working class
and all the workers. On this basis there has beer a thorough reorganizat3on
of tl~e entire structure of international relations in conformiey with the
principle of the peaceful coexistence of states with di�ferent socia]. systems.
.
A decisive role in the transformation of internat~onal relations has been
played by the Soviet Union and the social~.st community as a whole. Their
growing internarional authority and prestige, the steady~ reinforcement of
� the economic and military potential, and the relationshi,p of forces which
is changing in their favor are being used by tiie socialist countries for the
sake of the reinforcement of world peace and security. -
1
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~n the �oxe~.gn~poli.t~.ca], activi.t~,eg o~ the SovieC state thxoughout ies
hisCory, un import~nt place has been occup~dd by So~:Let~Amer3.can relations.
_ Their scope and imporCance ~re measured primuxi].y by rhe ~act that we
~tre deal.ing with two tremendoue arates ln the modern worXd which personify
- oppos3ng social BYsrems, countxi.ea the relations between which are substan- .
tially important Por each o� the sides, which 3nevitably reflect and, to
~ a considerable degree, exere an 3nfluence upon ~he condition and tendencies
= in the develQpmenr of inrernational re~,ations as a whole. _
Soviet-American relntions 1ie in a ma~or seceor of the peace sexategy that
has been consistently carried ouC by tihe CPSU and the SovieC government.
With the developmenC ot relations between the USSR and the United States
the party links Che solution o� Che �undamentally important question of -
the further pa~hs Yor the development of the conflict between the two
systems, the prevention of worldw3de Chermonuclear war~Lare. -
The recognition of the historical inevitabiliCy of Che class struggle between _
= the two sociai worlds, a struggle having an anCagonistic naCure and therefore
precluding any idealogical reconciliation or coalescence (as is asserted in `
the West by adherenCs of the theory af "convergence" and "ideological
~ disarmament"), by no means presupposes the inevitaba.e waging of that sCruggle ~
in forms of military force and does not necessitate any acuity of inter-
naCional crises and conflicts that would be greater than previously. This
situation has been repeatedly explained in documents issued by the CPSU and
the Soviet government. Extreme means of coercion (war, aggression, coloni-
zation) as forms of the struggle between staCes were legalized in world
politics by the social system that was based on private ownership and exploi- ~
tation. But with the arrival of socialism on the world scene, there was an
unprecedented expansion of the opportunities to elimi.nate those forms _
- completely from international life, to aci~ieve the true consolidation of
peace on our planet, and to eliminate the threat of war. Guiding the con-
flict between the two systems into the channels of peaceful competit.ion in
- the name of the elimination of the threat of war that is the task that ~
the party views as one of the most important ones. The CPSU, General
Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee L. I. Brezhnev said, strives to
see that the historically inevitable class struggle between the two systems
the capitalist and the socialist in the sphere of economics, politics, .
and, obviously, ideology "is directed into channels that do not threaten
any wars, dangerous conflicts, or uncontrollable armaments race"2. The
- creation of the optimal conditions for the contest between the two systems
within the framework of peaceful coexistence and cooperation for purposes
of preventinA a global catastrophe and d~iscontinui.ng the arms race is
inseparably linked with the nature o� the relations between the USSR an~i
the United States.
t
- The opportunitv .~or the development of Soviet~tlmerican relations along the
path of bus~.ness cooperation manifested itself in ~harp relief as early as
the birth o~ the Soviet state. On instructions given by Lenin, the Foreign
Trade Commission attached to Che Economic Policy Committee of the VSNKh
_ 2 -
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[5upr.eme Gouncl.:l. nx ~he USSR Nu~~,on~~l. ~conomyJ ;tn htay 1.91.8 prepared a _
- det~:tled concxete p1.an i'or Che devel,optqenC o� econom:tc reluC:tons Uetween
- Soviet [~uss~.a ~nd Che Un~.ted Sta~es, llistingu~.shed by ~.Cs reu],ieCl.c
~~ppxoach, that pJ.~n stipuJ.alecl re~.iab].e guarantees ~s~ur:tttg Che completely
- equttl n~eure oP Clie Soviet~Amexic~n tl.es3. With the head oP the Ited Cross
miseion in Sovie~ Russ:tn, Coloite~. R. Rnbins, acCing ~~s ~.ntermediary, Che -
plan was made kriown to U. S, Presiden~ W. Wilson4, And if ehe 5oviet-
Nnerican rell~ions, despite ~he existence in ~.ate 1917 nnd early .1918 of the ~
~ prerequisiCes for ttie:Lr developmen~ on a btisinesslike cunsl-ructive basis,
Cook an unf~vor~t~le rurn in mid-1918 and Che UniCed SL�aCe:~ beca~ne an active
participant ici the armed interv~nti~n into SovieC Itussian, the resp~nsibiliCy
for thaC iq Lurn4 Uy' the ,tlmerican rul~.ttg circles, sunong whictl the persons
who got the upper huncl were those who we~e attempting to resolve the "Russian
question" by military means. If one speaks noe abour the ideological dif-
ferences evolvtng from tlie differences Uetwen Che soc:ial systems, but,
ratt~er, about relations berween states, we do not see any contradictions, -
_ any contlict of national interes~s, tliat would make impossible rhe maintain-
ing of normal relations between Che USSR and the Lfnited States. 2'hroughout
- ttie history o� the 3oint exisrence of both sCates, rhere have never been any
wars between them, with the exception of. the U. S. par~icipation in the foreign
- intervention againsr Soviet Russia in 1918-1920, which was undertaken for
the sake of stifling ~he socialist revolution, th~t is, for ideological,
_ class reasons, and by no means for reasons of U. S, national interesrs. _
The main lesson in Soviet-American relations consists in the fact that,
- in our a~e, there does not exist any other realistic basis for the maintenance
and development of relations between the USSR and the United States than
J the principle of peaceful coexistence. To the extent L�hat Soviet-American re-
lations corresponded to thatabsolutely fundamental principle, they benefiCed
the peoples oP both countries and the wel�are of international peace. The _
most important and most brilliant example of Sovi2t-American cooperation was
the participatioti of both states in the anti-HiCler coalition, when their
common inCerests and the interests of world peace were determined by the task
of defeatiu~ fascism. in our day, such a key task is the prevenCion of
nuclear war and the elimination of the threat that such a war could arise.
This is ttie chief Roal, but, obviously, it is not the sole one, and it is
not isolated from the otlier constructive tasks of international policy,
_ such as the complete development of mutually advantageous and fruitful
_ cooperation in the economic, scientific-tect?~iical, cultural, and other areas.
The history of Soviet-A.merican relations t~aches us that the platform of -
- peaceful coexistence requixes not the rejection of the ideological struggle, -
but the introduction of. propagandisti.c activ~.t~es into de~inite framework,
= whicti precludes falsif i.cation and sJ.ander, riie 3.nc~.tement of hatred and _
~ distrust, the use o� subversive mear~s and methods o~ "psychological warfare."
With ttie establishment o.E diplomatic relations between the USSR and the -
Unlted States in 1933, botti states (on the i.riitiatt.ve of the American side!)
pledged that they would not only refrain frori interfering in each other's
internal af~airs, but would al.so abstain the~lselves and restrain all persons =
and organizations under their "direct or indCrect control, including =
3
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orgnnir.ations xPceiving Pinancial, Ai.d ~x'om them, ~rom commi.tit;Lng any
over~ ox cove~cC ucC cupable ~n uny wny~oP dumaging rhe calm, welfare, -
- order, or aecurity" o~ the other side (in th:ts regard, direct mention was
also wade o� "agitarion and propaganda")5. That agreement, foYmula~ed
through the exchange o~ leetexs between M. M. Lit~inov and F. D. Rooaevelt, '
remains in force Co this very day. -
- Soviet-American relations traveled a difficult path from the ineervention
- and ehe 16 years of U. S~~ non~ecognition of the Soviet staee Co the ~
situation when, in the American political eseablistmnent there are now, in ;
essence, very few who deny Che importance of the maintaining of peaceful '
relations between the USSR and the United States, the importance of Che ~
reductior~ of the danger of a military confrontation between them. A large ;
amount of credit in this re:gard belonF;s to the firm and consistent foreign-
� policy line of the SovieC a~~ate, which, using rhe ob3ect3.ve~proceases in �
~ international development a~nd the ma~or shifts in the placement of the -
world's political forces, has been striving consistently Co recognize. _
not only in words, but also in deeds, the principle of peaceful coexistence.
The fundamental views of th,e Soviet Union on the question of relaCions
- with Che United States were contained in Che ideas and practical activity .
- of the founder of our state, V. I:. Lenin. From Che very moment of iCs
= birth the Soviet author.ity, in addi.tion to the rebuff given to the aggressive
reactionary circles of 3mperialism, proclaimed its readiness to develop
normal relations with the countries of different social system. Lenin,
formulating the concept of peacEful coexist~ence6, emphasized that socialism,
by his very nature as the social system expressing the fundamental
intereats of the working class and all the workers, has a self-interestedness �
in preserving peace between peoples and states~. The principle of peaceful
coexistence'which was formulated by Lenin expressed the essence of the con- .
- s.istenCly democratic program for the development of international relations
with which the the country.of the first victorious socialist revolution
arrived on the world scene. The Soviet Union has never excluded the
IInited States from the sphere of its policy Chat was aimed at the carrying out _
of that principle. Moreover, Lenin's numerous stai:ements on this question
attest to the fact that even then he attached special importance to relations
' with the United States as the most highly dev~loped and~most typical country
of madern capitali'sm. ~
- The idealogical implacability�with respect to imperialism did not prevent ~
_ Lenin from making a reallstic evaluat~.on of tha place and role of the United
- States in the world syatem of states. In h~,s "Lettez to.the American
� Workers," which contains a po~.3,t~tca7.l.y acute descxipt3,on o~ imperialism,
- ~Lenin at that time noted that "AmeXica has occup~.ed ~3,xst place among the
free and Pormed countries with regard to th~ high ievel of deVelopment of
~ the productive~forces of human united ~.abor, and to the application of ~
= machines and all the wonders of modern technology"8. His approach to the
problem of SoviQt-American relations was profoundly scientific and dialectic.
_ In the complicated set of questions pertaining to Soviet-American relations
_ . 4 .
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- P'Olt Ui~ I~ ICIAT~ USL ON1,Y ~
he Crea~ed ~cottomic t:~es ~ts n c:otnp~.etea.y sep~t~~ate ett~ity. Tn October 1919,
:in reply to R((l~@4~;L011 flsked lay a coxxes~~ondettC o� rhe ,Amer~.c~n newspaper,
~rEtt~. Cf1TCAG0 DA~LY NL'WS, ~'WliFt~ i;~ Ctte pos~.Cion o,~ Che Sov.tet governmenC with
xespect Co M~~nCe o.~ e~Rreemen~ w~.Lh America?", Lrnin gave rhe fo].lowi,ng -
precise nnd unnmbtguou~ answex; "6Je ~re decldectly in ~'avor of 1 sCn~e of
~grc~ement wirh Americn with a].], cattcitries, but especinlly with tlmerica"9, "
Larer, r~n 18 February 1920, in ~n intervlew grantcd Co (K. Wigend)~ a ~
correspundenr wLCh Universal Service, an Americ~n in�ormation agecicy, :Cn -
respons~~ Co the questton "Ts ltussi~ ready t~ en~er into business rel~ttions
with /lmerica?", Lenin agal.n st~ted, "01 course Itu;isia is ready, ;}u~t as with
all oth~_r countrles"L~. Lenin atCUChed much greaLer imporCance to the
- economic~ ties wiCh Che United StaCes, ln ChaL', in addition to Cheir mutual -
advantaf;eousnes~, he saw in Ctiem a stable bnsis for developing relations of
peace and cuoper~~:ion between ehe two counrriesll,
At ttie same rime Lenin came out decisively against: U. S. attetnpts to use
the negotiations wirh Soviet Russia for ttte purpot;e of interfering in its
- internal af.fairs, for the purpose o� gaining unil~iteral advantages. In
connection willi ttie negotiations between the representative af the RSFSR,
M. M. Litvinov, and the representative of ARA, an American aid administration,
_ (U. Brown) relative to ehe practical implementation of the food assistance
promised by the ARA ~o the areas oF Soviet Russia thar were encompassed by
_ starvation, Lenin warned again~t attempts on the ~~art of definite U. S.
circles to use the economic diFficulties of the SovieC s~ate in order to
interfere in iCs ititernal atfairs and ro forc~ upon the Soviet state -
unacceptable aid conditions. "Be on guard, keep trying to discern their
intentions, don't let them get too cocky," Lenin telegraphed to Ri~a on
= 11 August 192112.
- The Leninist approach lay at the basis of the unceasing efforts on the part
of Soviet diplomacy during the 1920s and the early 1930s to normalize the
relations with the United States. 7'tie Soviet position, in expanded form,
was set Eorth in connection with a note from the U. S.Secretary of State _
B. Colby, dated 1~ August 19'l0, to the Iralian ambassador in Washington, ~n `
which the U. S. government categorically rejected the recognition of the
Soviet state and whic}~ in essence, represented a manifesto that had as its
- 2im tlie imple~nentation of a policy of hatred and boycott with respect to
~oviet Russia. In reply to Colby's note, the RSFSR People's Co~nissar of
roreign AEfairs, G. V. Chicherin, on 10 September 1920, sent a telegram to
Soviet plenipotentiary represenratives abroad. I~i it he stated, "Mister
Colby has made a serious mistake if he assumes that ~it is only with the -
proviso that the capital~.st system dominates in Russia that it possible for
normal relations to ex~.st beeween i.t and North America. We feel, on the
contrary, that it is in the :Cnterests both of Rus:~ia and o� North America
to establish between them even now, despite the o~~position of"their social
. and political systems, the complete].y correct and loyal peaceful, friendly
_ relations which are necessary for the developnenr of commodity exchange =
between ttiem and for the satis�ying of the economic needs of both sides"13~
S
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- Caxrying out Che I.enin~.sC 1~,ne ~ox the esC~b~.3sht~enC of normal zelations
wiCh rhe United States, Che Sov~.eC govexnment� 3,nE:viCab].y Cook into cons~.dera~
Cion the internaeionttl as~ect oP Chose relat~,ons, As c~n be seen from rhe r
- Poreign-pol.icy docwnen~s o~ that period, the Sovi.eC Union proceeded from
~ the premise Char "the reatorat~.on o,~ xelations would serve ro the benefit
noC only oP bo~h counCries, but also, to a cons~,derable degree, would con-
tribute to the restoration oP Che economy o~ Europe as a whole, as we11 as
~ to universal disarmament"14~ _
' Tihe imporCance of rhe esCablishmenC o� 5ovieC-American relations from the point
of view of raising the chances of the preservaCion of peace (and that took -
on particular importance under the conditions of the centers of aggression
that had sprung up 3n the Far East and 3n Europe) was especially stipulated
in the exchange of notes between the U. S. president and the USSR People's ~
Commissar of Foreign Affairs on 16 November 1933. Those notes substantiated
Che 3ointly shared conviction tha~ "from Chis day on, our nations will be
able to ~ooperate for our mutual advantage and for the protection of
universal p~eace"15. A very typical fact is that, in the course of the firsC
meeting with U. S. Ambassador W. Bullitt on 15 December 1933, the Chairman `
of the USSR Cuuncil of People's Commissars V. M. Molotov persistently
conveyed the idea thar "the most important area in which the Soviet-American
cooperation should op~xate is the matter of the consolidation of the peace."
_ "Two such countries as the USSR and the United States," the head of Che .
Soviet government emphasized, "can do much to preserve the peace, and can,
to a considerable degree, paralyze the efforts that are directed against
tt~e cause of peace"16.
The Leninist principles pertaining to peaceful coexistence, even after the
establishment of diplomatic relations beCween the USSR and the United -
- States, continued to constitute the basis of Che political line of the
Communist Party and the Soviet government with respect to the United States.
Consistently adhering to that line, the 23rd and 24th CPSU Congresses posed
as their task the combination of the firm rebuffing of the tentaCive but -
aggressive efforts of imperialism, and the consistent, constructive course ~
aimed at the confirmation of the principle of ~eaceful coexistence and lack
- of compromise in ideological struggle, with a readiness to develop mutually
advantageous relations with states.of an opposing social system, including
the United States. The 24th CPSU Congress, in advancing its Peace Program,
_ formulated the task of normalizing the relations with the United States in
- the broad context of the international policy of the Soviet Union, as an _
organic and extremely important part of forei};n--policy activities aimed at
the fundamental reorganization o~ the ent~re ;~ystem of international relations.
The recognition by the Uni,ted States of the princ~p].es of peaceful coexistence
would create the conditions for putting an end to the Co1d War, to its
pernicious ef ~ect both upon the relations between the USSR and the United
States and upon the international situation. Constructive Soviet-American
cooperat2.on in all spheres, but paxticularly i.n the solution of vitally
- important world problems, has been called upon to give additional impetus -
- to the policy of detente, in which a substantial role is played by Soviet-French
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- rott ort~''CCT.AL U5E~, orrt~~~ -
coopera~io~i, L�he t~ew nr~~tlz~e v,C Gtie ze,l,ati.or~a beCween I'RG [Che ~'ederal
Repub:l.ic uk Gexm~ny WE'.9L' cc:rmt~ny] ~tnd Ctae So~ri,er Un~.on and orher
- ~oci.~],:[st counCr~.e;~, 7:n the :lotig-tci~ni v:tew L�he "ovi.etrAmer~.can cooperr~tion
woulcl conr~~ibute lo ~.sstt~:tng tltat L�he proces;~ o~ de~ente takes on a global -
irreversib~.e nnture.
- At the same C3me the CYSU al~o Cook :tnto cons:tderaCion the stibstanttal im-
porCance oL l�he norcnalizar~.on o~ SovteC-American relaCions in Che bilateral
v.i.ew, inasmuch ~ts the mc~tt�er aC h~nd was Che Lies bntween two powers
possessing higllly developed scienC~.fic-reseurch potenl�ia1 and hi.ghly trained
scientif3c-technical peraortnel.
Iti order to complete the de~is~.ve ~urn toward tliE~ norniali.zation of Soviet-
American relat:Cons, tllP. Soviet Union did not have to change iCs foreign-policy
course, B~xt in or.der .Cur tl?e politlcf~l. leadershi.p of rhe iJnieed States to
make ttie ~ransirion from L-tie Cold War policy to negotiltions with Che USSR,
it was necessary f'or tt~em to make a rlther radical re-evaluation of ~heir
fore3gn policy, which, after World War II, had bE~en oriented at a confronCa-
tion wit}i the USSR. A factor of decisive importance in the re-evaluation of
values was i.tie recognition by the U. S, ruling ci.rcle~ of the lack of
prospects and the Lack o� sense in relying upon nuclear force. And, of -
~ course, the �act of the marter is not in rliat thE~se means of conducting _
warfare proved to be excessive for ths attainment: of foreign-policy goals. _
. The history of the United States conviucingly attests ~o the fact that -
imperialism never stops before the application oi~ force in the name of
implementing its plans. The political leadershi~, of the United States
arrived at the idea af the necessity of reducing the danger of nuclear war
- as a result of their reco~nition of the fact rhat the same nuclear forcQ
_ that the United Sta~es has i.s also possesse~ by t.he Soviet Union, which, _
in the United States, is considered at the present time and for the fore- -
_ seeable future to be the "chief opponent" in all respects political,
= military, economic, and ideological.
The USSR and the United States, H. Kissinger saicl on 12 May 197~, in a _
speech at tlle International Relations Council iii St. Louis, Missouri,
_ "are confronted by a problem that has had no prec:edent in history: each of
these powers has armaments that are capable of destroyed civilized life.
Ttierefore, no matter how we may comFete with one another ?*~d no ~;atter how =
we may ideologically oppose one another, no one af the two powers can attempt -
to force its will upon the other one without taking an inadmissible risk"17.
- Also linked w~.th the recogn~.tion o~ the danger oi a mutually annihilating
nuclear war is another important conclusion tl-~e conclusion that it is
_ necessary to preserve the stxateg~,c equi.l~.brium t~etween the USSR and the
United States, Speaki.ng be~oxe the con~erence oi producers o� raw materials
and ~odd products in Birmi.ngham, Alahama, on 14 August 1975, about the
fact that "never before in history have the ~~eapons o� war been so stupendous,
so dangerous, and at the sa~ne t~me so unsuit,~ble Por promoting the achieve-
_ ment of political goals," H. Kissinger emphasized, "we have no more important
task ehau the maintaining of the strategic equili.brium, since we would
. 7
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,
I~OR OrFIC.LAL (15B ONL.Y -
~
oeherwlse be threatEning oux own 9urviva]."~g. Tlie realisrically-�minded
_ wLng of Che Mtex~.can po].itician~ d~.d nol: 7.imit Chemselves to st~ting the
f.acC of, strategic b~i~.ance. They made a much more �ar~reaching conclusion
to Che ePCecC that any atCempes ~o destroy Char Ualance would f~.i1 eu have a'
significanC, or, more ~mportantly, any long-lasttng effect. In the event
- of l.ts being disCurbed, the baJ.ance would ineviCably be resrored, bt~t only
- at a t~i~her level o~ developm~nt of nuclear weapons.
'~he recognition of ~lic existence, in the per5on ot the Sovier Union, of a
= force thae was milit~~ril.y and economically rhe equnl of the United States,
caused rhe re-evaluarion of the views concerning the place and role of SovieC- ~
- American relations in ttie sysCem of tlie toreign-l~olicy priorities of the
_ United Stares. A considerable number of the xeatis tically-minded American
bourgeois ~heoxeticians have taken the position uf recognizing the primacy, ~
- in U. F. foreign policy, of relations with the USSR. It is extremely sympto-
- matic l-hat, in addition to well-known Figures of liberal persuasion (M.
Shulman~ C. Yo~t, (R. Fiillsiv~~.n~, R. Roaecrance, (J. Hertz), A. Ra,Fpa,port)
and tl~e "revisionists," persons who begau to come f orth in favor of the
_ primacy of the Soviet-American relations in the early 1970s also included -
representatives of the conservative wing ((J. Gavin, U. Kintner)) , and, ro
a certain degree, ~I. ICa.hn~ who, in the past had been known tor their -
skep~ical attitude wi~li regard to the possibilities of cooperation between
~ ~he USSR and the United State. Business considerations and po1iL�ical _
rea].ism forced L-hose indiv iduals, despite their poliCical objections,
~ to take into consideration the importance for iiie UtiiCed States itself oF _
- the changes in Sovie~-American relations and the renunciation of tbe
heritage o.E the Cold War.
_ Co�sidering the Soviet lfciion and the Uni.ted States to be the mightiest _
_ powers in the modern world and recognizing the great influence of the _
_ rel.ations between them u~on the skate of the international situation as a
wilole, Ameri.can bourgeois theoreticians frequently write about the two _
_ "superpowers." It is telling that the term "superpower," which was intro- -
- duced inta the U. S. political lexicon in 1943 by the current director of
the Institute of War and Peace, at Columbia Univc~.rsity, W. F'ox, was
used until recently only as applicable to the United States, thus _
emphasizin~ the notorious "American exclusiveness." The introduction of -
the concept "two superpowers'~~mean~ the renunciation of the traditional ideas
coucerning the exclksiveness of the UniCed StatES and the recognition of the
fact that the Soviet Union is capable of successfully opposing the United -
States. At the s~me ti.une, i.n promoting the concFpt of "superpowers," the
American authors, by virtue of the cl.ass nattire cf. their political philoscpt~y,
~i da nor make any di.stinction between the soci~~ecaromic systems in the USSR
a~td in nc~ Uriited Stat~~s and, ~n e�fect, equate tliem. -
Cut�renCly the wxde use in American bourgeois li.ter~zt:are of the termznology ~
- th~at was mentioned obviously plays into the hand:~ of Peking and i.ts ~f.forts -
- tc~ slander the Soviet Union and its foreign policy. In iCs fareigu-policy
documents the Soviet government tias repeatedly emphasized that the `
_ recognition of the special responsibility borne by the USSR and the United
_ 8
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~ t~ott o~~ tr. rnt. U51~, orr~.,Y
St..~te>~d reopl.e wl~n h~vc accident_~lly l�r~ti~l;rCysed ~~nd who h~ve cmm~~iCted
nn uCfen~e wh~.r.h r~prcyc?~1~~ no ~rhnt danger ,xnd toho r_~n be Cor.tected with~uC
hetn~; igol~~t~d fr.nm Ho~i.eCy ghould be ett~ire:ly c1iFEer~tit.
'Che chnii~;c:~ in ~.~~isla~ion r.~prescnt Che scicnt.iC~cally substantiated pol.icy
_ oE our statr_ cle~er?nlned with r.onsiderat:Ln� oC ihe cond~Cions oP the develnp~d
qoci~nlis~ ~~cicty. 'l'hr. well-defin~cl wording ol' the neca legislnCive enace-
ments r.eflect:a tl~e nFSence of criminal policy the curr~n~ stagc--c~ policy
of Che inevieability of linbiliCy attd diCferenC:LnCion~of the punishment, a
derisivc increase in i~s educative eEfectivene~s ~nd Che labor collecCives'
~ctive parkicips~tinn in rh~ rPe~in~arinn of nf!'nndPrs. -
_ i'he labur enllcrL.tve i~ tliE~ micromi.lieu throuYh which the rel~Cions of col-
lUbornt.ton and muCu~il .nssisC~tnce inl~erent itt socialism and lofty ideological-
- politic~l ~7nd moral principles directly in.Eluence each individu~l. If there
is a healthy soci~l-psychological and mor~l climate in the collecCive, this
collective is a good educator. .
'I'h~ va~t ma~ority oF labor collectives is coping successfully with the dif-
ficult task oC reeducatinb offeciders. Only a negligible proportion of those
releasecl on probntion commit crimes a~ain. Where Che adminisCraCion of Che
construction si.~e and enCerprise, the public organizations and Che labor -
rollectives persistently and skillfully undertake eclucative work, where
normal work und social conditions arc created for Chose given a suspended -
sentence ancl tahere the interiial affairs org