BREAK-DOWN IN NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN YUGOSLAV GOVERNMENT AND 'S.N.I.A. VISCOSA'

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP83-00415R001500100001-2
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 123
• Document Creation Date: December 19, 2016
• Document Release Date: August 22, 2006
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: November 22, 1948
• Content Type: REPORT

N I'LLIGENf E" A(' ENCY REPORT NO.
P, S E PC
a 143 i
COUNTRY Y oi1tva
SUBJECT Break-dorm in Negotiations between Mamos.'sag
Pt"-ICE
ACQUIRED
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t>Ko-varmnent and S.N.I. ft Viscoan"
25X1
OF '8U Uh1Yt:D STATES WITJie VNE H@ANI1I0 05 VIE ESPIO'nAGS ACT 00
J. > C. 3t Ali!) 32. AS AU VU 1,00. IT? TRANSUISSICM OTT T6-0H AIIVFIATO I t'.
O." ITS CONTENTS tti AVIV tAA Nt1ER 10 AN U NAZI Tti0III ZETb PBRSOf S P90.
?1:1Titt) CY LAW. RFPNCUi7CTio?l OF TIIi3 FCAti 13 f'A0tt1i1Itt0 NfTI?~d
IMFORHATION COUTAINAD IW aOOY OF YHE FOI1C ox I U t. ? 1
.1C OBCdISD HECESSAR': DY THi 7ECEIVTFJ+ AGENCY. fi
DATE ~~STP 2%
NO. OF F'.AGIES3
UJSTEO 8ELOWI
'p; IPPS C1l.CR= E
THIS IS UNEVALUATED INFORMATION FOR THE K,17 T-iRCH
USE CF TRAINED INTELLIGENCE A NV .YS' S
. The discussions bet a '~ he Tuaos ,av Govs~?z ent and " s 3A... X1 .;1 1 o
a; dirt concessions for tho establishment of a silk and nylon %tox, ,
i; n Yupgoslavia have oosn to a sts ck til 1.
2, The broekdovin in the nc n tj.atlone is o .unnnd to they restrictions to
``" ugosiavs sought to 3.rarrg .anizo.tional matters, and to confine itself
to the formulation of the basic political line, the specialized training
of "Bolshevik leaders," and providing assistance to the sections.
Actually tho basic political line after 1935, with its guiding, slogan,
"the United Front a r^inst Fascism," required very little restatement
or anonckont except during the short period of the Gorman-Soviet pact.
No world c n[,ross was again convened, no plenary sessions of the ECCI
were hold after December 1933, no significant policy statements of the
Presidium or the Political Secretariat were published in the official
3 r T World war II as
Cor.intcrn gross except for Di:..itrov s donLiziciatic of
"ivIporialist" in September 1939 and the Presidiur, decree dissolving
the Conintorn in May 1943.
Se:.o of the leading Conintcrn functionaries (ECCI ?:members) remained
in Moscow during the entire period from 1935 to 1944-5, and it is
fairly clear that their organizational responsibilities and activities
did not roach the pre-1935 level, but verged gradually with the Soviet
3, The publication activities of the Cor.,intorn Agitprop Department colic
to a halt during the early forties. Its official organ, The Cor:unist
Into n^tional, ceased publication in 1943, and was in essence suc-
ceeded by War , nd the Uorkinj;_Clp:er.:bor of the Politburo/CP
Bulgaria; Harry Pollitt; Maurice Thoroz; and Pavel Yudin, Vegan
Grigoryan and Dinitri Shoviiagin as delegates of CPSU4 The presence
of the three Sovibt delegates constitutes the first known instance
of direct Soviet participation in a national congress since the end
of the war,
20th Cor.4re ss of CP G.ro)Qt Britain Land ,n r'cbrvary 81 , attended
by fraternal delogates from iustria, Franco, Northern Ireland, Italy,
Spain, and West Africa,
Second Co, rzt;ress_ f CP In:'? brurr_y~?I~Il~ch 191~~,_Coicuota}o Attended
by fraternal delegates frc:n Burma, Ceylon, Australia, and by Vladimir
Dedjer and Rac ovan Zogovic of CP Yugoslavia. The presence of these
two Yugoslav o mu 1is is a.t an Indian Party congress is an ideal
illustration of the international ramification of the institution of
Hfratoraal delegates,,"
fa 11 Con? ess cf_ CP Ee3 ilu1 Br?ilsc~ls M~ 1 /~81 Attende 1 by
delegates from Italy,- Franco, Nothorldnds, Poland, Switzerland
Austria, Rumania and Hungary; anong then Thoroz.(France), Spano (Italy).
jitn Congress of CP Swc ton (G~etobc- May 12,4 3 . Attei-do:' by
d6legates from Italy, Spain, Franco, Czechoslovakia, Hungary,
Austria, Poland, Denmark, Finland, Iceland; among them Donini (Italy)
and Fajon (Franco).
In general, the principal business of t1-,ose national congresses is
handled on the public platform, with fraternal delegates actively par-
ticipating in the speech making and submission of resolutions, particularly
on matters of direct concern to their own Parties. In addition to the
regional or international questions discussed openly at these congresses
and generally appearing in the public and Party press the "froo"
Greek government at the Strasbourg congress), it is fairly obvious that
confidential discussions among the foreign delegates offer the most
effective possible means of settling; on the spot organizational, policy
and tactical problems affecting more than one Party.
24 Cla?Zdestino RcLionr,l Mc c tinrrs
neighboring Parties frequently got together to discuss mutual problems
without the fanfare and publicity surrounding the official Party congresses,
and frequently also without the knowledge of the local police, should not
be cnnsidorcd unusual, and the clandestine character of such meetings
does not in itself prove that the agenda includes "illegal" matters of
strategic interest. A "secret" mooting in Hamburg (April 1947) attended
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by local German and Danish Comnuiaist leaders, for example, was apparently
called simply to discuss the effect of the US -ro[ran for aid to Greece,
More recently, an unaclvortisc l ricoting of Communist loaders fro h the
Bonolutx countries took place in Paris (April 1948) in order to formulate
the Cora unist position vis?-a?-vis the "Western Union," Another recent
report
is that the loaders of Latin American
Parties arrange to moot their colleagues from neighboring countries at
least quarterly, if not more frequently.
The only case in which a completely secret agenda of such clandestine
r. eeting has boon reliably reported is the unadvertised coi~.forenco of
Scandinavian Party leaders hold in Oslo from 20-22 February 1948., Attended,
among others, by such functionaries as Hortta Kauusinon (CP Finland).,
Sven Linderot (Chairman/CP Sweden), Emil Lovlion (Chairman/CP Norway),
Axel Larson (secretary general/CP Donnark), the meeting apparently
discussed such genuinely clandostino matters as the organization of an
"illegal" courier system., the reactivation of Norwegian Communist sabotage
groups, and the dispatch of students to training schools in the USSR.
Little more can be said on this aspect of Communist interparty co-
ordination except that there are in most countries no legal moans of
provonting the leaders of neighboring Parties from holding private
discussion sr
3a Inlorn,-,.Lti_on~l Front Ort;^nizotions, A list of overt nectin-s
of international front oranizations held during the first quarter of
1948 quite adequately illustr~a.tos the possibilities provided for informal
discussions and caucuses of the Communist fractions present at thoso
gatherings ?
Mooting of the Executive Committee of the International Union of
Students (Prague, January 1948)
Second Congress of the Yugoslav Anti,-Fascist Women's Front
(Belgrade, January 1948)
Meeting of the International Association of Former Political
Prisoners (Prague, February 1948)
South East Asia Youth Conference (Calcutta, Fobruary 1948).
Executive meeting of the World Federation of Democratic Youth
(Rome, February 1948)
Meeting of the International Association of Democratic Lawyers
(London, February 1948)
Second Congress of the United Workers Trade Union (Bulgaria,
February 1948)
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Meetin1;s SECRET
connected with the Intorm.tional Woi:.onts Wook and `,lcrld
Youth Week (March 1948)
Congress of the Latin Amoricar_ Labor Federation (Mexico City,
7iarch 1948)
15th National Congress of the British Yount; Communist League
(March 19 48)
Co~Zgross of the Natio,,ni Cc ~r.ittoo for Bolgian-Soviet Fr_.onldship
(Antvrorp, April 1948)
Executive session of the World Federation of Trade Unions
(Rome, April 1948)
Latin Anori,can Stuc'ont ConCress (Mexico City, April 1948)
International Conference for Lid to Greece (Paris, April 1948)
One may be tempted to recall the Comintern days when Willy ?J`uenzonborg,
the e; inence griso bohi--rid the old Conintcrn fronts, shuttled back and forth
between Moscow and Western Europe with orders from the ECCI,. There is,
however, no reliable evidence as yet to ind:i.cato that any Party business
is normally transacted. at those meetings other than that involved in the
official agenda,
4. Ir_~~ivic u l TraJel, It is an established fact that, on general
security principles, Communist Fartios non-ally employ verbal rather
than writton communications in interparty matters of more than routine
interest, since they are only too clearly aware that hostile police and
intelligence agencies are most eager to intercept incriminating corresb-
pondonce. Hence, as in the case of national c^r.munications within the
Party, contacts of individuals provide a favorite and ccnpairativoly secure
method of maintaining intor arty relationships, In actual fact, the travel
of individual Communists in the postwar world from country to country,
across continents, and between the hemispheres has reached considerable
proportions. In the period from 1 January to 30 April 1948 alone, for
example, more than four hundr?d Communists from fifty-four countries
(excluding the Soviet satellites) engaged in travel movements which took
them into forty--nine countries, including the USSR. More than thirty per
cent of these individuals traveled abroad as delegates to national Party
congresses or meetings of international front organizations, and all of
than traveled overtly on legal pacsnorts issued to than by their respective
govorrmonts, The actual business abroad of the individual "lcgal" travelers
attending a public meeting; cannot be ascertained in many cases, and it is
still impossible at this stage to make a sound estimate of the extent to
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which the practices of travelingS UEL-nely on illegal papers,
formerly perfected by the International Liaison Department (011S) of t'ic
Comintern, has dovolopod in the postwar period. Certain categories of
overt travel novononts, however, arc easily classified and can be
briefly illustrated,
a,
ha- tylc odors: The travel of high Party functionaries,
both in conjunction with national cnng;rossos cr other ucetings
abroad and also on solo trips, offers the most useful method
possible for discussing or settling intor,)n-rty political,
organizational, and action policy ..tatters. The recent European
tour of the CPUSA leader, William Z. Foster, offers a case in
point. Foster, as fraternal dolotgato to the 19th Congress
of CP Great Brit ,-in and E: ipire Conference, arrived in the
United Kingdom on 10 February 1947 together with Tin Buck
(Notional Executive, Labor Progressive Party of Canada) and
frequently visited Party headquarters in London during his
stay. Shortly after his arrival, he had a ccnforonco with
Enilo Tou.ma, the delegate from the Arab League of National
Liberation. Together with Tim Buck, Foster traveled to Franco
on 5 March 1947 whore several important meetings wore reportedly
hold at Party headquarters in Paris -?- one of those meetings was
attended by Dolores Ibarruri, secretary general/CF S1~_.in; Nina
Popova, executive officer of the International Federation of
Democratic Women and of the L;nti__t',F ascist Committee of Soviet
Women; N. Nikhailov, executive officer of the World Federation
of Democratic Youth and The Russian Young Communist League;
and the French Party notables Thoroz, Marty, Duclos, Mouvais,
Cachin, Berlioz, Frachon, Monriousseau and Fajono At this
meeting Duclos emphasizes that one of the most inportant
tasks of Communists within the Lnerican Congress of Industrial
Organizations was to brim; about the union of CIO and ',FL.
Methods of defending the LTS JR in case of war were also reportedly
discussed.
Following his stay in Paris, Foster went with Buck to
Role on 13 March 1947. Each morning during his stay at the
Grand Hotel he was picked up by a car belonging to the CP Italy
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and driven off to an ,u5ECRET tination. From 17 to 24 March
1947, Fostor and Buck were in Yugoslavia. Foster w _s roportod
in Ljubljana whcro he discusser' the Triosto siturtion with
Boris Iiraighor, and not other Party leaders.
Foster also visited Pr^,gue, at least on 5 and 7 -aril
1947, and ?U)arsaw. He also had an Hungarian visa and it is
very probable that he visited Hungary prior to 15 April When
he was scheduled to return from Paris to London on his way
back to the US. It is quite evident, oven from the few
facts available that Fostor's trip provided an ilifornal but
quite effective means of co-ordinating news and policies with
top European Party loaders, aimed specifically at the prepara-
tion of the CPUSA proc;ran announced shortly after his return.
Other recent tours have boon somewhat loss extensive,
Eugenio Gonoz, secretary general/(',P Uruguay, left his country
in December 1947 to attend the 6th National Congress of OP
Italy (Milan, January 1948) as a fraternal dolegato? Sub-
sequently he was reported attending a "Cor.:irforri" meeting in
Belgrade (r id-January 1948) and a meeting of the "Cor. fission
for International Policy" of the CC/CP France (Paris, April
1911.8) which worked out the political line of the Parties in
the Benelux countries regarding "sdostorn Union." Si iilarly,
the f,rgontinian leader Rcdolfo Ghiol~di visited. Paris in
December 1947, not Thoroz, Duclcs and other hi[ :b French
furetionc.rics, and reportedly atton dod the Belgrade rootingg
of the Corr; nform and roturnod in February 1948.
It is futile to speculate on the specific significance
of such individual contacts. They are part and parcel of the
normal political life of the Communist movement whose well-
guardod, smoke-filled rooms are scattered all over the
face r-?f' the -globe. -RL-rely' does the content of such discussions
leak out .to non-Party oats, and no buroaucr .tic record . roriains
'It'ia an unusual occasion when
a man like Ghioldi is reliably reported to have brought back
the news that the Lenin School in Moscow has reopened its
courses for Latin American students.
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b, Cornunist Journalists: Editors, correspondents and
reporters of Communist newspapers and magazines can, under
the cover of their trade, move comparatively unhampered across
geographical boundaries, and fulfill such Party business on
the side ao nay be entrusted tj then over and above their
normal journalistic functions. The postwar movements of
Party journalists have attained rather substantial proportions.
On a relatively local plan , for example, CP Brazil
last year dispatched Armenio Guedos as correspondent of the
Tribune opular on a tour from Brazil to Cuba, Costa Rica,
Panama, Ecuador, Bolivia, Chile, Argentina, and Uruguay (1947).
Frithof Lager, chief editor of the Swedish Party newspaper,
T Dag, consistently reported, but without factual evidence,
as a co-ordinator of Party policy, has traveled to Prague
(August 1947), Berlin and the Eastern Zone of Germany (December)
1947,
American Communist journalists have also boon frequently
dispatched abroad on Party business, Joseph Starobin, editor
of the Yew York j211Z ti?dorkor, made an extended tour through
Latin America in 1946 and 1947. Ho was reportedly charged
with ascertaining the financial status of Latin American Parties,
particularly in Brazil and Venezuela, and while in Brazil,
attempted to obtain financial aid from CP Brazil for CP Colombia,
Currently, Starobin is traveling in Europe. Harry Samuel
Vinocur (also :mows as "Winegar" and "John Stuart")., foreign
editor of the now defunct Idcw asses, and his wife, Holon
Segall Vinocur, loft in October 1947 on a trip which was
intended to cover Poland, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, Hungary,
Bulgaria, Italy, Paris; they arrived in London on 14 March 1948
and Harry Vinocur reportedly attended a Cominform meeting
(Belgrade, January 1948) previous to their return to the US.
John Gates, editor of the New York f), a3 Worker and member of
the National Board/CPUSA, received a passport for a three-week
trip to cover the Italian elections on 18 April 1948 and the
"political situation" in France. During his stay in Italy,
Gates was reported to have attended a meeting of the Cadre
Committee of the Rome FS1e fr/CP Italy.
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ca Studer Tours: ' Communists frequently travel under the guise
of study tours. The recently arrested Indian Cormul:.is t,
S. A, Dango (Bom'oay), president of the All-India `.Grade Union
Congress, traveled for eight months in Eastern Europe in the
summer and fall of 1947, contacting Tito in Yugoslavia and
spending about seven weeks in the USSR -- the avowed purpose
of his tour was to study social conditions in Eastern Europe
and the USSR. Similarly, the vice-chairman of CF Norway and
the chairman of CP Denmark traveled in November 1947 to Finland
in order to study the Finnish situation and the work of CP
Finland.,
dQ ~~?_e .ate: of %. c na?ional Front Or nizations: Traveling
delegates or delegations of intornational Communist front
organizations are obviously in a position not only to co--ordinate
specific national Party front movements, but also to transact
any items of rolatod or unrelated Party business, Herbert
Williams, for example, Australian member of the Executive of
the World Federation for Democratic Youth, toured Czechoslovakia,
Hungary, Yugoslavia, and Bulgaria on Youth front work in September.
and October 1947; in November 1947 ho traveled through Norway,
Sweden, Finland and Denmark; in December 1947 he loft Paris
for Tr.iosto and Rome, More recently, a tiFDY-delegation toured
several Latin American countries and participated in the Latin
American Student Congress in Mexico City (April 1948).
5, Interchange of Party Pub!!ct^.tiorzs? A vast volume of Party daily
and weekly newspapers, cultural publications, theoretical journals,
reprints of national congress resolutions and lectures of Party leaders
flows regularly through the international mails, The publications of the
more advanced or 'lmature" Pasties (CP France, CP Groat Britain, CPUSA)
naturally receive the widest international circulation.
The CP France monthly theoretical magazine, Democratic T.o,.zvelle
(first issue January 1947), is a hi hJy intellectualized informational
publication which generally contains a majority of articles on non French
Communist problems and serves therefore as a significant clearing point
for interparty exchange of views. The foreign contributors to D .iocretie
Nouvelle in its first five issues included Tito (Politburo/OP Yugoslavia),
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Adhikari (Politburo/CP India), H SECRET
arry Pollitt and Palme Dutt (Politburo/
CP Great Britain), Velio Spano (Directorate/CP Italy), Vicente Uribe
(Politburo/CP Spain), Leon Nicole (secretary general/'CP Switzerland),
Ghoorghe-Dej (Politburo/CP Rumania), and Farajallah IIilu (Politburo/
CP Lebanon), Similarly, a-tieles by fore'gn contributors and articles
on the problems of other Communist Parties will be found in almost
every major Communist publication, e.g., in World Naas and Views of
OP Groat Britain, Political Affairs and I~?r.:sses and Ma.istrcam of CPUSA.
Through the constant exchange of those publications, both major
and minor Parties in adjacent as well as in distant countries keep in
touch with each other, CP Great Britain's publications crop up in India
and Burma, CP Franco journals in Forth Africa and the hoar East, while
English versions of CF Palosti.no (P'r:P) handouts, and news bulletins
published by the Socialist Unity Party (SED) of Gor_nLny and CP Czechoslo-
vakia find their way as far as the CP Brazil.
This latter Party, for example, regularly received through the
mails in 1947; Party publications and propaganda material from CP
Mexico, and CP Argentine; La. Democratic Nouvelle arrived monthly from
Frances L'Ur.ita came weekly from Italy.
Such interchange of overt Party Dublicatio;-is may be forr.malized by
certain Parties as a matter of routine. CF' Brazil, for instance, assigned
a man to handle contacts with Communist publications and correspondence
throughout the world. 1';acchange of publications between CP Austria and
CP Switzerland is similarly organized by a Swiss subject who maintains
liaison with the publishing house of the Austrian Party, In other cases,
the Agitprop or information dop^.rtmont is probably in routine charge of
such business, The significanco of this typo of exchange carried out on
the broadest possible basis both overtly and covertly when prohibited
by the police should not be underestimated, The importance of properly
directed publications for the organizational cohesion and sound ideological
basis of the movement was recognized and stressed by Lenin as early as the
?era days, A common pool of agitation, propaganda, and organizational
discussion has boon a bulwa{r?c of the Party since earliest days of the
Comintern.
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I
a mailing list for publica-
tions of CF Malaya which included Cor:aunist addrescos in forty-three
European, Latin American and Asiatic countries.
6. Ir_t ~+c=:r y F r~i ci l.. Md. Just as constant personal contacts
and exchange of publications further the action solidarity of the inter-
national movement, financial solidarity has also boon achieved through
informal practices of interparty aid, This principle was established
in the early days of the Comintern itself -- Ossip Piatnitsky, head of
the Comi_ntern's Finance Department, ruled that the financial surplus of
a solvent Party should be made available to Parties in financial straits
in addition to any direct Ceriintorn subsidization made. It was apparently
felt by the Soviet leadership that Party loaders living completely off
the Soviet purse might devolop a feeling of bureaucratic security and
lose their revolutionary dynamism -- such, the Gorman Communist Krebs
@ Valtin relates, was the case with the leaders of CP Groat Britain in
the early thirties.,
Since c' ntidontial Communist financing is a ronsonably. private busi-
ness, no precise and inclusive answers can ;rot be given as to the covert
sovxcos of Party funds throughout the world, but it is cloar that Parties
frequently seek and obtain financial support from more solvent brother
Parties. Several standard practices may be briofly mentioned:
a. Direct Party Contributions: Funds are often transferred
directly from Party to Party. At a meeting of CP Palcstino
(PKP) on 29 November 1945 it was announced that CP Groat
Britain had granted a loan of 3000 pounds to PKP. In June
1947 the son of the chief editor of the French Communist
daily LtHur_Qnite brought 180,000 Belgian francs to an unidenti-
fied Belgian Cor.,T.-iuniste In the summer of 1947 when CP Paraguay
was unable to raise funds, an Argentine Communist received
approximately 650 dollars from the Argentine Party for direct
delivery to a Paraguayan leader, A Party may also, for example,
defray the expenses of a foreign delegate attending one of
its meetings -- Danish delegates reportedly received their
expenses from CP Norway while attending the Oslo Conference of
Scandinavian Communist leaders in February 1948.
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b. Funds through Fronts g Con::iunist Parties frequently organize
campaigns through front groups to raise funds for another Party
in distress, In 1937 and subsequently the Gcrr,an Cormunist
and former Comintern representative, Gerhart Eisler, collected
funds in the US, ,specially among sympathetic Jewish circles,
purportedly for Gorman anti-Fascists, in conjunction with the
Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Conriittee. Those funds, however,
wore actually destined for the German Communist Party in exile.
Similar practices continue into the postwar period, In
the winter of 1945-46, Ni.kos Narvoulis, journalist and member
of the Greok Cor m:iunist Party (KIE), tog ether with other RAM
and KITE mebers, loft Greece for a propagandistic and fund-
collecting junket in Western Europe and also stayed in the
US for_ sovoral months, ap pc?-ring before s,,,-r.-.pathetic Greek-
L..o: ican groups and collecting contributions at dinners and
other meetings. The funds collected wore taken back to Greece
by Karvounis in Juno 1946 and wore destined for the KKE.
In Switzerland during the winter of 1946-47, a Spanish
Conmunist front group, 1 t ssociation des Anis do 1'Espogno,
raised funds through balls or raffles and forwarded the proceeds
to CP Spain headquarters in Paris,
More recently, international Corxmunist financial assistance
to the Greek Corr unist Party has apparently boon funneled through
various national "Co u-.iitteos for the Aid of Greek Democracy,"
notably the Comite Francais D'Aide a la Grace Dor..ocratiquo
which organized the International Conference for Aid to Greece
(Paris, 10-11 April 1948). In this connection, the Corlinform
press organ reported on 1 March 1948 that the Hungarian
National Committee for Aid to the Greek People had contributed
1z million forints to the Greek fund and that similar organiza-
tions in Poland and Rumania wore engaged in similar fund-
collecting campaigns,
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%Mf
Those observations cannot be concluded without emphasizing again
that "outside" sources of Party income are most elusive even when it
comes to "nori-'.al" intorpr.rty transactions. Party bookkeeping generally
does not conform to normal standards of business efficiency, and
"confidential" financial activities are confined to secret records,
if recorded on paper at all, and to the knowledge of a few select
individuals. In practical terms, there nay be not more than two persons
in a given Party who know the actual financial status of the organization --
i.e., the secretary general and the national treasurer (chief of the
Finance Department). Even the Auditing and Control Commissions established
by most Parties do not, we suspect, have access to all financial records.
B. Fore". P;a terizs_ cf__I zte.cy,~:r',y coop The more or less routine relationships described in the preceding
section pernea to the entire world Communist movement and are founded on
countless wiorhablo contacts, The CP Finland, for example, maintains
contact with the Finnish section of CPUS11, and it is therefore not sur-
prising that it mobilizes its comrades in the USA for fund-raising cam-
paigns in behalf of CP Finland, A Gorman Communist wh,:i spent his years
of exile in the Netherlands and worked with CP Netherlands will naturally
be utilized for communication purpooos with that Party, A Latin American
Communist student enrolled in a US university again will be used as a
Party channel to the CPUSA. It is evident that rigid relationship
patterns simply do not exist at those levels.
On the other hand, certain more or loss formal Party interconnections
have been established on the basis of political and organizational con-
ditions which inevitably throw certain Parties into an intimate relation--
ship. Those connections, which developed in the earliest stages of the
movement under the aegis of the Coninform, have survived into postwar
practice. If not recognized for what they are, they can both confuse
the picture of international Coimmiunist co-ordination and permit false
evidence to be adduced to support the existence of specially assigned
rogional centers.
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l~ ~:-try.-Eri ire Rol t:i.ons of Colonial Under the Ca.i_i.ntorli
the Parties in "imperialist" or ":u'vanccd capitalist" mother countries
were generally asoignod tutorial--ad pis _ory functions toward the "colonial"
Parties. The underlying roc.srn was r,orc a political than an orL;a.niza-
tional ones the Comi.ntorn wanted to be certain that the Party of the
":i.r:perialist motherland" adopted and roinforcod the anti-colonial policies
of the Parties in the colonies, The Communist Parties of Great Britain,
France, and the United States, roprosenting the major 11L.Ipcrialistif
Parties, accordingly developed close tics with their sister Parties in
the colonies in order to achieve policy eo-or tionships can be documented
thoroughly, occasional evidence indicates that the Parties of inporia;list
mother countries still maintain a central advisory position vis-a-vis
colonial areas. Again, as in the prewar period, such relationships are
to be interpreted as perfectly "normal" patterns of organizational
relations within the world movement.
Obviously, changes in the structure of "enpiros," such as occurred
after the war, have substantially changed the role of the mother Parties.
The influence of CP France in Syria and Lebanon and the part played by
CP Great Britain in tiic For East and Palestine have diminished; yet the
old established personal contacts and interparty connections still exist
as part of the normal inter ation,al life of the Parties.
In general, it must also be noted that existing intra-empire
relations do not preclude consultative relations of any given colonial
Party With other Parties, particularly within the surrounding area, and
that it is therefore generally futile to look for clearly defined
"channels of command," Further:,iore, it is natural that Parties within
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an '"empire" maintain relations not only with the mother Party but also
a.rn thcmeelves. CP Malaya, for oxa-.iplo, admitted in an official
statement that it was in close contact with many Parties within the
British Fzipiro.
The present status of those iaitra-empire relationships may be
briefly sketched as follows:
a. CP Grent_Bri taiga: The postwar organizational responsibility
of CP Groat Britain toward the Parties in the British colonies,
dominions and mandated territories cannot be definitively
dctorminocl,, but there are clear indications that the mother
Party has rotai.nod its senior role among the "Empire" Parties
and contains within its national .~rgcnization one or More
dopartr2onts for colonial work. A "Colonial Branch" under
i1ichaol Carritt and the "Intornational lffairs Committee'
,under R. Palrm.o Dutt are probably both relevant in this con-
roction, Tito "Conferenco of Communist Parties of the British
(.arrL.ilgod by CF Groat Britain and hold in London,
ooh 1947) assembled Communist dolog tos from
Australia, Burma, Canada, Ceylon, Cyprus, Hong Kong, India,
Ireland, Malaya, Palestine, South Africa, West Africa, and
the 'Jost Indies, and underlined again the tutorial position
of the mother Party
More specifically, the Party's relations with individual
"colonial" Parties is illustrated. in the following:
C I lia: During late spring and sugar-er 1947, CP India
executed a policy shift from the promotion of revolutionary
activity to collaboration with Congress Party govornnontso
This shift was initially advocated at the Empire Conference
(February 1947) by R. Palm.e Dutt who subsequently wroto two
articles for People's Age, the official organ of OP India,
calling for collaboration between CP India and the Congress
Party. From March 1947 on, however, articles appeared in
various Soviet periodicals denouncing this policy of col-
laboration which was formally relinquished by CP India at
its Second National Congress (Fobruary/`I-1arch 1948), and then
accepted by CP Great Britain. This episode underscores the
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%to
difficulty of dotoinining the exact position of CP Groat
Britain vis-a-vis CP India in natters of top policy,
particularly since the "liberation" of India.
However, the fact that OP Great Britain plays an
assisting role is supported by the case of the Indian
Communist Sharaf,Attar All who escaped punitive action in
India (1947) and went to the United Kingdom as representa-
tive of the Party organ P o Lle's Abe, He also attended
the Empire Conference as delegate of CP India,
C ..C,vgiu AKEL : Relations with the Cypriote Party are
apparently channeled through Cyprus-born Eudoros Eudokimov
Joannides, member of CP Great Britain in charge of the
London section of the AIL, a man experienced in colonial
work, Significantly, Joannides was an AKEL representative
at the Empire Conference,
CP Palestine and Iv'iddlo East: The relations of the
I' .:! oti ~e Comiiiunist Party (PIP), the Hebrew Communist
P=ty, an. the Arab League of National Liberation with
the British Party emphasize the fact stressed above that
the role of the mother Party may be overshadowed by other
relationships. Although CP Groat Britain in the postwar
period was regularly informed by the Palestine Communist
Party on political developments and furnished specific
advice on particular problems (propaganda against British
soldiers stationed in Palcstine), as well as rendering
occasional financial assistance and political support by
bringing the Palestine issue before the House of Commons,
the direction of the Palestine Communist Party apparently
is channeled through CP Franco, the latter acting on behalf
of the Jewish Anti Fascist Committee in Moscow (see further
below). The Hebrew Communist Party and the Arab League of
National Liberation apparently have even more tonuous
contact with CP Great Britain, the former probably being
assisted mainly by CF Poland and the latter more definitely
by CP Syria and Lebanon,
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It is perhaps un&E5RJ to state that the inter-Party
relationships in this area are highly complex and no
adequate estimate can yet be made of the various patterns
of contact of which we have only fragmentary illustration,,
Similarly*, the Communist movement in the Middle East
appears to maintain little organized contact with CP
Groat Britain, Available evidence is confined to individual
correspondence carried on between Iraqi Communists and
Party members in the United kingdom.
b. CP Franco: A colonial department within the secretariat
of CF France is reported to exist, currently. It is probable
that the national headquarters of the French Party includes
staff personnel in charge of colonial work since the strong
and ?cell-organized mother Party is in a position to maintain
contact with colonial Parties without sevore restrictions.
An obvious moans of co-ordin tion is the contact which
CP Franco personnel maintain with the Communist members of the
National Assembly and the Council of the Republic who have been
elected in French colonial areas. The following colonial x antics
or groups are currently represented:
OP Algeria FAYET, Pierre, National Assembly
SPORTISSE, Alice, National Assembly
DJEMAAD, Abdorrahrian, National Assembly
MOIiTARI, Mohamed, National Assembly
LARRIBERE, C