JPRS ID: 9888 USSR REPORT POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS

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• Content Type: REPORTS

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JPRS L/9888
31 Juiy 1981
~
USSR Re ort
p
~
POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS
CFOUO 20/81)
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JPRS L/9888
31 July 1981
USSR REPORT
POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS
(FOUO 20/81)
CONTENTS
INTERNATIONAL
Book on Political Strategy of African States of Socialist
Orientation
(N. D. Kosukhin; FORMIROVANIYE IDEYNO-POLITICHESKOY
STRATEGII V AFRIKANSKIKH STRANAKH SOTSIALISTICHESKOY
ORIENTATSII, 1980) 1
NATIONAL
Opposition by Soviet Workers Today
_ (Karl Schloegel; BERICHTE DES BUNDESINSTITUTS FUER
OSTWISSENSCHAFTLICHE UND INTERNATIONALE STiTi)IEN, NO 1, 1981) 3
REGIONAL
High Official Discusses Azerbaijan Economic Development, Planning
(S. K. Abbasaliyev; NARODNOYE KHOZYAYSTVO AZERBAYDZHANA,
Mar 81) 70
Atheist Indoctrination in Eastern Tajikistan
(Sh. Abdulloyev; AGITATOR TADZHIKISTANA, No 9, 1981) 81
- a - [III - USSR - 35 FOUO]
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INTERNATIONAL
BOOCC ON POLITICAL STRATEGY OF AFRICAN STATES OF SOCIALIST ORIENTATION
Moscow FORMIROVANIYE IDEYNG-POLITICHESKOY STRATEGII V AFRIKANSKIKH STRANAKH
_ SQTSIA;.ISTICHESKOY ORIENTATSII in Russian 1980 (signed to press 16 Ma~ 80) pp 1-2,
257-~60, 261., 262
[Annotation, table of contents and summary of book "Forming the Ideological-
Political Strategy in African Countries of Socialist Orientation" by N. D.
Kosukhin published under the auspices of the USSR Academy of Sciences' Africa
Institute, Izdatel'stvo "Nauka," Glavanaya redaktsiya vostochnoy l~tet~atury, 1600
copies, 262 pages]
[Text] This book covers the problem of forming revolutionary-democratic thought
in countries of socialist orientation in Tropical Africa. The suthor presents the
revolutionary democrats' views on the current stage of revolution and the paths of
African countries' social-economic development. The documenta of some revolu-
tionary-democratic African parties are given in the appendix.
Contents
Introduction 3
ChaptPr 1. Social Prerequisites for the Formation of African Revolutionary
Democracy 22
1. The peasantry--a mass base for revolutionary democracy 24
2. An increase in the role of the working class 31
3. The social role of the lumpenproletariat 36
4. The African bourgeoisie and ita ideological orientation 38
5. The petty bourgeoisie and middle social strata of the city 44
6. The social nature of African revolutionary democracy 53
Chapter 2. The Genesis of Revolutionary-Democratic Ideology 59
1. Approaching the queation of the evolution of African social con-
sciousness in the courae of the liberation struggle 59
2. Historical destinies of concepta of "African socialism" 68
3. Prerequisites for the progressive development of A~rican revolutionary
democracy 74
4. Some special traita in forming the ideology of African revolutionary
democracy 84
1
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Chapter 3. Basic Traits of the Social-Political Platform of African
Revolutionary Democracy 100
1. Switch to acknowledging classes and the class strugglP in African
society 100
2. An appraisal of the current stage of revolution 106
3. The formation of an economic policy 115
4. Constructing a vanguard-type party 127
Chapter 4. Propagating Revolutionary-Democratic Views Among the Masses 151
1. The formation of revolutionary-democratic ideology as the pre-
dominant form of social consciousness 151
2. The position of progressive forces with regard to religion and the
traditional world view 156
3. Basic trends in the workers' political education 162
Conclusion 176
Footnotes 187
Appendices
1. Charter of the African party of independent Guinea ~nd the Cape
Verde Islands 192
2. Charter of the party of the people's revolution of Benin 202
3. Charter of the Congo's working party 210
4. Charter of Tanzania's revolutionary party 225
List of literature 244
' List of names 254
Summary 257
COPYRIGHT: Glavnaya redaktsiya vostochnoy literatury izdatel'stva "Nauka," 19$0
CSO: 1807/131
2
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NATIONAL
OPPOSITION BY SOVIET WORKERS TODAY ~
Cologne BERICHTE DES BUNDESINSTITUTS FUER OSTWISSENSCHAFTLICHE UND INTERNATIONALE
STUDIEN in Gern~an No 1, 1981 pp a-d, 7-109
[Article by Karl Schloegel: "Opposition by Soviet Workers Today"]
(TextJ TABLE OF CONTENTS page
Abstract
I. Introduction
1. Some Problems.....
2. Problems Concerning�Methodology and Classification
II. Manifestations of Worker Resistance in the 1960's and 1970's
1. An Instructive Biography
2. Reports on Protest Actions by Work,ers in the 1960's and 1970's.......
3. Some Observations Concerning the Open Forms of Worker Protest........
III. Origins and Objectives of the "Association of Free Trade Unions of the
Working People in the Soviet Unio.n," of the "Free Interprofessional
Association of Working People (SMOT)," and of Individual Worker
Protests
1, The "Association of Free Trade Unions of the Working.People in the
Soviet Union"
a) Origins..
� b) Motives and.Organizational Beginning~
c) Composition of the "Free Trade Union"
d) Points of Criticism
~
e) By-%aws and Organizational Structure
f) The Abolition of the "Association of Free Trade Unions of the
Wurking People in the Soviet Union"
2, The "Free It~cerprofessional Association of Working People (SMOT~"....
a) Origins and Activities of SMOT
b) Positions Taken by SMOT
c) SMOT's Organizational Structure
d) The Composition of SMOT's Leadership
3
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e) Persecution Measures Against SMOT...,,,,,,
f) Some Conclusions..... .
Workers as Individual.Fighters....�..�~.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~" "
a) Positions of the "Worker Dissidents"����.~.
b) Some Observations on the Formation of�the�Type�of."Worker.��
Dissident" . .
IV� Worker Protests, Social Control and the Legitimat:ion Problem in the
Soviet Union..........
1� Worker Prot~sts and.Otner,Forms�of.Expression�of�Dissatis.faction.�.��
in the Working Class Milieu.....
a) Labor Turnover....
b) Breaches of Work Discipline~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ " " " " " " "
c) Individual and Joint Formulation�of.Letters�of�Criticism�and����..���
Complaint
d) Alcoholism......
e) Other 5ymptoms of�"Socially.Deviant�Behavior"��.�.�.~~~~~"
2. Forms of Social and Po"litical Control..
a) Organized Forms of Integration and Control..�.��.�~.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
b) "Mild Forms of Political Coercion"
c) Forms of Ideological Discrimination�of."Deviant�Conduct".��~~.~~~~~~~
d) Attempt at Typification of Forms of Conflict and Repression......~,,,
3. So:ne Observations Conce rning the Problem of Legitimation in
Regard to the Worker. Protests in the Soviet Union
Thz Soviet Workers and the Worker Opposition from the Viewpoint of the
llissidents............
l. Observations Regarding�the�Historical�Background�of.the.Relations�.��
Between Dissidents and Oppositionist Workers
2. Views of Dissidents Concerning the Role of the Working Class,in..�~�.
the Soviet Union.......
a) The Historical Context
b) Observations on the Integration~of�the�Workers�into�the�System..�..�~
c) Responses to the Foundation of Independent Trade Union Associations..
" d) Observations Regarding the Interconnection Between the Struggle for
Universal Human Rights and the Struggle for Socioeconomic Rights.........
3. Extension of Social Latitude--the Connecting Link Between
Intellectuals and Workers?
Footnotes
Summary
November 1980
I. Introduction
Since [he beginning of 1978, the Soviet social system has been confronted with a ~
new piienomenon: with the attempts to establish autonomous organizations represent-
ing workers and working people-rorganizations independent of the CPSU and the
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official trade unions. As early as 1977, a group of both male and female workers,
in which the miner Vladimir Aleksandr~vich Klebanov played a leading role, had
jointly addressed the Soviet authorities and the Western public.~ The subject of
some form of organization was mentioned for the first cime in the "Statement
Addressed to the International Public" of 28 January 1978; this document was
si~ned by "M~embers of the CommitteP of the rrec~ Tr~de i!nion ol' Soviet Unemplnyed"
(Komitet ~vobodnogo profsoyuza sovetskikh bezrabotnykh).2 A few days later, on
2 January (sic!) 1978, this group, which had expanded from 12 to 43 signatories,
informed the Western correspondents accredited in Moscow of the establishment of
the "Association of Free Workers Unions in the Soviet Union" (Assotsiatsiya
svobodnykh profsoyuzov trudyashchikhsya v Sovetskom Soyuze),3 which in the follow-
ing will be called "Free Trade Union." Even though the Soviet authorities had
immediately inflicted harsh reprisals on the founders of the organization and had
practically scotched this attempt at organization, a new trade union group was
established in the fall of that year. On 28 October 1578, foreign correspondents
were presented at a press conference with a statement--signed by eight persons--
which anno~ced the establishment of the "Free Interprofessional Association of
Working People (SMOT)" (Svobodnoye Mezhprofessional'noye Ob'yedineniye
~ Trudyashchikhsya).4 In spite of persecution measures on the part of the authori-
ties, SMOT apparently has so far been able to continue its activities, as is indi-
cated by the solidarity declaration that SMOT's Cuunci.l of Representatives
addressed to the striking Polish workers.5
1. Some Problems
Aside from the short period of the New Economic Policy--during which it had still
been possible to engage in controversy or even to launch strikes under the auspices
of trade unions~'--Klebanov's initiative represents the first instance raising the
question about independent trade unions in the USSR--theoretically as well as
practically. To be sure, in comparison with the advanced development in other
East and Central European countries "of the Soviet type," the establishment of
independent trade unions in the USSR is still at the embryonic stage. Worker
demands were key elements in the revolts in Berlin (1953), in Himsary and Poland
(i956), in the "Prague Spring" of 1968, and decidedly so in the rebellion in
Poland's coastal cities (1970/71) and in the Polish uprising in the summer of
1980. The fact that in Poland an independent trade union movement ~uas able not
only to develop, but even to consolidate has intensified in the USSR the interest
in the role of the workers. The questions arising in connection with the dis-
closure of sporadic worker protests in the USSR are far-reaching and complex:
--Exactly what is the nature of these groups? Whom do they represent? What are
the motives underlying their activities? What are th.eir demands and conceptions?
What is their social significance?
--Is the establishment of associations such as the "Free Trade Unions" an isolated
action or does it reflect a deeper social need and must therefore be considered
_ the "tip of an iceberg"?
--Are worker protests outside the official trade unions possibly the seeds of a
legitimation crisis of the Soviet system, which defines itself as the representa-
tive of the "basic historic interests of the working class"? How does the ruling
elite react to such a development? As regards the Soviet workers, what is the
relationship between the establishment of consensus and the use of force?
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--Is the development of a workers' movement in the traditional sense conceivable in
the Soviet Union or does the structure of the system preclude such a development
from the outset? Could such a development be integrated or can it take placa
only upon fundamental changes in the social system?
--What are the social and political conditions, under which dissatisfaction, pro-
test and independent representation of interests could be articulated and organ-
ized? Can one speak of the formation of. a class and of a class-based opposition?
--In the event of a consolidation of workers' organizations or of growing dissent
among the workers, what repercussions would this have on the USSR`s internal
~ social framework and on its international position as a superpower and as the
leading country in the Eastern Bloc?
Considering some of the comments made in the West ar.d by dissidents, one is struck
by the fact that while emphasis is placed on the r:idimentary form of the attempts
at organization made by Soviet independent trade unions, attention is drawn to the
principle-related dimension of these attempts. According to these observers, such
initiatives call into question "the monopoly (of the CPSU--the author) concerning
representation of the working class";~ irrespective of their affiz~mation of the
Soviet laws and of their declarations of loyalty, their mere existence has "f.ar-
reaching and radical implications."8 These observers claim that the estab lishment
of such orga~is opens up the prospect of a new coalition of worker~ and intellec-
- tuals in the USSR;9 that in spite of all reservations regarding the fragility of
these groups the Soviet dissidents "enthusiastically" welcomed the establishment of
t:~ese organsl~ and that in the USSR, too, the development of a workers` movement
and of the forms appropriate to it will be irresistible and impervious to any
measures of suppression.ll
First of all, however, the present study will outline certain problems one encoun-
ters in recording and analyzing the forms of protest of Soviet workers.
2. Problems Concerning rfethodology and Classification
- A. Kahan points out that research concerning the role of the working class in the
Soviet system has been neglected.12 This observation appears to ~e well taken,
considering the volume of studies concerned with the mode of operation of political
institutions, with the dissident movement or with the problems in connection with
the nationalities. The deficit noted stri.kingly contrasts with the actual signifi-
cance of th~ Soviet working class. Robert Conquest points out that if it is true
that for any developed society the analysis of the "relations between the govern-
, ment and the industrial proletariat" is of special importance, this is all the more
true of the Soviet Union, mainly because of its specific social doctrine.l3
In regard to the problems encountered in dealing with the present subject, one can
distinguish between two levels: the first level concerns the continuing shortage
of trustworthy empirical data; the second level concerns the development of cate-
gories and ttieories in regard to the Soviet social system. In view of the fact
that generally speaking empirical analysis anc~ the development of theoretical con-
cepts are interdependent, the aforementioled deficits are especially aggravating.
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For the most part, tlie present study draws on three types of sources: firstly,
statements and accounts by workers; secondly, accounts by Soviet dissidents in the
Soviet Union; thirdly, reports by Soviet emigres.
Even thou h the results of Soviet empirical social research have heen ignored for
some ti.me~4 and although this discipline has advanced considerably since the
1960's--mainly on account of objective social processes and tasks such as manpower
control, rationalization, the study of "man as the subjective factor" with the
objective of increasing labor productivity and insuring control--certain basic
objections to its results remain valid. Now as ever, Soviet social research is
under explicit orders to show Party spirit--orders that determine the course of
research, the subject, the interpretation of data, etc. Critical questions are
still largely left out of consideration, with emphasis being placed on more tech-
nical problems related to "social engineering"--not to mention censorship and
restrictions concerning publication.15 However, like the trade union press, the
social research work indirectly provides important information on sources of
social conflict, insofar as it registers--up to a certain limit--signs of latent
dissatisfaction, disloyalty and alienation and disputes within the socially
tolerated limits.
Thus the most important source ~.uidoubtedly is the underground Samizdat, which
represents a forum for the authentic--i.e, uncensored--expression of views and
interests, however marginal and minority-oriented they may be. Even though here,
too, commitment and wishful thinking frequently lead to one-sided positions in
re gard to the assessment of certain events, the Samizdat press is a valuable source
of information. That the Samizdat literature reflects the point of view of the
dissidents, i.e, in most cases the viewpoint of the intelligentsia, must be taken
into consideration.
Documents which do not provide information about workers, but in which the workers
themselves articulate their views are among the most important sources; but they
are rarer--for obvious reasons: workers do not belong to the professional classes
concerned with the spoken and printed word; they hardly have any access to the
media or to foreign journalists. Insofar as in the last 3 to 4 years the share of
documents produced by workers has been increasing in the Samizdat literature, one
can speak of broadened access to the viewpoint of Soviet workers.
A1 though one can attempt to produce the most complete possible record of open
worker protests in the USSR, such an attempt is im likely to be successful, because
the restrictions are too great. One need only mention the fact that information
regarding the insurrection at Novocherkassk in 1962 circulated--a long time after
that event--in the form of unconfirmed rumors, since the entire area affected by
the unrest had been herme tically sealed off. V. Belotserkovskiy points out that
the publicity accorded in Tsarist Russia to the "Lena :~lassacre" of 1912 was incon-
ceivable in regard to the events of Novoch~rkassk.16 For this reason, one must
proceed from the assumption that there is a certain number of unknown events.
The aforementioned problem concerning sources and materials is at the same time a
problem of classification. What forms of resistance can be classified as active or
passive resistance, as open or latent resistance? And if the activities in ques-
tion are not only individual, but also collective operations, can one classify them
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as modes of operat:_on of a social group, stratum or class? These two questions are
closely interrelated, sbnce the social struct~zre also determines the modes of oper-
ation of its members. It would seem reasonable--depending an the given premises
concerning classification--also to assign to different categories the manifesta-
tions of worker conduct and worker protest. This consideration focuses on a social
theory adequate to the specific conditions in ttie Soviet tinion. For the sake of
clarification, we will express this idea in a somewhat stylized and thus simplified
ma.in e r :
For a Marxist-Leninis~ o` the Soviet type, for whom the nonexistence of antagonis-
tic conflicts is axi.omatic, phenomena such as the disproportionately great fluctua-
tion of manpower, violations oF work discipline, deliberate tardiness at the work
pl~~ce, conflicts between workers and the plant management can be interpreted dif-
f~rently: as residual forms oT "bourgeois consciousness," as instances of friction
during a social upheaval sucli as the trar.sition from an agrarian to an industrial
society, or as an organizational problem within a process of rationalization.l~
13ut such phenomena are hardly interpreted as reflections of a possibly antagonistic
coiiflict, as the latent signs of cl~ss formation in a clearly dichotomous society.
Consequently, the conilict potential manifested in such clashes will most lilcely be
considered rrom ttie viewpoitit of sociotechnological methodology rather than from
tiiat of structural social reform.
Conversely, someone taking a posicion based on rlarx--a position actually taken by
Mar~ist critics of the USSR in the West--could interpret all the aforementioned
pi~enomena as developmental forms of a class struggle. All the elements that within
a stratification model are manife~ted only as divergence in the character of wor.k,
oi cne qualification level, oF consumption, etc. would in such a model be described