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December 20, 2016
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April 14, 2008
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September 17, 1973
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Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 THE NEW YORK TIMES, MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 17, 1973 Between Coups, Employes, of C.I.A. Learn to Knit, Bowl and Play Softball . By DAVID IIINDER Special to The New York Times LANGLEY, Va., Sept. 16- When they are not stealing secrets or considering coups d'dtat, employes of. the Cen- tral Intelligence Agency in- dulge in such innocent pas- times as learning to knit, repair cars, bowl, play soft- ball,' collect coins and fly' small planes. These are among the popu- lar endeavors sponsored by the Employe Activities Asso- ciation of the C.I.A., which also maintains a credit union and an insurance agency for its spies and other employes. Knitting classes, according to the bulletin board an nouncement, are held Wednes- days and Fridays at noon. For those with more martial inclinations, there are karate classes and training in rifle and pistol shooting. The C.I.A. softball league features teams calling themselves the Lollipops, the Cardinals and the Charlie Browns. In the basement there is a rubber-covered track for jog- gers, a favorite of the former director, Richard Helms. In his day, the track rules pre- scribed. "Never talk to the director while he is doings his laps and never pass the director while he. is doings his laps." With a degree of pride, to the 14-year-old building agency officials display their is told that leader- art, the work of the C.I.A. ship wanted "airiness" in- Fine Arts Commission, which stead of a close atmosphere. has hung huge abstracts in Whatever the motivation, corridors wide enough to the effect has been to cause play soccer. The ends of the the agency's employes to corridors have been "color- walk three and four abreast coordinated" by the commis- when they move around the sion, with tints ranging from building; cool to warm and warm to Certain undercover habits: cool, persist, as in the C.I.A. -car The fine arts people have pool. If you want a ride to arranged for enormous pho- or from Langley, you fill in a tographic blowups of maps card with all the particulars of office extension number of the C.I.A.'s favorite for- eign cities-London, Lenin- grad Paris and Rome-past- ed u on the elevator shafts. time and place, but'only your first name or nickname and the request: "Call Fred." C.I.A. people also indulge heavily in jargon, from the .They also watch over the boss on down. They talk of agency's exquisite courtyard "wiring diagrams" when they flower bed and its handsome mean "organizational plans" stands of trees. The grounds and "patterned response" in- outside are called "the cam- stead of "straight answer." pus.10 ) . But the new boss, and old, Like factory workers, C.I.A. man named William C.I.A. employes eat early Colby - his car-pool request and practice temperance, try- would read, "Call William"- noon rush. The strongest drink is ised tea and the serve-yourself meals cost $1.80. A visitor asking for an explanation of the 40-foot- wide corridors and the 15 glass doors of the entrance Courtyard Flowers has also picked up some cur- rent pop phraseology. He was recently heard saying, "I haven't got any hang-ups about The C.I.A. also tends to use abbreviations and shorthand. The institution's house sym- phony orchestra is referred to as "symp orch." Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 E,1 Sunday, Sept. 10,1973 ; WASHINGTON POST I Garrioson Planned Link General T 0 JFK. Slaying By Iris Kelso speyal to The Washington Post NEW ORLEANS-New triggered when he learned Orleans District Attorney Gen. Cabell was former Jim Garrison, as late as Mayor Cabell's brother. Gar- March 1971, was preparing rison's theory was that the to:accuse another person of 'CIA was behind the assassi- conspiring to assassinate ; nation and that the Dallas President John Kennedy. city government and police Garrison's intended de.' department cooperated in it. fendant this time was the He thought the assassina- late Air,Force Gen. Charles tion was masterminded out Cabell; former deputy direc- of New Orleans. He wanted tor of, the Central Intelli- Gervais to check the records Bence Agency and brother at- a motel in New Orleans of Earl Cabell'. Earl Cabell; to learn if Gen. Cabell had who later became' a, con, been there around Novem- gressman, was mayor of Dal-., ber 1963. las,at the time of the assas- In the tape, Garrison's sination. voice could be heard saying, The Cabell story is "If I can put him. in the brought out in tape record- Fontainebleau Motel, then ings ` introduced in Garri- son's pinball bribery trial in I've got enough to grab him federal court here. by the ------ balls. .Uhe account of how Garri- ' "OK," : Gervais com- son developed. his theory mented. Garrison: "Now the that Cabell masterminded average guy, Too Smith, the -Kennedy assassination don't want to hear any more is said by some to suggest when he. finds out that the the way Garrison developed Number Two man -in the his case against New Orle. CIA is the brother of the ans businessman Clay Shaw' mayor,of Dallas." whom he did charge. Later Garrison said, "Wait According to the tape : till the country finds out Garrison talked with Persli- that-I been yelling CIA, his former chief wait till they find out that in,' Gervais , investigator and closest the Number Two man in the friend, about the Cabell the- CIA is the man in charge of ory on March 9,1971; 1 the Bay, of Pigs, and the Garrison had gotten Gen." brother bf the mayor of Dal- Cabell's name from "Who's las." Who in ! the' ' South 'and Gen.' Cabell was deputy Southwest." He was pre- director of the CIA until his pared to charge Gen. Cabell resignation effective Jan. 31, if he could establish that Ca- 1962. Ills brother, former bell had been in New Orle- Rep. Cabell, says the gen- ans any time around the eral was "the engineer" of date of the assassination, the Bay of Pigs operation. Nov. 22, 1963. Garrison faced the possi- Gervais, at the time of the bility that Gen. Cabell just conversation, had gone to might not have registered at Garrison's home to 'deliver' the, Fontainebleau around $1,000 the federal govern- the assassination date. In ment says was a pinball brib- that case, he said, he would ery payment. Gervais, who bring up the General's name then was working with the at some time when he had a government, wore a voice national audience-in a tele- transmitter under his coat. vision show or in a speech. Garrison's imagination was HS/HC- c There is no evidence' in the tapes that Gervais ever ? checked the motel records. Cabell's name was never mentioned again. There was a major draw back to' Garrison's plan, any- way. I-Ic had no defendant. Gen. Cabell had died in 1970 -several months before Gervais. Gervais, who probably, knew Garrison better than any other person, was no- toriously indifferent to . Gar- rison's. assassination. .theo-. ries. In another tape Gervais told a pinball operator, "Clay Shaw had no more to do with that bull- than you did. Garrison just thought he was going to make him- self a big man out of that pile of ----." Earl Cabell, living in Dal- las since his retirement from Congress, had heard that it was him, rather than his brother Charles, whom Garrison loped to link to the assassination. At any rate, Cabell was not disturbed. Of Garrison, he said, "That guy is nuttier than a fruitcake." The story of Garrison's in- terest in Gen. Cabell could., be important in New Orle- ans. Although Clay Shaw was acquitted of the assassi- nation' conspiracy charge, many voters still think Gar- rison had something," In the long run the Cabell story could be more signifi- cant than the government's charge that Garrison was guilty of taking payoffs Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 The Office of National To give the new NIE for- Estimates, which CIA mat an added air. of preci- Director William E. Colby sion, Colby has reportedly is abolishing in a White ordered the abolition of the House-ordered shakeup, is long-standing verbal scale to be replaced by a less of certainty which used structured group of intelli- such hedge words as "ap- gence analysts who will in- . parent," "Possible," "prob.- dividually prepare intelli- able" and "almost certain." gence estimates under new way. guidelines. Despite, an effort by the INSTEAD, Colby has or- CIA leadership in recent dered a numerical scale of weeks to deny that a radical certainty from 1 to 10. The shakeup of the intelligence FBI has for many years evaluation procedure has in already been decided upon, the Star-News has learned: ? That Colby decided more than two months ago to dence and T-1 indicates abolish the elite 10-man Board of National Esti- Authoritatives sources mates which for more than the intelligence community 20 years carried collective have misgivings about these trust of the existi cal function seem WASHIN Washington, D. g analyti- n s to be the basic motivation behind the abolition of the BNE and its staff, despite the fear voiced by knowledgeable observers that "the inde- pendence and objectivity of, the national estimates are' threatened by the abolition of this office." In an internal bulletin circulated in the CIA and to some copgressmen a few days after the Star-News first reported last month that the ONE would be abol- ished, the CIA leadership declared that "the goal is to conserve resources and maintain efficiency by combining the production of NIEs with certain other agency and intelligence community functions." One undeniable effect of .; the decision is to remove a GTON STAR-NEWS C., Friday, September 7, 1973 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 body that had a unique and symbolic reputation for ob- jectivity. It is understood some BNE members and ONE staffers will continue to analyze under the new title of National Intelligence Official. Others are to be assigned to a newly created Office of Political Re- search, reportedly to be headed by Ramsey For- bush, a former member of the BNE. WHILE THE new struc- ture at CIA clearly reflects White House wishes, the details are understood to be Colby's alone. He is espe- cially credited , with the guidelines calling for nu- merical rather than verbal grading and the decision to remove the estimating func- tion from collective to indi- vidual responsibility., According to one inside source, Colby has shown himself to be as much a stickler for form in his own arrangements as he was in setting his precision guide- lines for writing estimates. Until he was finally sworn in as CIA director this week, he continued to oper- ate from small offices in the CIA headquarters and did not move into the director's big suite until the formali- ties were observed. He also continued to park his car in a remote spot in the vast agency, parking lots until Tuesday, when his title became official. 'Colby's creation of NIOs in,place of the ONE struc- ture is not intended to take the CIA's analyzing func- tion across the line that di- vides prediction and assess- ment from policy making, informed sources stressed. IT IS UNDERSTOOD that the analyses which are now beginning to come from the NIOs assiduously avoid pol- icy proposals-thereby ful- filling for the moment the CIA leadership's pledge in its recent bulletin that "the objectivity of NIEs will be sustained." For the longer runs, the relationship of the intelli- ence community to U.S. for- eign policy will not be clear until Kissinger has settled into his new position as sec- retary of State. At present, he still dominates foreign policy from the. White House, in his capacity as head of the 120-man Nation- al Security Council staff But the stature and role of the revamped CIA- in the,,; second Nixon administra- tion will not become firm'..", until Kissinger develops a modus operandi for his new dual role as secretary of State as well as National Security Council director. A key unanswered question is whether he will continue to., rely on his own NSC crew or, by depending more on ca reer bureaucrats at State, come to depend more on the product of Colby's newly.. reorganized system of pro- ducing intelligence esti- mates. - OSWALD JOHN- STON and JEREMIAH O'LEARY. Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 hfi EK a Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 N*AW ~4irline Linked to CAA Southern Air Transport Inc., an airline allegedly' owned for several years by the Central Intelligence Agency, has evidently de- cided to give up a large part of its operating authoritry, according to papers on file at the Civil Aeronautics Board. by its Washington lawyer, James H. Bastian, said it will not continue to prose- cute its applications to re- new a large portion of its operating authority. The letter was sent to Robert Johnson, a CAB administrative law judge presiding over proceedings Southern in a letter signed involving reppwal of operat- WASHINGTON STAR-NEWS Washington, D. C., Thursday, Septerber6, 1973 ing authority for a dozen Indonesia, and several Car supplemental airlines. ibbean islands. The airline also has worldwide authori- SOUTHERN cur-ently *ty under Defense Depart-' holds authority to transport ment contracts and holds inclusive charter tours cargo authority to Central within the United States and and South America. between this country and a Southern s decision group of central and south means the airline will be Pacific islands. It also has , left solely with its domestic authority to fly to Australia, operations and Defense A-7 Department contract busi- ness. THE AIRLINE is involved in a fight with several other ,supplemental carriers. Stanley G. Williams, South- ern's president, wants to acquire control of the airline from its present owners -- but rival supplemental air- lines have complained. They say former stock- holders unlawfully relin- quished control of Southern to the CIA and that to allow Williams. to simply acquire it now would give him a windfall to their disadvan- tage, since Southern has been the recipient of large sums of government finan- icial aid... _..~. Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Wednesday, Sept. 5, 1973 75HE WASIIINGTON.,POST President Niayon watched the swearing-in of his new Central Intelligence Agency 'director yesterday and then made one request' He wanted tq'learn wh t was "going to biipi,e}V,froth the CIA rather' than ?cading about it in the newspapers., charge," replied William E. Colby, the man who once di- heeted the American pacifica- tiolt program in Vietnam. Mr. Nixon praised Colby, 53, "Distinguished public serv- a'nt." `1'0 ... His 'appointment hag universal acclaim . and with a very overwhelming vote in the Senate," the Presi- dent said. "I would point. out,.. f'oo that his career of service ' , .iri.-the CIA`'is not as we1T;,. all know, in that particular or- R' Wgziization your successes usu must remain unknown { wile Minnesota-born Colby ' aj'k- professional" within the, 4;C t.. He rose through the - rrairks after a World War II repay', with the Office of Strate- *gte'Serviees that included par-,. ., i' tice and Norway. r' The oath taking ceremony in ;'11t(.~rlresidellt's oval office was :wlaaessed by members of Col- ~)Vglfamily, Defense Secretary ,Itnies R. Schlesinger, Secre- :tat3; of State-designate Henry. r,!r :-Kissinger and Admiral r iornas II. Moorer,` chairman `>f: tale Joint Chiefs of Staff. .ii`r;e:oath was administered by .U: District Judge George L. Iafit Jr. expo se Col a p United Press Intertfsttonal 'dged that the PIA would 'Mek to serve "in, protecting President Nixon congratulates new CIA- House swearing-in ceremony. Looking on " p?~~ .aei. s.:s..+. . u:... .1...< meat in Nc Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120 cm 003-0 s E 3- u T21 cn C7 v P Nr to 0 1* 01 m b? ~A. c~D m ry C7 b w A cD ~. w H ty N ~ ' ~ m era tD , ., A b ,~crny ' cp ii n w ?NW ?oG op t7joyyN D yn r '"~ cD fy CY ~? y ~ ~ ~ 'c p~ a ,,,, b ... rD M. IM, I" :r q W r.. `',~ A7 C9 0 .y fD .~' ~'1 b1 Uq :+ Cl) cn ~9 fD ~' x 0 CJ'ro S SD 0 -~+? 0 f1 C~ er R -r K p im. in :3' 11 CD a ,-~ . r Cr' G 1 o y 4 ~5?$ a',~ao'a,ocv 0C) 0 CD$ Slim P C., aq -rjf~D (D ,~ ? C Gr p Cam' cD -~;p'o CD m C) ID Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Pressed by committee memuu1b, aiciu,a that Niynn's Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 stressed he had no independent recouecuvn that would back up what Walters wrote. DURING MORE than two hours of an open hearing, at the conclusion of which Helms was roundly praised by committee members for refusing to yield to White House pressure, Helms stressed that he gave orders after Wa- tergate that the agency was under no circum- stances to be linked with the widening scandal. Much of the testimony merely confirmed ear- lier disclosures of the campaign by White House aides Haldeman, John D. Ehrlichman and John W. Dean III to use the CIA to hinder investigation of Watergate and too provide 9. cover for the five Watergate burglars. Helms made it plain, however, that his per- plexity was extreme in the face of evidence that top-ranking White House aides, invoking presidential authority, were seeking to involve the agency in illegal activities. See CIA, Page Az m a Vcolnc(aft H. R. Haldeman told CIA officials "it is the president's wish" that the agency tell the FBI to limit its Watergate investigation, aco3rding to testimony on Capitol Hill today. Page A-1. Investigators are tracing the movements of the Nixon re-election campaign's undercover operator, Donald H. Segretti, to Pittsburgh, San Diego, San Francisco, Milwaukee and Portland. Page A-1. Former Atty. Gen. John N. Mitchell and former Commerce Secretary Maurice Stans plead not guilty to perjury and conspiracy charges at their arraignment in New York. Page A-8. Nixon campaign advisers were reported to have given hush money to Watergate defend- ants as recently as five weeks ago. Page A-8. Former CIA Director Richard Helms pre- pares to testify before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 CIA -resident's Wish;' drnrn Quoted Continued From Page A-1 Asked why he did not go personally to Nixon with his misgivings, Helms replied: "My interest was to keep the agency out of this case under all circum- stances, and f wanted to stay as head of the agency dent has not been a crime' until fairly recently." TWO WEEKS AFTER the November election, Helms was informed by Nixon that he would be removed as CIA director and reassigned as ambas- . sador to Iran. Helms has refused to discuss his con- ? versation with Nixon, on ,the reasons for his remov- more successful doing this. than someone who came along later," Helms said. At another point in the hearing Helms was asked about the CIA role in the burglary of the Beverly Hills offices of Daniel Ellsberg's psychiatrist. Helms indicated disgust over White House requests of the agency he formerly headed. He said the CIA went w along with requests for the assistance because "assistance of the Preis- al. But in the face of wide- spread speculation in the wake of the most recent Watergate revelations that Helms' departure was re- lated to his refusal to in- volve the CIA in the cover- up, Helms today only pleaded ignorance when asked directly if that was the reason for his forced resignation. The senators also pressed hard on the fac~ that Walters, Helms' depu ty who was specifically chosen to do the White House bidding, was a fora mer interpreter for Nixon and had been the Whit, House choice to be CIA deputy. Helms admitted today, "I would have preferred to have an agency man put in the job." WHEN ASKED further by Sen. Charles H. Percy, R-I11., why Haldeman and the other White House aides concentrated their attention on a White House appointee, Helms conced- ed, "I thought it very odd at the time." Committee members, Percy included, hastened to stress they meant no criticism of Walters, who in the face of the White House pressure, obeyed Helms' directive and re- fused to cooperate. WASHINGTON STAR COMMUNICATIONS, INC. 225 Virginia Ave. S.E., Washington, D.C. 20003 484-5000 SUBSIDIARY and AFFILIATED COMPANIES THE MONO STAR NEWSPAPER Co. M IVEMNO STAR BROADCASTING CO. (WMA4AMFMTV) IIRST CHARlUSTCIN CORP.. Chnr' S.C. (W[IV.M WLVA INCORPORAT[D I-?'- Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 distinguished jurists, only to have three of his first four choices turn him down. New York U.S. District Court: Judge Harold R. Tyler was the first to opt out, telling friends that he would be too much under the Administration's thumb. Los Angeles attorney Warren Christoph- er, who had been Deputy Attorney General under Lyndon Johnson, ex- cuscd himself on the grounds that "the guidelines do not provide the requisite independence which I felt was neces- sary to do the job." Colorado Supreme Court Justice William Erickson also de- clined, and the suspicion began to grow that the Administration still could not quite bring itself to allow the prosecutor a genuinely free rein. Finally, Richard- son managed to tap Archibald Cox, 61, an old Kennedy hand and former U.S. Solicitor General (box). Together they sat down and worked out a set of ground rules that give Cox virtually un- limited authority over the investigation. A Test of Muscle Cox's appointment was widely ac- claimed, and it will probably clear the way for Richardson's swift confirmation. But a host of other problems await the Administration on Capitol Hill. Mr. Nixon last week vetoed a bill that would have made his director and deputy director of the Office of Management and Budget subject to Senate confirmation, and in what promises to become an early test of his post-Watergate muscle, Senate op- ponents started an energetic campaign to override the veto. Military appropriations for Indochina are another urgent problem. Two weeks ago, the House voted down new funds for U.S. bombing in Cambodia, and last week the once-hawkish Senate Appropri- ations Committee voted unanimously to cut off all funds for military action in Cambodia and Laos. The final vote will come after Memorial Day, and it is widely assumed that Congress will for the first time use the power of the purse to try to force a change in the President's conduct of the war. Congress's newfound independence was already affecting Henry Kissinger's bargaining power in his renewed talks with the North Viet- namese representatives in Paris, and for- eign chanceries were wondering wheth- er President Nixon could continue to play so forceful a role in world af- fairs (page 47). His fundamental problem with Con- gress was that support for the President had become a political liability rather than an asset. "Senators up for re-elec- tion are going to bend over backward to vote against the Administration," one high-ranking Republican leader con- ceded. Congress, having long bridled at Presidential supremacy, showed every sign of taking advantage of Mr. Nixon's sudden vulnerability. The Presi- dent might, as Ziegler said, have a lot to accomplish in his second term, but it was difficult for the time being to see how he would go about it. May 28, 1973 ? HS/HC- Q?i"O The High Price of `Security' T he Watergate scandal had long since transcended the more burglary and bugging of Democratic National Commit- tee headquarters. But as the story con- tinued to unfold last week, that episode emerged as part of the end game in a slow, sad process of the corruption of power-a progression that began in con- cern for the national security, went on to the bending of ethics and laws and end- ed in outright police-state tactics as the Nixon Administration lost all sense of the difference between the nation's welfare and its own. The week's blockbusters, falling with almost cadenced regularity, included the eye-catching allegations that Henry Kis- singer, hitherto untouched by the widen- ing scandals, had approved FBI wiretaps wishes to domestic assistant John D. Ehrlichman (who finally drew his last Federal paycheck last week, along with Dean and Presidential Assistant II.R. Hal- deman), and Ehrlichman later indicated to Mr. Nixon that Dean had cleared the White House staff, of complicity. Over at FBI headquarters, meanwhile, interim director William D. Ruckelshaus was facing a battery of newsmen under klieg lights ("You mean he's going to answer questions?" marveled an old FBI hand) to confirm a suspicion that had emerged in the closing hours of Dr. Dan- iel Ellsberg's Pentagon-papers trial two weeks ago-that the whole secret-police apparatus that was to become Water- gate had actually been set in motion in the spring of 1969, two years earlier Helms : A presumption of complicity on his own National Security Council aides; that White House aides feared a senile J. Edgar Hoover might parlay this involvement into genteel blackmail of higher-ups, and that highly respected former CIA director Richard Helms, now U.S. ambassador to Iran, may well have known more about the Watergate than he had previously let on. But the week's worst news was the emerging picture of an almost routine resort to il- legality by top government officials. That impression was reinforced when Richard Nixon's own distance from the Watergate scandal shortened apprecia- bly. In response to published accusations by fired White House counsel John W. Dean III (NEWSWEEK, May 14), Presi- dential press secretary Ron Ziegler ad- mitted that the President had never or- dered or received an in-house investi- gation directly from Dean, despite Mr. Nixon's references to such a coun- sel's report in two television addresses. The President, White House sources said, had actually communicated his than previously supposed. Thirteen gov- ernment officials, some of them members of the top-level National Security Coun- cil, and four newsmen were tapped by the FBI under direct orders from the President. Wrestling the Secret Service The logs from these taps, one of which had recorded Ellsberg, had been re- ported missing from the FBI since July of 1971 (the straw that finally forced dismissal of the Ellsberg case), but Ruckelshaus disclosed that the FBI re- covered them from Ehrlichman's safe a fortnight ago, provoking what he face- tiously called an "arm-wrestling" session with Secret Service men assigned to the White House. It was these early wiretaps that con- nected Kissinger with the undercover tactics. In the early months of the Ad- ministration, NEWSWEEK learned last week, Mr. -Nixon became "enraged" over a leak to The New York Times that reported all too accurately that the U.S. Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 \\ as boIll) ing Cambodia \ tlic acquiescence of Prince Norodom Siluua- ouk. At the President's direction, the FBI was called in to investigate the leaks and Kissinger proffered a list of "four or five" names of possibly talkative insiders on the National Security Coun- cil staff. The list eventually grew to seventeen-including, FBI sources con- firm, Dr. Morton 13. Halperin (a liberal Ivy League professor and friend of Ells- berg), along with Kissinger aides Win- ston Lord, Helmut Sonnenfcldt, Daniel 1. Davidson and Anthony Lake and four newsmen from the Times, CBS and The Sunday Times of London. There was no suggestion of treason in the leaks. "The trouble with Henry," one Administration official said, "is that he was too damned careful at times in pro- tecting a bunch of clowns who wanted to show off to their journalist friends, who in turn wanted to impress their Russian friends." The accumulated tid- bits, cleverly assembled by the Russians, could be seriously embarrassing. Once, according to an FBI source, the U.S. had prepared two positions going into an early round of the SALT talks. "When. our ne- gotiators got to the table," this agent told NEWSWEEK's Nicholas Ilorrock, "they found the Russians knew the U.S. fallback position and simply would not deal on the basis of the first line. It was very, very damaging." Protecting the Innocent And before a Supreme Court ;ruling in 1972, the wiretaps themselves were not clearly illegal. "What has to be under- stood here," Kissinger told NEWSWEEK'S Henry Trewhitt last week, "is that we are talking about [wiretaps] that were legal, that were carried on through pre- vious Administrations; that no use was made of this for any other purpose than safeguarding of classified information, and that it was as much a protection for the innocent as anything else." Nonetheless, in the Byzantine byways of Mr. Nixon's Washington, the wiretap logs might have other uses-and. nobody appreciated that better than Hoover, even though he was in his mid-70s and, according to one Administration official, showing the ravages of "arteriosclerotic senility." On direct orders from Mr. Nix- on, Hoover sent copies of the wiretap logs to Haldeman in May 1970. He also pulled the originals from the FBI files and put them in a safe in assistant di- rector William Sullivan's office--a move that let him keep his control of poten- tially embarrassing documents in case they should prove useful. The last of the seventeen wiretaps was finally ended in February of 1971-a date ? that dovetailed with another im- portant event in the justice Department. This was the arrival of Robert Mardian, then 48, as an Assistant Attorney Gen- eral in charge of the Internal Security Division, an old witch-hunting relic that had lain dormant since the middle '50s. Aggressive, suspicious and very well Newsweek, May 28, 1973 conucctcd iii th' II;uiv l:ol(1u t r Itirh- ard hleindienst wing of the GOP, Mar- dian doubled the ISD staff, began ex- ploring FBI files and making connec- tions with other government intelligence agencies. Ile arranged for such security measures as arresting 13,000 antiwar demonstrators on May Day, and in re- markably short order put together the DOJ's string of unsustainable conspiracy cases against the Harrisburg Seven, Leslie Bacon, the Camden 28, Ellsberg and sev- eral others. Mardian also made a friend at the FBI: assistant director Sullivan, a 30- year veteran who was finding it increas- ingly difficult to deal with Hoover and increasingly easy to ally himself with Ad- ministration attempts to ease the old man out. There was fear that Hoover was us- ing his knowledge of the embarrassing NSC wiretaps to make sure that neither Attorney General John Mitchell nor any- one else made an overt move on him. In the summer of 1971, Sullivan told Mardian that he, not Hoover, had posses- sion of the logs, and two or three days later the Assistant Attorney General re- turned with what he said was authoriza- tion from Mitchell to take control of the reports himself. It was only after Sullivan resigned, in a final confrontation with Hoover, that the old G-man confirmed that his "insurance" reports were missing. By that time, FBI sources said last week, the logs had managed to wind their way through Mardian to Ehrlichman's safe and thence to the nascent White House "plumbers" operation-all in all, a text- book example of the way in which origi- nally legal Administration activities were transmuted, step by step, into the stuff of scandal. Nor was the White House brass con- tent merely to traduce the FBI. As first becanu+ evldcut two %N oo ~r ,1-,k o, III'I,ui level White t louso aides also prevailed on the CIA in that same surminer of 14)71 to outfit Hunt and Liddy with disguises, electronic equipment and cameras used in the burglary of Ellsbcrg s psychiatrist's office in a search for his medical rec- ords. In late summer of 1971, the CIA also acceded to a White House request for a psychiatric "profile" of Ellsberg be- fore deciding that such activities were outside the CIA's legal charter and call- ing a halt. Stuck to the Tar Baby As testimony before acting chairman Stuart Symington's Armed Services Sen. Committee made clear last week, how- ever, the CIA was firmly stuck to the tar baby. On June 23, 1972, six days after the five GOP burglars were discovered in Democratic National Committee head- quarters, Helms and deputy director Lt. Gen. Vernon Walters were summoned to Ehrlichman's office at the White House, Walters told the committee. Bob Halde- man was also there, Walters testified, and said "that the Watergate incident Ruckelshaus (left), Halperin: The logs wound up in Ehrlichman's safe was causing trouble and was being ex- ploited by the opposition." Walters was prevailed on-with Helms sitting by-to go that afternoon to acting FBI director L. Patrick Gray III and ask him to call off the FBI's recently begun investigation of "Mexican aspects of the matter," using the professional excuse that the FBI was trampling on CIA cover activities in the area. The "Mexican aspects" of the case were four unreported GOP campaign checks-later traced to Gulf Resources executive Robert Allen-that had been laundered in Mexico and dispatched to Waterbuggers G. Gordon Liddy and Ber- nard L. Barker, who cashed them for the Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 NATIONAL AFFAIRS telltale $100 bills that the burglars were carrying at the break-in. Walters said he delivered the White House message to Cray-who promised to honor the CIA's territorial priorities-and returned to CIA headquarters, where he discovered that the CIA had no covert activities going in Mexico that might be upset by the FBI investigation. Walters protested as much when he was called to John Dean's White I-louse office three days later, according to the general's Senate testimony, and Dean responded with two not terribly delicate prods. "Dean asked whether the CIA A SECRET AGENT NAMED `TONY 0 Possible fi ancial links between Maine S Edmund Muskie and corporations L e might have taken part in the Watergate episode without my knowing it," Walters told the senators. The general said he replied that this "was not possible," but Dean, persisting, "asked whether there was not some way in which the agency might have been involved." If these were attempts to remind Walters of the CIA's earlier involvement in the Ells- berg raids, however, they fell on stony ground, because Walters had not joined the agency at the time and apparently had been told nothing about them. Dean finally asked "whether I had any idea what might be done," Walters said, "and I replied that those responsible ought to be fired. He seemed disappointed." Dean tried again the next day, Wal- ters testified, this time making a more direct proposal. "Ile asked if the CIA could not furnish bail and pay the sus- pects' salaries while they were in jail, using covert-action funds for this pur- pose," Walters said. The general refused "to be a party to any such action," he said, and threatened instead to resign and to take his reasons to the President or, failing that, to the CIA "oversight committees" in Congress-which would be interested in knowing that the White ............. ..,,, ..................... ...? i ......................................................... ... .............................. ...... . 1.,, 1,.?u,.. H is code name was "Tony." A retired New York City cop with twenty years' experience in security and intel- ligence operations, he found a second career as a political undercover agent for the White House-strictly off the rec- ord. Beginning in 1969, government in- vestigators told NEWSWEEK last week, Tony was part of a super-secret police operation: tracking a string of prominent politicians and their relatives, following up tips about their drinking problems, finances and sexual improprieties. According to NEWSWEEK'S sources, Tony-whose real name is Anthony T. Ulasewicz-was hired by Presidential As- sistant John Ehrlichman and paid by Presi- dent Nixon's personal attorney, Herbert Kalmbach, on orders from White House chief of staff II.R. (Bob) Haldeman. What's more, the sources suggested that Tony's operations-of a piece with the burglary of Daniel Ellsberg's psychia- trist's office and the Watergate break-in -were only parts of a larger pattern of secret police activity under President Nixon. "Some of it was conducted under the guise of national security by estab- lished agencies," one investigator told " Other NEWSWEEK's Nicholas Horrock. phases were handled strictly free-lance. There is an absolute pattern of this ac- tivity throughout the Administration." Mystery Voice: Tony's link to the White House was none other than John J. Caulfield, another former New York cop, who was named by convicted Wa- tergate burglar James McCord last week as the man who tried to buy McCord's silence with an offer of "executive clem- ency." Indeed, Senate sources identified Ulasewicz as the "mystery" voice who called McCord several times to repeat the offer. In March of 1969, Ehrlichman brought Caulfield into his office to serve as liaison with various law-enforcement agencies and handle "certain discreet in- Soon after, Ehrlichman reportedly or- i ld nvestl- LU 1111U u veteran QCPCQ lCi111111e gator to help with the field work and s Caulfield chose Ulasewicz--a buddy from the NYPD's elite Bureau of Special Serv- ices (once known as BOSSy), which pro- tests foreign embassies and VIP's and carries out intelligence and undercover operations throughout the city. Ulase- wicz, 54, a trolley-car operator before becoming a cop in 1943, had also worked a beat in Harlem and collected nine commendations. Ehrlichman, Caulfield and Ulasewicz first met in May or June of 1.969 at the Ul?I Ehrlichman: `Discreet investigations' American Airlines terminal of New York's La Guardia Airport, the sources said, and Ehrlichman hired Tony on the spot -on a code-name-only basis. His first as- signment was reportedly a thorough in- vestigation of Sen. Edward Kennedy's involvement in Mary Jo Kopechne's death on Chappaquiddick in 1969, with the report to be forwarded to the White House. Over the next two years, he re- portedly conducted more than half a dozen field probes into all sorts of alle- gations, among them: ^ An incident in Washington's George- town section that might have proved em- n. with significant pollution problems. ^ Hubert Humphrey's campaign funds. ^ Rumors that a brother of one Demo- cratic hopeful might have been involved in a homosexual incident. ^ The alleged harassment of Julie Nixon Eisenhower by a Florida schoolteacher. In every case, said the sources, Tony's assignments came down from Ehrlich- inan. And in the summer of 1971, the veteran agent was ordered to begin co- ordinating his activities with the White House "plumbers" team then trying to plug security leaks. More political as- signments followed. Ironically, one in- volved the suspicious activities of a man. who turned out to be Donald Segretti, assigned to carry out political espionage and sabotage in Mr. Nixon's behalf, and also paid by Kalmbach. NEWSWEEK has also learned that at least two other Nixon dirty-tricksters were imitating Segretti's tactics around that time. Government sources report that former White House aide Herbert L. (Bart) Porter has told investigators that lie and Jeb S. Magruder, deputy director of the Nixon campaign, recruit- ed operators who were code-named "Se- dan Chair I" and "Sedan Chail? II" and paid them thousands of dollars to disrupt Democratic primary campaigns. But Tony's assignments were more sin- ister-and he was paid for them, NEWS- WEEK'S Stephan Lesher learned, through two bank accounts started by Kalmbach j with approximately $1 million ostensibly left over from Mr. Nixon's 1968 Presi- dential campaign. The agent's salary and expenses continued until the fall of 1971, the sources said, and "another $30,000" was given him in March 1972 by Caul- field (who had just received some $50,000 in cash from Kalmbach). Ulase- wicz and Ehrlichman were not iminedi- ately available for comment. Haldeman denied the story ("I had absolutely noth- to do with this guy"), but Kalmbach ing has testified that Haldeman told him to 1 funnel money to Ulasewicz. Kalmbach t insisted, however, that he did not know . Kalmbach," r Tony's real mission. "M said his lawyer, "had no idea of the purpose at this early stage." 3 .~~ ........................nm.. ~w.....u3~~,~,..~~~~~~,,,.,.~,~,,,,.~,.,,.,~~~~~~.~~.~,..~.,~.,~~~.~,.~~.,~.,~~,.~~.~~.,~.,~.~~~~.~~.,~.~~.~~~~~~~.~~.,~.~~~~.,~.~~.~~.~~~~~,,.~,.~~~~~~~.~~.~~.~~~~.~~.~~.~~~~.~...~.~~.~.~~.~~.,~~~~~~.~.~~ Newsweek, May 213, 1973 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 House was ordering the CIA' to violate the law by spending agency funds with- in the U.S. Dean seemed "taken aback," Walters reported, but called him in again the next day to ask: once more if Walters had "learned anything more about CIA involvement" and to solicit helpful ideas. Brave Men, Brave Talk Walters heard nothing: more about Watergate for another week, but then Gray told him that the FBI could not hold up its Mexican investigation with- out a formal letter from Helms or Wal- ters. Walters replied, he said, that the CIA had no reason to make such a re- quest. Walters said he told Gray that "attempts to cover this up or to implicate the CIA or FBI would be detrimental to their integrity" and added that he "was Services intelligence subcommittee told newsmen that Helms "felt he was getting orders from the highest authority." Senators Symington and Henry Jack- son picked up the same feeling from Helms's testimony at their committee hearings. Again without asking the Presi- dential question directly, Jackson said he was satisfied that Helms and other CIA officials "had reason to believe the requests had the sanction of the Presi- dent." Symington said after IIelms's testi- mony that "it is hard for me to visualize" how Mr. Nixon could have failed to know about the cover-up. But Jackson admitted that Helms had never actually asked Ehrlichman or Haldeman if they spoke for the President ("You don't ask those questions when you're a profes- sional and in this kind of climate") and that the senators had unearthed no evi- UPI Former counsel Dean: Two prods for the CIA. quite prepared to resign." Gray replied, Walters said, that "he too was prepared to resign on this issue." (Gray eventually did resign, enmeshed in scandal, but not until nine months later.) Walters' explosive account of top-level White House advances was backed up in every respect except one by Helms- but that one exception was perhaps the jackpot question. By his threat to go to the President with Dean's alleged im- proprieties, Walters clearly implied his belief that Mr. Nixon did not know that his aides were trying to unload the whole scandal on the CIA. Helms, sum- moned home from Iran to appear before three separate Congressional committees last week, apparently managed to imply just the opposite. Though no direct question was put to helms about Presi- dential authorization or knowledge by any Congressional committee, chairman Lucien N. Nedzi of the House Armed dence linking Mr. Nixon to his aides' overtures. Though the two Democratic senators expressed a belief that Helms "behaved very well" in his handling of White House overtures, the former CIA director was clearly in trouble with angry legislators in both houses. In addition to taking Presidential authorization for granted, Helms apparently made no attempt to tell anyone of the transparently illegal advances allegedly made by Haldeman, Ehrlichman and Dean-in spite of the fact that Congress had established over- sight committees in each branch precise- ly in order to safeguard the intelligence agencies from the danger of being turned by executive whim into domestic tonton macoutes. Helms had also as- sured the Senate Foreign Relations Com- mittee during his confirmation hearings last winter that the CIA had not been involved in the Watergate case. Senatorial outrage was not mitigated by the senators' own laxness as watch- dogs. Under intensive pressure from newsmen, Symington admitted that "our oversight committee hasn't been func- tioning for the last year or so" and con- ceded that "it would have been up to them [the CIA directors] if they didn't report it to us." Helms has testified be- fore the Watergate grand jury and will appear before both the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and the Ervin co-n- mittec-and Washington insiders were wondering if he would survive with his ambassadorship intact. The Senate's growing testiness over the whole Watergate scandal surfaced elsewhere in an extraordinary exchange between Maine Sen. Edmund Muskic and South . Carolina Republican Strom Thurmond, one of those most irked by the CIA disclosures. The arena this time was a joint committee hearing in which Daniel Ellsberg was testifying on execu- tive branch secrecy. As Ellsbcrg persis- tently injected comments on Watergate, Cambodia and other matters that Thur- mond regarded as off the subject-twice saying that he believed President Nixon was guilty of wrongdoing in Watergate -Thurmond got progressively angrier. And when Ellsbcrg concluded that J. Fred Buzhardt-a Thurmond prot6g6 and Mr. Nixon's super-clean new White House Watergate counsel-had lied un- der oath at Ellsberg's trial, Thurmond retorted furiously that Ellsbcrg had got off the hook in Los Angeles only because government misconduct had made the case unprosecutable. Unfit to Be President? "His innocence is established," Muskie replied tartly, "until a court decides otherwise." The colloquy went back and forth-Thurmond arguing that Ellsberg had not been found innocent, Muskie that he was innocent in the absence of a conviction-until Thurmond exploded at Muskie: "You brought him here today to criticize the President of the United States. I'm surprised at you, a Presiden- tial candidate. You're not fit to be a Presidential candidate." The gasps that followed that. exchange promise to be echoed again and again as the congressmen, in their several in- quiries, circle closer to what Representa- tive Nedzi called "the $64 question"- the President's own possible involve- ment. Not much else is left. Last week's disclosures not only solidified the case against three of the President's most powerful advisers and further tarnished the image of the National Security Coun- cil, FBI and CIA, but it also called into paradoxical question the White House's well-trumpeted concern for national se- curity. It was in the name of national security, after all, that the antecedents of Watergate were born-yet when the crunch came, the White House seemed instantly ready to compromise the agen- cies most responsible for safeguarding that security. ? Newsweek, May 28, 1973 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 THE NEW YORK TIMES, SUNDAY, MAY 20,197J `Supersecret' Work of C. I. A. Is Scored By PAUL MONTGOMERY Two leading scholars in the field of national security said) yesterday that the "superse- cret" operations mechanism of the Central Intelligence Agency had become a self-serving and uncontrolled danger to United States foreign policy and should be abolished by Congress. A paper was presented at a conference on government se- crecy here by the scholars, Morton H. Halperin of the A Jer- ous dissent, so common in other proposals of a controversial nature, tends to lead to routine approval," the authors say. New Policy Trends The paper contends that the covert operations mechanism was not authorized in the in- tent of the legislation creating the C.I.A. It also argues that covert interference in the internal af- fairs of other countries has been made unnecessary by recent foreign policy trends toward "disengagement" with the Com- munist nations. The only likely targets, it says, are Third World countries-"an area with which we are not at war, and from which we are not in danger." The authors urge the aboli- tion of the entire covert-opera- tions apparatus. The intelli- gence-gathering activities of the C.I.A. and the National Security Agency could then be made almost entirely public, and their plans and budgets scrutinized by Congress like ,those of other Government agencies, the paper states. The two-day conference on Government secrecy, which ended yesterday, was sponsored by the Committee for Public Justice and the Arthur Garfield Hays Civil Liberties Program at records ra er knowledge. He said that when crecy is so intense, the budgets he was in the Government, he of operations do not come did not have the security clear- under the usual scrunity. ance necessary to participate Separate Meetings in official discussions of covert The paper says that many operations. situations arise in which policy- Members of Committee makers with high security The paper said that approval clearance hold meetings to of covert operations, which discuss options open to the could include rigging elections United States in a given coun- . in Chile or supporting an inva- try. The "dirty tricks" opera- sion of Cuba or conducting a tives, however, with even secret war in Laos, came from higher clearance, meet sepa- a committee whose existence rately to discuss a whole range had never been publicly an- of options unknown to the nounced by the Government- others. the Forty Committee. consequence, the paper The membership of the com- says, is that assessments by mittee, according to the paper, the State Department, Con- is the assistant to the Presi- gress, th executive, the public dent for national security af- and even the overt intelligence- fairs, the Deputy Secretary of gathering arm of the C.I.A. are Defense, the chairman of the distorted because they are not litical affairs and the Director I country, for example, the State), of Central Intelligence. Department might decide that Mr. Halperin and Mr. Stone a certain trend was developing said that each member was and base its policy on that served by a staff that operated trend, when in fact a covert independently of the depart- ment operation might rigged to which, he was assigned. op The operatives for the covert the election. plots, the paper said, come The "supersecret" clearance from the C.I.A.'s Plans Direc- required also tends to limit par- torate, whose administration is ticipation in covert decisions to at C.I.A. headquarters in Lang those who support them and ley, Va., and which maintains staff members overseas, usually earn their living by them, the with embassy cover. paper says. "The lack of vigor-1 Brookings InstrtuUion an All the paper said, emy J. Stone of the Federation participants, of American Scientists. It de- have a security clearance far scribed the working of the above "top secret" whose ex- mechanism for covert political istence is itself a classified action in foreign countries and matter that cannot be dis- indicated the ways in which cussed by insiders. they said it distorted public The paper says that original- policy. ly the Forty Committee was Mr. Halperin, a former De- created to carry out assign- fense Department and White ments from the National Secur- House staff member, told his ity Council. However, it said, audience at the New York Uni- since there is now such an versity Law School that the extensive "plans" establish- paper was based on public ment, the establishment itself th than inside generates proposals. Since se- f FiS/l~C- ~V After an election in a given New York University. Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 CROWS. NOYES THE EVENING STAR and DAILY NEWS Washington, D. C., Thursday May 17, 7973 Nixon Can to Expected t? Riesian We are talking about his powers as commander- izing the office of Daniel one aspect of his leader- legalities - about a sense in-chic'' to mobilize the Ellsbcrg's psychiatrist in ship, no matter how impor- of fair play - about the apparatus of the federal September 1971. It was not tant. The dimensions of his awesome trauma that government in his own until considerably later, power forbid categorically might be involved in the behalf. That this was done Cushman says, that he. any gross abuse of that deposition of a president. in the last election - with became suspicious of Hunt power, at the risk of enor- We are talking, in short,' or without the President's and called off the deal. mous danger to the nation. about what may happen personal knowledge and The implications of this It is impossible to deny and studiously evading the consent - is beyond incident are frightening. that this has happened. implications of what al- doubt. Regardless of who may. Innocent as the Presi- ready has happened. To a degree that is yet to have been at fault, the fact dent himself may be, his The central issue of the be fully established, the that the CIA was put to use administration has been Watergate affair -? which Justice Department, the by the likes of E. Howard discredited as no adminis now, of course, includes Central Intelligence Agen- Hunt = on the orders of tration within my recollec- the Ells berg and Vesco cy and, the State Depart- the man who now runs the tion by the Watergate dis- affairs -- it seems to me, meet - to say nothing of Marine Corps - reflects a closures. Talk of protect- is the issue of the abuse of the White House itself - corruption at the top levels ing the "rights of the presidential authority: have all become im lic t p a - of command in this ?coun- defendant" as against the And on the basis of what is ed in the skulduggery en- try that is quite simply "rights of the now undisputed public ' gineered by the men , - i fcrrcd the issue to the domestic scene. man, by his own admis- sion, never doubted for a xnowieage, there can be ready tried and convicted no doubt that the abuses for the Watergate break- were many and flagrant. in. And in each case it is From the outset of this abundantly clear that the administration, the issue officials involved believed of presidential authority that they were acting in has been one of strenuous accordance with the wish- contention between the' es - if not on the direct White House and the Con- orders - of the President gross, mostly relating to himself. the war-making powers of Take, just for one exam- the President as Com ple, the case of Gen. Rob- mandcr-in-Chief and the ert H. Cushman Jr., the use of armed forces in the former deputy director of Indochina conflict. Water- CIA and now commandant gate has abruptly trans- of the Marine Corps. Cush- ntolerable. It is small government'' is absurd in comfort to be assured by a situation where the exec- Sen. John L. McClellan, D- utive is itself the defend-' Ark., that he doesn't think ant. Cushman "would do it The measure of accepta- again." bi]ity of all presidential It has been pointed out appointments at this point that I have supported the . - including notably the policies of Richard Nixon `special prosecutor" - is - which have been, par- how independent they will ticularly in the area of be of executive direction foreign affairs, a modifica- - in short, how relentless tion of the policies of Lyn- they will be in "getting to don Johnson, John Kenne- dy, and Dwight Eisenhow- er - with some enthusi- asm and consistency. I still (to. If this adminis- A-21 ** affair - which, of course, really means getting to the top. Quite properly, the Pres- ident has assumed full ,,,,,u, bet president an aide John D. 1/hrlichman entirely - or even pri- responsibility for the ap- af an incumbent president palling abuses of the pub- at election time have al- was speaking for the Pres- manly - on its diplomatic lie trust that were commit- ways been reco ident when Ehrlichman performance -on the skill gnized and ? asked him to place-the fa- with which it has extricat- ted by his people in his conceded. Regardless of ed us from our involve- name. It is no longer a campaign finances, no one edifies of the CIA at the question of proving fore- else has the same disposal of E. Howard ment in Vietnam - on the power to Hunt Jr., later convicted way it has exploited our knowledge,complicityor rttbbill t ititbiirg gij8niotl or it) the vVotorgnix~ e?tteplra- influence with adversaries criminality of any kind. No to manipulate events at and friends in the Interest mattu Political advantage r how fair-minded home and abroad to his c As the result of this re- of world peace -Nixon, in be, American people may . quest, the CIA provided my book, deserves a large be, they will not suffer a What has not been rec. Hunt with a variety of ex- measure of gratitude and leadership that has be- ognized or conceded - one spy equipment, includ- applause. trayed and humiliated until now - is that an in- ing voice-modifiers, cam- But the President of the them. I for one am con- cumbent president faced eras, wigs and'hidden tape United States cannot be vinced that when Nixon with an election can assert recorders used in burglar- judged or exonerated by -the extent to Y which his authority has oeen shattered by these events, he will resign. HS/HC-9 0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 .e Exit srs that he spent build- .urcau of Investigation, skillfully made it a na- t, seemingly as solid as -nid. In the year since the FBI has been so ri- weaknesses and strife as -gate that it more close- disintegrating piece of .ands. Several of its top o retire in the next four _au's vaunted esprit de -s, and the morale of its been shattered. -fear that their proudly :ency has become, at ?lic eye, a mere tool of e. They privately assert after the disclosure ped the phones of some 9icials and newsmen for use-many Americans -BI as a potential threat Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 twelve assistant FBI directors: Leonard M. Walters, 54, chief of the inspection division, and William B. Soyars, 50, head of the computer-systems division. Together with the retirement of Assis- tant Director Dwight Dalby a few months ago, this rush for the exit will leave vacant four of the 13 top posts in the bureau. By a quirk of the FBI re- tirement law, the three leaving next month will collect an extra cost-of-liv- ing retirement bonus, but that is not the main reason for their quitting: "Those guys are plainly fed up," said a colleague in the command ech- elon, adding: "I'm fed up, too, but I'm going to stick around for a while. We feel that the President almost wrecked the bureau with the appointment of L. Patrick Gray as director. Then after Gray was forced out, we were insulted by the President's refusal to look for a new director within the bureau." On April 30, all of the FBI's top brass in Washington and all but one of its 59 field-office chiefs sent a telegram draft- ed by Walters asking Nixon to pick one of the FBI veterans-"among whom faults, Hoover kept the there is an inherent nonpartisanship" the quadrennial quakes -as the new chief. Instead, he made the itics. He played politics interim choice of Ruckelshaus, who had -i Republicans and Dem- been the able head of the Environmen- ain the independence of tal Protection Agency, without even agents knew this and re- bothering to inform Felt, who learned ch they benefited from of the appointment from a reporter. The could not stomach some telegram elicited no response. .tocratic actions got out Bum Rap. "Ruckelshaus may be a they did not talk. Only fine, independent fellow," said a high -s was there a split in the FBI man, "but he's only holding the job pro-Hoover and anti- until the President picks a permanent as, and this was scarcely director. After our bitter experience outside. with Gray, any appointee from outside ast week W. Mark Felt, the bureau will have trouble winning Ig associate director, an- the acceptance of the agents." tention to retire June 22. The FBI's Washington headquarters .lo. 2 man in the FBI since is demoralized. Said a senior field agent: -lh the temporary, pinch- "There's very little leadership. Decision -William D. Ruckclshaus making? Forget it. There's a vacuum. st all his time to prob- The decisions are being made now in Watergate, Felt has been the field offices. If you phone Wash- .ow. Only 59, Felt could ington with a problem, more often than for eleven more years. not headquarters will say: 'Don't both- .ion follows closely on re- er us with your problems-we've got uncements by two of the our own.' " HS/HC- 9j# 27 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 THE NATION The agents feel that the entire FBI took a "bum rap" because of blunders by Gray and the Department of Jus- tice in the Watergate investigation. Al- most to a man, agents argue that Nixon is trying to gain control of the agency for his own purposes and to "politicize" it. Echoing a common sentiment, one high-ranking agent says: "Nobody wants to work for a political hack." And, he adds, the retirements will grow to a mass exodus if the President picks another political appointee to head the bureau. Operating at Home By law, the Central Intelligence Agency is prohibited from doing any spying or other internal security work. But the Watergate scandal has raised doubts about whether the agency is fol- lowing the rules. From the beginning, the CIA has had links to the case. Two of the convicted conspirators, James McCord and E. Howard Hunt, are former employees of the agency. The CIA admitted supplying Hunt with equipment-including false identification papers, a camera and a disguise kit-used in burglarizing the office of Daniel Ellsberg's psychiatrist. Last week the CIA deputy director, Lieut. General Vernon Walters, said that White House aides had persistently, though unsuccessfully, tried to enlist the agency's help in covering up the Wa- tergate break-in. On other occasions, the CIA has been exposed as operating within the U.S. In the late 1950s, according to David Wise's book, The Politics of Lying, the CIA trained Tibetans in Colorado's Rocky Mountains to fight against Chi- nese Communist rule. At the same time agency men were preparing Cubans for the Bay of Pigs invasion. For 15 years, until exposed in 1967, the CIA subsidized the National Student Association so that it could send del- egations to international gatherings that were well attended by official Commu- nist groups. During some of those years, the agency also had been secretly giv- ing funds to other private organizations -among them, the Asia Foundation, Radio Free Europe and Frederick A. Praeger, Inc. The intent was to finance work abroad that would enhance de- mocracy's image, such as cultural projects, helping to organize agricultur- al cooperatives, and anti-Communist propaganda. In February the agency admitted that it had trained policemen from nine U.S. cities and counties, including New York, in clandestine photography, iden- tification of explosive devices and anal- ysis of intelligence data. The purpose was to improve police ability to fight crime. Then there was the curious case in 1960 of the gangster's girl friend. Un- Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 THE NATION der a deal that was never fully ex- plained, the CIA got information about Fidel Castro's regime in Cuba from Sam ("Morro') Giancana, then boss of the Chicago Mafia. Momo's girl friend was Phyllis McGuire of the sing- ing sisters, and he wanted to chase off a rival, a well-known comedian. Sam's strategy was to convince Phyllis that the rival was a philanderer. The co- median returned to his Las Vegas hotel suite one night to discover two private detectives digging through his belong- ings. At his call, sheriff's deputies ar- rested the pair, and they languished in jail for days before disclosing that they were working for a Miami detective agency. Three years later, some em- barrassed CIA officials admitted that they had staged the raid as a favor The Ways and Means of Bugging in Chicago, ex-Cop Eddie Bray, who heads a private detective agency called American Security Agents, Inc., reports that there has been a 100% increase in one lucrative phase of his operations -"debugging," the detection of hidden devices used to eavesdrop. In New York, John Mcyner, president of Son- ic Devices, Inc., which also peddles "bug"-finding skills, says he cannot drive through downtown Manhattan without picking up a flood of illegal eavesdropping signals on his sensitive detectors. Just four blocks from the White House, an electronics store named the Spy Shop is doing a thriv- ing business selling both eavesdropping and debugging equipment. Has the ear of Big Brother become omnipresent in the U.S.? The disclo- sures of extensive eavesdropping in the Watergate and Pentagon papers cases suggest that it has. The Nixon Administration, helped into power by its pledge to restore law- and-order, has never made any secret about its intention to use the bug as an anticrime weapon. Former Attorney General John Mitchell justified this pol- icy by saying: "Any citizen of this Unit- ed States who is not involved in some illegal activity has nothing to fear what- soever." That would have been scant re- assurance for the Congressmen, jour- nalists, FCC employees, campus radicals, black nationalists-and even White House aides-who have been subject to Government wiretaps. Most had engaged in no illegal activity. The legal authority for Gov- ernment eavesdropping is murky. As long ago as 1928, in the first wiretapping case to reach the Supreme Court, Justice Louis Brandeis declared that the right to be let alone is "the right most valued by civilized men." His was a minority view, however, and despite the Fourth Amendment's protection against unreasonable search and sei- zure, the majority held that tapping tele- phone wires leading into a house was not in itself a breach of the premises or a violation of the owner's privacy. It was not until the'60s that it aban- doned the technical, legalistic view of privacy and held that the Fourth Amendment does indeed protect the cit- izen from wiretapping. In response, Congress enacted the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968, the first federal statute legalizing elec- tronic eavesdropping in investigations of such crimes as treason, robbery, mur- der as well as bribery and narcotics traf- ficking-provided that the Government first obtains a court warrant. Since then, local versions of the federal law have been passed in 21 states. Still, the Federal Government has continued to do some of its bugging without a judge's permission, claiming authority for the taps under the Pres- ident's oath to "preserve, protect and de- fend the Constitution" against foreign and domestic enemies. This was the in- terpretation of the law that al- S,y t, lowed the phones of Henry Kissinger's aides to be ^?> t~ tapped. Last June, however, in an 8- to-0 decision, the Supreme Court held that such taps could not be used against pure- ly domestic political "suspects" with- out a warrant. Under provi- sions of the 1968 to their gangland spook Giancana. Supporters argue persuasively that the agency sometimes has to act on home ground to counter Communists and other subversives, who have much latitude for operating within the U.S.'s free society. Still, one of the conse- quences of Watergate will be rising de- mands by Congress that it get greater powers to police the CIA. act, ordinary citizens, including private detectives, cannot use bugging devices The penalty: a fine of $10,000 and/or five years in prison. Nonetheless, the ac- cessibility of new and hard-to-detect eavesdropping gadgetry has encouraged an increasing number of citizens to vi- olate the law. As a result of the min- iaturization of modern solid-state elec- tronic equipment, tiny pea-pod-size microphones, transmitters no bigger than a package of cigarettes and other sophisticated gear are available over the counter in ordinary radio stores at prices ranging from a few dollars to thousands. They can readily be adapt- ed for spying and implanted in walls, flowerpots and draperies. What is surprising about Watergate is that, despite fine equipment, the Re- publican operatives used such sloppy techniques; they broke into the office of the Democratic National Committee and planted two electronic bugs, con- sisting of tiny microphones and trans- mitters that could broadcast a distance of several hundred yards. They hid one in the ceiling, but it failed. The other, in- tended for Democratic Chairman Law- rence O'Brien's phone, was inadvertent- ly planted in an aide's phone. It was when they returned three weeks later to repair the foul-up and also to take some photographs that they were caught. According to Columbia University Professor Alan Westin, author of Pri- vacy and Freedom, they could have done a better job without risking entry. One possibility: directional parabolic microphones (like those used by tele. vision at sports events) that could have picked up whispers in the Democratic committee rooms from the Howard Johnson's listening post across the street. If the sliding glass door to the ter- race was closed, the operatives could conceivably have bounced a laser beam off the glass. Since the pane vibrates from the talk in the room, the reflected laser light would have been "imprinted" with this conversation. ~ DEMOCRATIC OFFICIAL INSPECTS BUG PLANTED IN HIS WATERGATE PHONE (LEFT); TRANSMITTER IN FAKE FLOWERPOT (ABOVE); RECEIVER USED BY WATERGATE BUGGERS (ABOVE RIGHT) Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 ty '~"' eve By Marilyn Berger Washlngton Post Staff Wrltor The techniques of Watergate-bur- glary, , electronic surveillance, laun- dered money, , "plausible denial"- have had a long history in. the intelli- gence craft. They are the so-called "dirty tricks" that for years have been the province of the Central Intelligence Agency and its foreign counterparts, tricks refined through nearly 30 years of a "cold war." In the United States, a myste- rious group known as the Forty Com- mittee has the last word, or some- times the next-to-last word, ,about giv- HS/HC- 9(0 ad a Lon(y HistorlwT ing the green light to any specific operations. Its role is clearly defined: to con- sider and approve covert activities in foreign countries in a manner that would be "disavowable" or "deniable" by the United States-or at least by the President of the United States. Currently its designated members are Henry A. Kissinger, the Presi- dent's national security adviser who serves as chairman; Deputy Secretary of Defense William P. Clements Jr.; Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs William J. Porter; acting Direc. tor of the Central Intelligence Agency Williann E. Colby, and the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Adm. Thomas H. Moorer. The head of the joint chiefs is an addition made during the Nixon administration. The Attorney General was also added while John N. Mitchell held the job. In the years of its existence under five Presidents, the committee, which has been known by a variety of names, dealt with such activities as the 1954 overthrow of Guatemalan President Jacobo Arbenz Guzman, the 1953 coup in Iran that overthrew Premier Mossa- dcgh, the Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba in 1961, the "laundered" funding of friendly political parties in Europe See TRICKS, A9, Col. 1 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 TRICKS, From Al and Latin America, the U-2 reconnaissance flights over China and the Soviet Union, and the mounting armies of Moo tribesmen a n d Thai .-volunteers" in Laos. "The committee was the ;.President's surrogate," said one official familiar with na- tional security operations. -:.',The whole idea was to al- -'low the President 'plausible denial' , .. It protected the .President." The President ,-never signed any papers so ;.there was never any evi- -:dence on the record that he -Hither had knowledge of or approved any of the covert -operations undertaken, in. formed sources said. Witnesses from the vari- :aus government agencies :yore often brought before .,the handful of top officials .to explain particular opera- 'tions. Said one experienced 411ficial: "They were like a brinch of schoolboys. They -would listen and their eyes would bug out. I always `-lrsed" to say that I could get .$5 million out of the Forty l'ommit.tee for a covert op- oration faster than I could ,et money for a typewriter but of the ordinary bureauc- racy," Another said that the y.nmmit.tce was the most ef- ficienl. in town, There were 7ho "horse holders," no `"colonels turning . charts." Recisions came quickly, he -raid. The roro group had from -Jihe ho-finning been four of- ficials who dealt exclusively vith forci^;n affairs and who _,were just under the top- -'(he natir>nal security ad- -visor, the deputy secretary. ,of defense, the under secre- -?tary for political affairs in the State Department and the director of Central In- telligence. The head of the joint chiefs, was specifically excluded, according to one informed source, because political rather than mili- tary considerations were the subject of the committee's deliberations. The Attorney General was specifically excluded be- cause his concerns were sup- posed to be exclusively do- mestic. During the Kennedy administration Robert F. Kennedy is said by a num- her of sources to have sought membership but was refused. For this reason the Mit- chell appointment to this and other highly secret commit- tees, such as the verification panel for arms control, raised serious concerns in the intelligence community about the "mixing up" of do- mestic and foreign matters. Invited Confusion Mitchell, in the view of those familiar with the oper- ation, was there because of his close relationship with the President. As the only Cabinet officer on the com- mittee, he became its rank- ing member although the national security adviser continued as chairman. To those who saw the committee in operation, "Mitchell served as the President's eyes and cars." When Richard Kleindienst succeeded Mitchell at the Justice Department, he did not move into the slot crc- atpd for the Attorney Gen oral on the Forty Commit- tee. In the words of Thomas L. Hughes, former ? director of intelligence and research at the State Department, "the. .Mitchell appointment was an early and symbolic act, either of carelessness or purposefulness, which inevi- tably invited confusion and temptation for a partisan past and future campaign manager currently holding the office of Attorney Gen- eral." Hughes said the commit- toe "was originally set up carefully and exclusively as a small and responsible group limited to those peo- ple at the highest levels be- low the President whose of. ficial responsibilities were clearly in the foreign affairs area, to consider and pro- pose foreign operations." In the view of one source familiar with national secu- rity operations, clandestine matters-which were sup- posed to be examined from the long-range foreign pol- icy point of view and from the national security point of view-imperceptibly be- came a question of whether they would get this adminis- tration into trouble, The question became to be whether immediate domes- tic implications would be too great. Variety of Names Throughout its history, by whatever designation it had, the Forty Committee wa.5 to fulfill one overriding .function: to assort. 11olit.ical control of covert operations. The committee was to con- sider the wisdom of any pro- posed activity, its chances of success, whether it would accomplish the purposes de- sired and whether it was "moral," "proper" and in the interests of the United States, In the words of one person familiar with its But the existence of the committee itself was a sub- ject of 'plausible denial.' In its first incarnation it was known as the 10/2 or 10/5 Committee, named after the documents creating it. Un- der President Eisenhower the name changed to' the 54/ 12 Group, again named after the secret order establishing its role - "54" referring to the year of the order. It was also known at that time as the "Special Group." When someone inadverteptly ac- knowledged the existence of the group, it was renamed the 303 Committee. Thus if someone asked whether there was such' a thing as the 54/12 Commit- tee the answer could be, in truth, no. For by that time it was the 303 Committee, now named for the room in which it met. The most recent christen-. ing - the Forty Committee - is derived from a national security decision memoran- dum redefining its duties, according to Morton II. Halperin, former member of the National Security Coun- cil Staff, and Jeremy J. Stone of the Federation of American Scientists. During the Kennedy ad- ministration, covert opera- tions were also under the control of a parallel secret crmmittee with far more limited responsibilities. This was the counterinsurgency committee. Sources familiar with na- tional security operations at the time recall that the President's brother, Robert, then Attorney General, was fascinated by the covert op- eration being run by the operations: "This was an arm for the furtherance of American foreign relations," r~ r*~ Errs"'' J Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 THE WASHINGTON POST Saturday, MRy 26,1913 A9 CIA, lie fervently wished to get on the 303 Committee, forerunner of the Forty Committee. This was vct.oed, appar- ently by Gen, Maxwell Tay- lor, who was brought into the White House after the Bay of Pigs fiasco. As a sub- stitute, Taylor agreed to place Robert Kennedy on the counterinsurgency com- mittee. Once this group started operating, a certain number of cases that might have gone to the Forty Com- mittee (then the 303 Committee) went to the counterinsurgency section. Weekly Meetings At least since the Ken- nedy administration, there has grown an active debate over the propriety of any such covert operations perpetrated by an open soci- et.y. The agruments in oppo- sition have grown stronger during the current pro- claimed era of negotiation and the warming of rela- tions among former Cold War rivals. In the Truman and early Eisenhower years, when the Forty Committee was known as the 10/2 or 1.0/5 Commit- tee, meetings were irregu- lar. Then, according to au- thoritative sources familiar with the operations, Presi- dent Eisenhower decided that covert operations needed a closer look, He ordered once-a-week mectin-'s. There was no offi- cial chairman but Allen Duties, then head of the CIA, pretty much controlled the sessions which met in' the office of the under sec- retary of State. The meetings were said to be rather formal, with an agenda and well prepared staff papers. Few outsiders knew what it was doing, but occasionally witnesses were brought into present spe- cific projects. By most ac- counts, the committee itself was empowered to consider and approve operations. Only in cases of disagree- ment was a specific project brought to the President. But at all times the com- mittee operated under the President's overall policy determination. Authoritative sources say that it was chiefly when Dean Acheson was Secretary of State that specifics were brought to the Oval Office, because of Acheson's frequent reserva- tions. "In its pristine days," ac- cording to one, knowledgea- ble source, "the theory was that 'things were thrashed out here so that all depart- ments understood each other." Often the commit- tee's report went to the Na- tional Security Council with the President Ar tending; said this source. "It was here that one,, of the Cabinet members might, register the dissent of his agency if such dissent existed." Fewer Meetings Because 'of the secrecy surrounding the very exist- ence of the committee, it is difficult to give an account- ing of its more recent func- tions. From recent Senate testimony it is known that the subject of "participa- tion" in the 1970 . Chile elections was one con- cern of the Forty Commit- D 1 0 r'" e In 47 AInZ r~ aff EY . I 9,M4190 tee. That election brought Salvador Allende, a Marx- ist, to power in Santiago. Informed sources say, howpver, that during the Nixon administration there were fewer and fewer for- mal meetings of the Forty Committee and more and more "telephonic concur- rences" - involving quick checks rather than intensive discussions. One possible reason for the slackening number of meetings could be that the number of covert operations has diminished, but some sources attribute it to a more ad hoc style and a greater than ever dedication to secrecy. One source said there has not been a formal meeting of the group for more than a year-although it is always possible that some who for- merly knew about-the com- mittee have been cut out as the White House became more secretive. "There grew up a narrow, incestuous se- cretive quality among the advisers to the President," said one source. "The old formality used to make this impossible." Domestic implications be- came an increasingly impor- tant consideration, accord- ing to one official who noted that the Forty Committee was only one of a number of similar groups with virtually the same membership- For example, this source noted, the issue of arms to Israel might come to the Defense Programs Review Commit- tee where domestic political implications in the United States might weigh in the considerations. One official who occasion- ally had appeared before ..any White House commit- tees which Mitchell at- tended spoke of the changed atmosphere during the Nixon administration. "I never felt comfortable being there when Mitchell was there. I felt his presence caused the members to speak in a very guarded way, not saying what they really thought of foreign po. litical risks for fear they would show themselves not mindful enough of the inr, pact on this administration. He was the administration's presence, not the U.S. gov- ernment ... "There was no real intel- lectual discussion ... This was a travesty of serious governmental operations ... There was inadequate staff work, secretiveness, narrow- based decisions, There was always an intense effort to make the President look good as the main considera- tion." By their very nature, co- vert operations, if success. ful, become known only af- ter the fact if at all. Some- times it takes years, some- times only months-as the domestic covert., operations known under the heading of Watergate show. Thus what, if anything, the Forty Committee or. its successor by another name may be considering now is known to only a few men. Of greater interest for the moment is whether there was a domestic equivalent of the Forty Committee dealing with covert opera, tions in this country, and if there was who was on it. Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 THE EVENING STAR and DAILY NEWS Washington, D. C., Wedrwsday, May 16, 1973 WASHINGTON CLOSE-UP Keeping the Burglars Out By FRANK GETLEIN Perhaps prematurely, everybody has been draw- ing moral lessons from the conspiracy, burglary and corruption of the Ameri- can political process summed up in the name Watergate. The Rev. Billy Graham, for example, thinks the Watergate crimes show the need for a great spirit- ual revival in America. This is understandable from a professional point of view, Dr. Graham being the nation's leading spirit ual revivalist, but a more realistic analysis would find Just the opposite to be the` Watergate lesson.-The burglars and other crimi- nals were acting on behalf of and apparently also on the instructions of the most self-consciously holy, spiritually revived, pray- er-breakfasting, God-in- voking White House gang since "Lemonade Lucy" Harrison had the temper- ance ladies in. If Watergate is where godliness has led the holy clowns from the White House, this country may not be able to afford a spiritual revival. President Nixon seems to have drawn several other -moral lessons: Pay more attention to what people are doing in your ,name; fire people you are deeply convinced are inno- cent of wrongdoing, and, above all, no doubt, don't hire a counsel who isn't willing to be a scapegoat. For their part, the Dem- ocrats must have learned a lesson they ought to have learned a long time ago: When you are running against Richard M. Nixon, keep your back to the. wall and your hand on your wallet. No one would sug- gest the President of the United States is a bandit, but he does seem to inspire an excess of zeal in those devoted to his cause. Jerry Voorhis and Helen Gahagan Douglas were but the first in a long line of political corpses found floating with the knives in their backs inscribed "RMN." The latest vic- tims of that zeal seem to be Sens. Muskie, Hum- phrey and Jackson, done in by forgeries in Florida, false and embarrassing phone calls and letters,. bogus orders for large quantities of food, drink and flowers, and, of course, the familiar zeal- ous acts of breaking and entering and burglarizing files. For the rest of us, the lessons cannot really be drawn until all the returns are in, but one fundamen- tal necessity seems clear even this early: We have got, somehow, to get the CTA the hell out of our domestic politics. The agency has, of course, denied that it had anything to do with the cameras, the red wigs, the bugging apparatus and so on that burglar and ex-CIA agent E. Howard Hunt Jr. has testified he got from the agency in an agency outpost, a "sttfe house" maintained for just such purposes. But even on the record as already established, the CIA gave us Hunt, McCord and most of their mob from Miami, alumni, with dne exception, not only of the agency but of its finest hour, the Bay of, Pigs blow for freedom by surreptitious invasion of a so/ereign country. The theory of late 20th century government seems to be that we have to have people like Hunt and McCord on the government payroll to save us from the dread Commies. Fair enough: At the moment, however, a more urgent problem is how to save the Republic from Hunt and McCord and per- haps from the CIA at large. The very least we can expect is a law preventing' graduates of the CIA, like Hunt and McCord, from engaging in political adtiv- ity for a period of years, particularly from accept- ing employment or con- tracts from outfits like the Committee for the Re-elec- tion of the President. If retired spooks want to run for public office them- selves, that's fine:. There are many constituencies that from time to time feel the need for a trained bur- glar as their man in Con- gress or the city hall. Also, their opponents are fairly, warned and can hire their own free-enterprise bur- glars to protect them. But to have government- trained burglars in the White House as political consultants is now untena- ble and mttst be stopped by statute. Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 . n',. u ... ~i Sk? 'd. n A y~,~afeu0'~LdYMti.4?w~ti Former CIA Director Richard Ilelms arrives to testify bet Nixon Name Used CM ~"o Pressure By William Claiborne Washington Post Staff Writer cral high White House helms, who is now ambas- ?, e v aides invoked 'the name of sadoe to Iran, emerged from' President Nixon when they the hearing room with his . I asked the Central lntelll- jaw tightly clenched and bored through a crowd of gence the Agency ro help cover' newsmen to a waiting car. u p p the Watergate a without making a comment and asniat key conspirators, , ? shout the first. of at lenst Sen. John L. Nil-Clel 'in (ll lhr. n er 1, ri,th rl rt~hrar Alt ) ell- 1--xrl HH3/IIC- 9(o Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 IIgl61d i#FlfiA INMAFNQM SMI Former CIA Director Richard Helms arrives to testify before a.Senite subcommittee.., Nixon NarnUsed. To Pressure CIA. By William Claiborne Washington Post staff writer Several high White House Helms, who is now ambas- aides invoked the name of sador to Iran, emerged from President Nixon when they the hearing room with his i asked the Central Intelli- jaw tightly, clenched and gence Agency to help cover bored through a crowd of up the Watergate scandal newsmen to a waiting car and assist key conspirators, without making a comment , Sen. John L. McClellan (D- about the first of at lea r- appear- Ark.) disclosed yesterday. three scheduled appear- For that reason , Mc-i ances before Watergate-rela- ted investigating panels. Clellan a a I d, Richard M. But McClellan later re- I Helms, who was then CIA viewed helms' testimony, director, and other intelli- and then angrily accused I genre officials did not in-. the White House of form.either Congress or the ent about the re- ing the National Security Presid Act by trying to pressure quests. the CIA Into covering up f1= McClellan said they .nanctal manipulations con -I; "wanted to go as far as they netted with Watergate. l.. 1 could to accommodate the Referring to the 1947 act' President" because the re- that prohibits the CIA from' quests had come from such domestic intelligence work, high offices of the Executive McClellan said, "I'm satis?' Branch. fled the CIA made a mis- "Some things went too far } and they put a stop to It," take. I'm satisfied that the McClellan said after listen- CIA was imposed upon. McClellan also Implicitly ing to three hours. of testa- criticized. Helms for his at-" mony by Helms in a closed lance over a two-year pe- Senate Appropriations sub- committee hearing. See HELMS, A20, 001. 1 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Aides Invoked JVixon 's lWime HELMS, From tha mitigate those impositions ., providing equipment to 'made last June 23 by Halde } riod, saying that when it be- by doing as little as they. Hunt. man to Helms and his dep- came obvious "a cloud was could, and finally they did McClellan' Said. the . next :' uty, )_,t. Gen. Vernon Wal- being passed over the refuse," McClellan said. request came when David L. ters, McClellan said. agency" the former C(A di-. The first CIA Involvement Young, a National Security McClellan said Helms tes- rector had an opportunity to with Watergate figures, Mc- Council staff member, asked tified . that Haldeman complain about the pres? :? Clellan quoted Helms as tes- the CIA for a psychological "suggested to him that Gen. sures brought to bear by the tifying, occurred when the profile on Ellsberg. Walters go to see the direr- White House. agency provided E. Howard Helms "reluctantly went tor of the FBI and ask them i t h li on e invest, lga But he reserved his most Hunt and G. Gordon Liddy along with that request, to call off t stinging criticism for former with disguises, burglary McClellan said, even though into the Mexican money presidential aides H.R. (Bob)', tools and electronic surveil. he "didn't think it was quite journey." Haldeman, John D. Ehrlich. lance equipment that were proper~~ by reason, of the He was referring to the. man and John W, Dean III, used to break Into the of. source." $100,000 check 'that was calling their actions "beyond flees of Pentagon Papers de. Former presidential aide . "laundered" through a Me x. Two maJor White House psychiatrist, sworn.' statement that the'. which ended up in the sale 1. requests of the CIA to assist McClellan said Helms did profile provided no useful,. .of Nixon fund-raiser Mau not know the equipment had information to . a special' rice H. Stans. The money i i es rac in apparent consp were met, McClellan said, been provided-at Ehrlich- White House security squad figured in bankrolling the break-in and l b d ll d "" th t W t " e p um ers, an . . erga e e a ca some- and a third was refused.. man's request-until three rn- time later. when Hunt began for that reason the burglary other political espionage op- f th O l y one o e n ally approved by Helms, and CIA assistance. -- was planned by Hunt apd 4 for the Re=election of the r 1aa., rel tantly lms as accord h - ng uc . --. , a? ? done __ ,. - _ "Mr. Helms and his assist- .. Clellan, ordered former The third White House at-, Walters testified before ants were seriously imposed ' Deputy CIA Director' Gen. tempt to involve the CIA In another Senate subcommit- gpon and they undertook to Robert E. Cushman to stop the Watergate scandal was tee on Monday that he told teas Dean three' .days. later, that promise the CIA in the 'Watergate case. McClellan said yesterday that It Was Helms who or- dered Walters not to get in volved In asking Acting FBI Director L. Patrick Gray to cover up the probe. Mc- Clellan said Helms was con- vinced that the FBI investi. gation of the Mexican con- nection would not interfere with the CIA's operatives in Mexico, which he said had been suggested by Halde- man. , McClellan and Sen. Ro- man L. Hruska (R-Neb.)'re- peatedly emphasized Helm's reluctance to become., in- volved in a Watergate cover- up. Another subcommittee member, Sen. John Pastore (D-R.I.), described Helms as "quite hurt that his` reputa- lion has been tainted, after by the, White House to com- raaag CIA 40 years .(of government firmation , hearings Hellas. service)." did not connect ,the requests However, .when asked why : made to the, CIA to-! the Helms did not take his con- break-in at Democratic Np- cerns to President Nixon tional Headquarters., while his agency was alleg McClellan conceded that edly being pressured by: he "didn't intend to put Haldeman and Ehrlichman, ' .(Helms) through the grill",' McClellan said: during the hearing. He said "He remained silent. :. ? that he and other subcom? . He didn't feel that he was mittee members had' little called on to go to the Presi- time to prepare questions dent. He didn't want the and that Helms was testify- CIA involved." tag mostly from memory. When reminded that in at ? However, McClellan said least three confirmation ap- ' he probably will seek more pcarances before the Senate testimony from Helms at a Foreign Relations Commit- future date. He said he also tee last January and Febru planned to seek testimony ary Helms flatly denied any , from Haldeman, Ehrlichman CIA Involvement in Water- and Young. gate, McClellan ' said, "He Helms, meanwhile, is did not relate this to the "scheduled to testify at 10 Watergate." a.m. today before the Senate Hruska chided reporters , , Armed Services Committee for. . attaching . the. and sometime later before '.'Watergate" label to every.'. a federal grand jury' here allegation of White House and the Senate Select Sub-, misfeasance" He claimed committee Investigating the' that at the time of the con- 'Watergate scandal. Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499ROO1000120003-0 V ,fl 0 4 U U A J'- 0 al - U / x O %. U > O CL) U Y'd cn L. U ry +..,, r sr Q (3) r 'C7 O a, ., ctt ., C, CI) C N N r V) +, X Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499ROO1000120003-0 ..,.,. AlIft Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 0 - L CIA Watergate Role Probed BY OSWALD JOHNSTON Star-News Staff Writer Former CIA Director Richard Helms became the focus of scrutiny in the Watergate case today in the wake of disclosures of persistent White House efforts to use the Central Intelligence Agen- cy to cover up administration re- sponsibility. Testimony disclosed by the Senate Armed Services Commit- tee has put it on record that Helms knew as early as June 23, 1972 - six days after the Watergate break-in - that White House aides H. R. Haldeman and John D. Ehr- lichman tried to order CIA inter- ference with an FBI investigation related to the case. The testimony by Lt. Gen. Vernon A. Walters, the CIA depu- ty director under Helms who still is in that post, gave no indication that Helms ever tried to communi- cate any misgivings to President Nixon, despite his knowledge of what White House aides were doing. However, the testimony did indicate that CIA officials did not give in to the pressure. It was disclosed in testimony before the special Senate Water- gate committee last week that act- ing FBI director L. Patrick See CIA, Page A-6 Former CIA Director Richard Helms be- Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499 R001000120003-0 W!MWA Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 L X-I 0 (Ti C7) V 3 Cy?.w p E.?? NO. O ' N ? v, o~ mo ~0 V3 a) ~. O C 'O C w Y C E- cu u >arowCu "4 aw?a)a "c own p:3 >? y N ,p ? tp~:p.: ?~p U cad cd cUq w N + v y?., U C?1 ?~ w CO Cl v P ivy cUd ?w? 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On June 23, Helms and Walters were summoned to Ehrlichman's White House office and were there informed by Halde- man "that the Watergate incident might be exploit- ed by the opposition" - presumably the Demo- crats - and told that something must be done. With Helms apparently acquiescing, Haldeman ordered Walters to bypass his boss and go directly to Gray in an effort to block an FBI investigation of the Mexican funds on the grounds that the probe would compromise CIA operations in Mexico. THE ORDER, according to an Armed Services Committee paraphrase of Walters' still-classified testimony, was "decided" within the White House. Syinington, presenting the Walters narrative to re- porters yesterday, said there was no testimony or evidence to link such or- ders to Nixon himself. Walters, who joined the CIA only that spring,. car- ried that message to Gray the same day. Afterwards he checked agency rec- ords and discovered there were no operations in Mexico that could have been compromised by an FBI probe of the bank accounts. Helms, an agen- t cy veteran who had been director since 1966, appar- ently still did not inter- vene. IFI7ad been impressed on both Helms and Walters that John W. Dean III, the President's counsel, was in charge of Watergate affairs in the White House. Accordingly, Walters on June 26 went to the White House counsel with the information that there was no CIA involvement in Mexico and let the matter rest there. He related this the same day to Helms, who apparently was satis- fied and "assured Gen. Walters that he was acting correctly," according to the testimony. Walters' reluctance to cooperate evidently both- ered the - White House group, however. The next day, Dean summoned Wal- ters to another meeting and, according to the committee account, "asked if there was some way the CIA could go bail or pay the salaries of the individuals accuses in the Watergate case while they were in jail." Walters again refused and this time threatened to resign rather than identify Mc- Cord and the "Miami four" of the Watergate burglary as regular CIA operatives. DEAN CALLED Walters again June 28 - the third try in as many days. This time he asked "if there could have been some CIA involvement that Gen.' Walters did not know about." Walters again refused to go along, and this time threatened to go directly to the President to protest if he were ordered to com- promise the CIA in Water- gate, according to testimo- ny. There is no publicly known evidence that ei- ther Walters or Helms actually did this. But by this time, June 28, FBI director Gray was becom- ing restless and doubtful on his side of the investi- gatory fence. ACCORDING TO Gray's reported testimony to Sen- ate investigators, he had grown extremely worried about the CIA involvement, he had been told about by Walters on June 23 and by the White House team intermittently since then. He independently tried to set up a meeting with Helms and Walters on June 28, but was dissuaded that morning by Ehrlich- man, who according to reported Senate testimony canceled the meeting. Finally, on July 5, Gray took his doubts directly to Walters. In a telephone call re- ported in~Walters' testimo- ny, Gray told the CIA dep- uty "that he could not stop the investigation of the Mexican financing unless he received a letter from the (CIA) director or Gen. Walters stating that such an investigation would damage the agency's ac- cess in Mexico. This must. have dis- tressed Walters, who had been told more than a week before, on June 26, that Dean would deal with his misgivings on this point. On July 6, according to the Walters account, the CIA deputy went to see Gray, personally insisted that the FBI probe of the Mexican financing would endanger no CIA opera- tions, and assured him that the CIA had no inter- est in interfering with any investigation. WALTERS "then testi- fied that he told Mr. Gray the story of his meeting with Mr. Haldeman and Mr. Ehrlichman, and that he had been told to convey his previous message to Mr. Gray," the committee narrative continues. "Gen. Walters testified that he repeated to Mr. Gray his determination to resign if there was an attempt to compromise the CIA in this issue." It was on that same day that Gray tried to warn Nixon directly that there was something wrong with the White House handling of the case, according to his own reported testimo- ny before the Senate Wa- tergate investigating committee. On July 6, Gray tele- phoned campaign director Clark McGregor to com- plain about the "run- around" he was getting from the White House staff. According to on report of the testimony, Gray made this call with the acquiescence of a high CIA official - presumably Walters. Within 30 minutes of the call to McGregor, Gray received a call from Nixon himself, and he repeated the complaint. According to his reported testimony, Gray was told to continue his investigation as he had been doing, and not to concern himself with White House involvement. , Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 y T Am d.Z SMA1 1973 !'AGING' OF STAFF A C.I.A. PROBLEM Spies Are Too' Old and Too Numerous, Director Says ,By JOHN W. FINNEY Special to The New York Timer 1- WASHINGTON, May, James R. Schlesinger, the Di- rector of Central Intelligence, has told Congress that a major problem confronting the Cen- tral Intelligence Agency is'that its spies are becoming too bid and too numerous. The difficulty, he explained In recent testimony before the Senate Armed Services Com- mittee, is that agents in clan- destine overseas operations have "stayed around as long as they have wanted." As a result, he said, "we have an aging staff" in the agency's operations division that handles overseas activities and there is little room for promotion of aspiring young spies. Suggestions that some of the spies have come to look upon their jobs as "a sinecure," Mr. Schlesinger said: The -intelligence community of the United States is not de ,' signed to provide cushy posi- tions for time-servers." Mr. Schlesinger testified be- fore the committee early _last month in support of legislation that would raise from 830 to 1,200 the number of former overseas agents whom the agency can retire at the age of 50 after 20 years of service. His slightly censored testimony was made public today in one of the rare occasions when the i -testimony of a Central Intelli- gence Director has been pub- lished. HS/HC- 'J''O Many Recruited After War Since taking over as director in February, Mr. Schlesinger has begun a major reorganiza- tion of intelligence activities, including the largest personnel cutback in the history of the agency. From his testimony, which provided the first official explanation of his plans for personnel reorganization, it is apparent that one of Mr. Schles- inger's major objective is to weed out over-age spies through retirement. Mr. Schlesinger disclosed that in recent years the intelli- gence agency had reduced its "overseas population," with some of the. agents absorbed into the headquarters staff and others retired. But, he said, it still has "too many people in the operational areas," particu- larly as it turns increasingly to technological means, such as satellites, for obtaining intelli- gence information. This surplus of operatives, he said, is compounded by the problem of the agency's clan- destine service. "We are facing a very severe hump in age com- position" between 1970 and 1980, he said. Immediately after World War IT, in its formative years, the intelligence agency engaged in an extensive recruitment pro- gram, particularly on Ivy Leaguer campuses. Most of those Post- war recruits are now reaching the age of 50 or more but show little desire to leave the agency. The agency's problem, Mr. Schlesinger said, it that, unlike the military or foreign service, It has no system for "selecting out" agents as they move up In seniority. "It has been assumed that people come in and de facto they have stayed around as long as they wanted,". he said. "As a result, we have an aging staff." Promotions Delayed As compared with the rest of the Government, the director said, the intelligence agency has a disproportionately old staff. For example, he said, about 70 per cent of the agency's employes In executive grade positions are over 45, compared with about 50 per cent in other Government agencies. Mr. Schlesinger attributed some of the agency's morale problems to the overlay of older agents, with the resulting "re- duced opportunity for younger people." In the early days of the agency, he said, a person .could expect to acquire execu- tive responsibilities b;? age 48 but now he must wait until age 55. Consequently, he said, "we had a movement out of some of our younger people whom we would like to retain in order to build for 20 years ahead." Mr. Schlesinger acknowl. edged that his personnel re- organization and reductions had caused morale problems and criticism within the agency. But he suggested that this reaction should be bal- anced against the morale prob- lems of persons who left the agency "because they saw In- sufficient opportunity, partly because they did not believe that the agency was vigorous enough, that It had become a tired bureaucracy." Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 THE EVENING 0. C., Wedrw dyDMay DAILY 1973 United Press International them have been in the govern- More Spry Spies CIA Chief Wants Old age has hit the spy busi- says they must give way to tee, Schlesinger estimated over 45, and 85 percent of As a result of this "disproportionately high" percentage, top positions in the CIA are clogged up, and young, promising personnel have been quitting because of "Our problem is that unlike the State Department, unlike the Department of Defense, there has been no selection- out system," Schlesinger said. "It has been assumed that people have come in and de facto they have stayed around as long as they have wanted. As a result, we have Schlesinger, who took over the top CIA job this year, has been engaged in an extensive overhauling of the agency and hundreds of CIA officials have lost their jobs. Many have, come flocking to Capitol Hill and the government bureauc- shakeup would diminish the CIA's role and lead to domina- tion by the Defense Department's intelligence- gathering agencies. The April 5 hearing was on a bill, since passed by Con- gress and now before Presi- dent Nixon, to increase the ceiling on annual CIA retire- ments from 800 to 2,100. Schlesinger said the intelli- " not gence community was desigl'fed to provide cushy positions for time servers." Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Min Reacting to disclosures -linking the Central Intelli- gence Agency to a White lIouse-directed undercov- er.operation that included burglary and a covert psychiatric profile of Dan- iel Ellsberg, CIA director James R. Schlesinger has ordered an organizational housecleaning to prevent such activities in the fu- ture. - Schlesinger assured senators yesterday that he is reviewing "all agency activities" in order to put a stop to future domestic operations "outside its le- . gitimate charter" and in violation of laws barring the CIA from security op- erations within the coun- try. Supplying cameras, dis- guises and false docu- ments to Watergate con- spiiators E. Howard Hunt and G. Gordon Liddy on request of the White House was careless and in viola- tion of "procedural steps' and approvals normally required by agency regu- lations," Schlesinger said. The observation amounted to all but direct criticism of the administration of former CIA Director Rich- ard M. Helms. ,HS/HC- fro WS THE EVENING STAR and DAILY 1973 Washington, 0. C., Thursday, May erect to E FURTHER, referring to the use of the agency's of- fice of medical services to work up two assessments of Ellsberg on White House demands, Schlesin- ger declared: "The prepa- ration of a profile on an American citizen under these circumstances lies beyond the normal activity of the agency. It shall not be repeated." More generally, Schles- inger said that he has domestic operations has sometimes been bent - if not broken outright. TESTIFYING on the material and operational' support the CIA lent a covert White House probe of Ellsberg that included a burglarly of his psychiatrist's office in September 1971, Schlesin- ger also made' these disclosures: ? Helms, Schlesinger's predecessor as CIA chief, directed the preparation of and invited each ex- , a. psychiatric profile of employe" to report direct- ly to him any questionable cases in which the CIA may be indulging in for- bidden domestic activities. Schlesinger's statement, delivered to a Senate committee behind closed doors, and then - in an unprecedented move - made public with his bless- ing, came closer than any director in the 25-year his- tory of the CIA to admit- ting that the legal ban on Ellsberg by agency spe- cialist Dr. Bernard Mal- loy. Two profiles were worked out over a series of months, Schlesinger re- ported, and there were several consultations be- tween Malloy and . the White House agents, Hunt and Liddy. The profile had original- ly been requested by Da- vid Young, the White House aide whose repre- sentations gained Hunt access to classified State Department files during ? The paths for Hunt, a former CIA agent, and Liddy to agency coopera- tions were smoothed by White House. domestic adviser John D. Ehrlich- man in a phone call to Marine Corps Gen. Robert E. Cushman, then the agency's deputy director. The call, on July 8, 1971,. came only a few days after publication of the Penta- gon Papers began in the New York Times, and 'agency records show that Ehrlichman advised Cush- man of Hunt's appoint- ment as-` a special White House security consultant. Agency cooperation with him was requested. ? Hunt, paying a personal call on Cushman at the CIA headquarters, sought technical help from the CIA's clandestine opera- tions directorate to help him carry out a White House mission. Schlesin- ger described the mission in these terms: "To visit and elicit information from an individual whose ~. ideology he was not entire- ly sure of." Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Hill to Probe. CIA Link, " To Break-In By Laurence Stern Washington Pat Staff writer gative activity. Is being launched on Capitol Hill into the Central Intelligence Agency's alleged role in the' 'burglary of the office of the psychiatrist , who treated Pentagon Papers defendant rate Senate and House pan- els which pversee CIA oper- ations announced yesterday that they would . immedi- {, Mich.), chairman of an Ar med Services subcommittee on the CIA, disclosed that the agency's director, James R. Schlesinger, confirmed to him yesterday that 'Marine Corps Commandent Robert E. Cushman Jr.' authorized use of CIA equipment in the Ellsberg burglary case. The equipment was used by the Watergate break-in team headed by former CIA, agents E. Howard Hunt Jr. and G. Gordon Liddy to bur-' gtarize the office of Dr. Lewis Fielding, Ellsberg's: psychiatrist; in connection; with the White House inves- tigation of the Pentagon Pa-. Vera case during 1971. Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 A 24 Tw"&-y, Mey k 1973! . THE WASHINGTON POST Congress to Probe CIA Link to Break-In e" . .,n A 1 unl9ca Airrrlinn ramp? as a.' provide the White House Nedzi said that his Armed Nedzi said Schlesinger confirmed to him, In a tele- phone conversation yester- day, that the CIA equipment was issued to Liddy and Hunt "and that the order emanated from Gen. Cush- man. The role of Cushrnan,' who was at the time of the severe jolt to 1nstimuunaa wuu o 1,~~.....~.., r? - -?- morale at CIA's Langley,. Ellsberg. the CIA will begin hearing u ,,Va., headquarters, Sen. Stuart Symington (D- Mo.), chairman of the, Sen- ate's Joint ,CIA oversight committee, announced tersely of the new development: "We plan to nced that, "' McClellan anno . former CIA Director Rich- witnesses on Thursday "to and Helms, who headed the find out what they know agency at the time of the about the situation." {{ Pentagon Papers investiga- He said he, too, will ask 'lion, will be called to testify for Helms' return from Iran later along with Cushman. is a.e termer Airarlnr in nor- Incident deputy director of the Central Intelligance Agency, was disclosed. yes- terday by The New York Times. The Michigan Democrat said Schlesinger had also or- within the agency of the ex- tent of its involvement In. the Watergate case. and the Ellsberg investigation. , One high-ranking CIAi of- fici-al said the disclosure of the agency's ' role ' in the operations of the Hunt- Liddy team underr 'White look into it. If true, I don t lilt! Au~ff 01-.1 like it." created the CIA decreed sonauy Implicated In the Sen. John L, McClellan that the agency should, Pentagon Papers break-in. (D-Ark.), who heads a sepa- "have no police, subpoena, "If I had to make a guess," rate Appropriations subcom- ? law-enforcement powers or he said, "this was not too mittee on operations, said internal security functions," widely ~~ known in the he is calling in top CIA wit. McClellan noted. The atat? agency. nesses on Wednesday to tes- ute did, however, assign re- Cushman's involvement In tify about' the agency's in- ' for protecting Internal ri se t on White significant l in view Papers cs vol in the Pentagon .curity functions." Papers case. of his long and close re- Lead-off witnesses, lip `'. The basic responsibility -lationship with President- said, will be Schlesinger and for' domestic surveillance Nixon. In the late 1950a he . !-Dr. Bernard, Melloy, chief of against espionage .and Sabo- served as Mr. Nixon's spe- . _ .. n_ -g breaches f - _i.l assistant for national i ludi o hi i Sion. Melloy 'was reportedly national intelligence, is that otdered - by his, superiors . of the Federal Bureau of In- over his o'wn' obiectidns to vestigation. s ng security affairs dur last four years In the vice presidency. Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 THE EVENING STAR and DAILY N EWS Wa$hlrtoro^, f7. C., ru~.dar. My BY OSWALK JOHNSTON Star?Newa Staff Writer James R. Schlesinger, the newly installed CIA director, has confirmed privately that the CIA supplied a camera, dis- guises and false docu- ments to Watergate consi- pirator E. Howard Hunt before the 1971 bread-in at the office of the psychia- trist who had once treated Daniel Ellsberg. Schlesinger, who offered the confirmation in a tele- phone conversation yester- day with Rep. Lucien N. Nedzi, D-Mich., chairman of the House Arms Serv- ices subcommittee on in- telligence, acknowledged that Gen. Robert E. Cush- man Jr., then deputy director of the CIA, or- dered the supplies, Nedzi said. Confirmation that Cush- man, now Marine Corps commandant, authorized clandestine supplies for Hunt and fellow conspira- tor G. Gordon Liddy in S C- 7 ro their administration-di- rected probe of the Penta- gon Papers leak, emerged from an internal probe now under way at the CIA, Nedzi was told. Still unconfirmed is Hunt's testimony to the Watergate grand jury that the CIA also gave Hunt, Liddy and the team of Cuban emigrees recruited for the Ellsberg burglary operational assistance, two "safe-house" rendez. vous points in Washington and an untraceable "Ssterile" telephone num- ber to call if help was needed. (Cushman has been or- dered by the. Defense De- partment not to discuss his alleged involvement in the burglary. He failed to show up for a scheduled news conference at Rotter- dam yesterday, where he is touring Dutch defenses. An aide announced the (general would have noth- ing to say. (The aide said Cushman had been ordered to sub- mit an affidavit, to the Jus- tice Department on the matter when he returns here:) Nedzi, concerned that CIA activities in the case may have violated laws banning the agnecy from domestic operations, is planning a subcommittee investigation this week. Sens. Stuart Symington, D- Mo., . and John L. Mc- Clellan D-Ark. also an- nounced yesterday seper- ate probes of the incident. The State Department, meanwhile, has offered seperate confirmation of another aspect of the rap- idly developing case. Offi- cials acknowledged late yesterday that Hunt in 1971 had free access to State Department cables relating to the 1963 coup in which South Vietnamese President Ngo Dinh Diem was assassinated. According to a sketchy State Department version of the incident, officials acceded to White House request that Hunt be given unlimited access to the department's fileof cable traffic to and from Saigon during 1963. Hunt worked in the file room during late Septem- ber and early October of 1971, officials recalled, and he was allowed to make photo copies of as many cables as he choose. Some of these copies may have provided the raw material for cables Hunt later fabricated, al- legedly on orders from former White House Spe- cial Counsel Charles W. Colson, to implicate Presi- dent John F. Kennedy in the Diem assassination. According to grand jury testimony released in Los Angeles by Federal Dis- trict Judge W. Matthew Byrne Jr., Hunt plowed through several thousand state Department cables in order to vhunt plowed through several thousand State Department cables Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 THE EVENING STAR and DAILY NEWS Washington, D. C., Tuesday, May 8, 1973 in order to "verify the authenticity of materials that had already appeared in the press" in the Penta- gon Pase. The actual regulations under which the CIA has operated are set forth in a series of highly classified directives from successive presidents and national security councils over the years - from the Truman administration to the pres- ent. These are sometimes collectively referred to as the "secret charter." Glimpses of this charter have surfaced occasional- ly, especially when domes- tic operations of the CIA I have been hcallenged. In a case involving an Estonian emigre employed as a CIA counter intelligence agent that reached the Supreme Court two years ago, it was revealed in an affida- vit signed by Helms him- .self that the deputy direc- tor for plans (ie. chief of clandestine operations) has "specific responsibili- ty - for the conduct of the agency's counter intelli- gence operations." As an organizational matter, the support Hunt claims he got from the CIA in the Ellsberg burglary would have been carried out under the deputy director of plans, presum- ably under the heading "counter-intelligence op- erations." Under the 18-month-old reorganization of the CIA, Cushman, as deputy direc- tor of the agency, would have had unquestioned authority to order the camera and other materi. als and probably to offer operational support as well. The burglary of Ellsberg's psychiatrist took place in September 1971, however, some two months before the reorga- nization plan was an- nounced by President Nix- on, so the line of authority may not have been that clearly defined. Helms himself has pri- vately assured Nedzi and other congressional over- seers of the CIA that he had no advance knowledge of the Watergate break-in, and the agency through an official announcement has disclaimed any advance knowledge of the Ellsberg break-in. In his only publicly rec- orded reference to the Watergate case, Helms, now ambassador to Iran, last February admitted to members of the Senate Foreign Relations Com mittee that both Hunt and James W. McCord, anoth- er convicted Watergate conspirator, were former CIA agents. He added, in a voice verging on anger: "They had all retired. They had left. I have no control over anybody who has left . . . they had both been retired at least two years." Despite Schlesinger's limited confirmation that Hunt, himself a former CIA operative in the clan- destine services or "dirty tricks" division of the agency, enjoyed CIA sup- port in the burglary of Ellsberg's psychiatrist, serious questions remain. The distinction between merely supplying equip- ment, reportedly on White House orders, and actually lending operational sup- port could be crucial, ac- cording to informed sources in the intelligence community. The supplying of equip- ment is viewed as a rou- tine administrative matter that would have carried out without question upon orders of Cushman, who was number two in the agency as deputy director, under Richard M. Helms, the then CIA director. A request for agency cooperation in a govern- ment-wic probe of a na- tional security leak such as the Pentagon Papers would be regarded as "normal administrative stuff" once sources ob- served. "The fact the White House was trying to find out about those leaks was hardly something the agency would re unrecep- tive to." CIA participation in ac- tual support of the burgla ry team, through the sup- ply of safe houses and a secure telephone contact. such as Hunt described could be more serious, however, since a violation of federal law might have been involved. Nedzi and other con- gressmen charged with overseeing CIA activities are keenly sensitive to a proviso in the 1947 Nation- al Security Act which ex- pressly forbids the CIA to engage in , domestic "internal security func- tions." Federal courts have sometimes favored the agency with a liberal read- ing of the law, however. The same act empowers the agency to "protect in- telligence sources and methods from unauthor- ized disclosure," and this clause has been interpret- ed to authorize some do- mestic counter-intelli- gence activity, even though counter intelli- gence is technically the exclusive province of the FBI. Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Times Links Marine General To CIA Role in Ellsberg Case By Martin Well Washington Post Staff Writer Marine Corps Commandant Gen. Robert E. Cushman Jr., while deputy director of the Central Intelligence Agency in 1971, authorized CIA in- volvement in the,plot to burg- larize the office of Daniel Ellsberg's former psychiatrist, the New York Times reported in today's editions., Attributing its report to A CIA spokesman said that a detailed explanation of any CIA Involvement In the burg- lary plot has been given to the Department of Justice, and de- clined to comment further on the matter. In his testimony, Hunt, a CIA veteran, said the CIA provided cameras, disguises, false papers and other "tech- nical assistance" for the bur- glary operation. sources close to the Water-! gate case, The Times said Cushman, who left the CIA Jan. 1, 1972, and is now a mem- of the Joint Chiefs off ber Staff, authorized the use of ,, CIA help E. Howard Hunt Jr. and G. Gordon Liddy prepare for the break-in. Cushman acted at the re- quest of John D. Ehrlichman, :;who resigned last, week ail ,;President Nixon's chief - do- mestic affairs assistant, ac- cording to the Times report. Hunt, a convicted Watergate ,conspirator, has testified be- fore a grand, jury here that he and Liddy, also it convicted conspirator, sought to get In- formation from the break-in that would bear on the men- tal makeup, and "prosecuta- bility" of Ellsberg, who is on trial on charges of espionage and theft in the Pentagon Papers case. Efforts by The Washington h Cushman last P t t r a os o e c I night were unsuccessful. HS/HC-yJOQ Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 CIA material and research In the burglary. The Times. said that the gen- eral was questioned last week by'the FBI and is reported to have accepted full responsibil- ity for the decision to let the fA10 He described meetings with CIA agents In so-called "safe houses" -- secret hideaways - in Washington; and said he was given a "sterile," or un- listed, phone number, whose billings are not reflected. In addition, he said that when the break-in? turned up nothing the plotters went to the CIA for a psychiatric pro- file of Ellsberg, compiled. at second hand. Monday, Ma 7,1978 THE 'WASHINGTON_POST Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 THE EVENING STAR and DAILY NEWS Y A w h k ti / V1. C . , AI,n kyl May 7, IV" k tine operation Inside the Unit- w ` s By SEYMOUR M. IIERSII " t f'~" "?t~ " *u{ of t yF ~:J ed States. New York Times News Service. One source knowledgeable , k r e f 7 a e C f z~,yx i a~' 'r r+ Y x ~ Gen. Robert F. Cushman M,;"~ r !~ " x . { y$ about the Hunt-Liddy burgla- Na + 3 +' 3 n " r ,I+ ? ht xy Jr., the Marine Corps com- , x , N t14 dia' ~y+ a t+ } e a~ ry plan gave the following mandant who in 1971 Was cep jsaP~k version of how the agency's < a lY r rV cooperation was enlisted: Yr f~ es, director of the Central s ~~ kiss' f '' s t d 5 epu y Intelligence Agency, author- xt The CIA connection was ini- terial bated by Hunt, who had in ized the use of CIA ma and research in the burglary jlf Stant telephhone communica- ^'` lion with that agency and oth- . Daniel N Dr h f is is I of the office of 3 0 z sr EIlsberg's former psychic- er intelligence offices through ii, a s~r5 r a highly secure scrambler trist, sources close. to the, Watergate case say. m~, X telephone that he and Liddy s i ~~ ; ,,. r -k1 M , ordered installed in the y' ~, ?. The sources said yesterday that the general, who is now a , t quarters in the Executive Of- member of the Joint Chiefs of , flee Building, next to the. Staff, acted at the request of zs a~5 White House. John D. Ehrlichman, Presi- s t ~ ~ 5 q ? AFTER BEING told by a dent Nixon's chief adviser fort t9r ;i~iws 3 3r CIA official that further au is affairs until he re si gned thorny was needed before the domest signed last week.- 1"f#~,~t~,g,n agency could provide any as- CIA Cushman, who left the F t t ~'" ;} ~` v t, ! sistance, the source said, In 1971, was questioned by Hunt went to Krogh, who took FBI agents late last week, the he thhe problem to his superior, 'Y' '1 $; a t lt1 sources said, and reportedly Ehrlichman. accepted full responsibility Then the source went on. for the decision to permit the " CIA to help E. Howard Hunt Ehrlichmaan makes a Jr. and G. Gordon Liddy pre- telephone call to Cushman, pare for the break-in. and says, Hey, these guys need some chores done. Won't, GEN. ROBERT E. CUSUMAN JR. you take care of it?' Cushman Cushman could not be says,'OK I'll do it."' reached for comment. "There as absolutely noth- The federal prosecuting Hunt, a 20-year CIA veteran the Pentagon Papers to deter- " ; in in a was "tut source . team in the Watergate case ' who, along with Liddy and mine who was involved in the g writing," first learned of the burglary. five others, were arrested last ' disclosure of the documents. said. "There was only one call just a little lean-on call by at the office of Dr. Lewis year in connection with the Krogh, who reportedly has Ehrlichman. And then Hunt Fielding in an interview last Watergate bugging ^also told resigned histne~w Job as under and Liddy began asking for who resigned as c unsseel to the ' lieved that cooperation with : hasp sent a classified affidavit : safehouses and all the rest." trial court At the time of Ehrlichman's d b Eli b h erg s y to t e President last week. Then, in the CIA had been arrange grand jury testimony Wednes- one of his superiors, Egil , Friday in which he reportedly , alleged call, all the key intelli- day, Hunt told of utilizing CIA. Krogh Jr. accepted full responsibility gence agencies of the govern- disguises, fake identification At the time, according to, for the burglary. ment were said to be cooper. papers, and even a "safe' grand jury testimony, Krogh, Two sources confirmed ating with the Hunt-Lidddy house" In the Washington deputy to Ehrlichman was yesterday, however, that group. area that were provided by directly in charge of a special Krogh did not have the au- President Nixon was known the agency's clandestine sere' White House team that had thority to deal directly with to have been angered by the Ices, the so-called "dirty been set up in the aftermath the. CIA on such matters as disclosure of the Pentagon tricks" department... of the June 1971 .pubi c tion of arranging help fora dander- lee CUSUltl1AN. Pap M7 !7~,j. -.. , Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 ;i " ; Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 THE EVENING STAR and DAILY NEWS W6*bipla Q C. MondJ, Mir 7, 1973 ,.~ HMA t M 1 r'1 ^ 1? 1~ h mineral Clare id to Duralars' Continued From Page A-1 Papers, which were published in part by The New York Times in June 1971, and by publication by The Times a few months later of details of `r. the strategic arms agreement then being worked out by the White House and the Soviet Union. Ehrlichman, in a statement provided to the FBI and read at the Ellsbcru trial, acknowl- edged learning of the burgla- ry - which failed to produce ' , any of Ellsberg s psychiatric. lion oof the CIA's chaarter." records - after it took place, ?' and warning Krogh and the It others not to do it again. The legality of the agency's The complete connection cooperation with Hunt and between Hunt's White House Liddy is questionable. The operations and the CIA has Naational Security Act of not been fully determined. 1947, which set up the agency, One former high-ranking expressly bars it from having White House adviser said yes- any "police, subpoena, law- terday that Hunt had been enforcement powers or inter- recommended for his job with nal security functions." But ? the "plumbers" by Richard the maw als3 authorizes the Helms, former CIA director, agency to protect who was named ambassador. . "intelligence sources and i methods from unauthorized to Iran early this year . disclosurre" -- aan authority Attempts to reach Helms by thaat seems relevant to what telephone this weekend were the government viewed in unsuccessful. June, 1971, as the illegal theft ency officials refused to : and publication of the Pentda- A g ~".comment on the reported link gon Paapers, a secret De- I . between Ehrlichman and few Deepartment utuuY do r Cushman, but-one oofficial did the History of the Vietnam ? . war. confirm a repgrt in the Wasb- Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 ineton Post that an agency berg haad been prepaared ~ ,;?i (' Id, One source with close connections t the agency de- scribed maany senior aagen- cy officials as being "aangry f closures. "They feel that ir- reparable damaagge has been done by this to the CIA," the source said of the senior offi- cials. "They think the whole pr9ject was an absolute viola- 1! Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 ? c~ Mat eD.,-, f1-'~ e t? S, Published by THE EVENING STAR NEWSPAPER CO., Washington, D.C. JOHN H. KAUFFMANN, President NEWBOLD NOYES, Editor The CIA and Ellsberg HS/HC- 9, ro On and on come the ugly revela- tions, the almost daily disclosures of how this nation's political and judicial processes have been manipulated and corrupted. Now we learn that the Cen- tral Intelligence Agency shares heavi- ly in the responsibility for the Ellsberg case, which if not directly related to Watergate nevertheless helped set the stage for it and is indisputably part of the same poisonous syndrome. Start with the premise that, for its own purposes, the CIA had no interest in digging up damaging information on I)aniel Ellsberg and his role in leaking the Pentagon papers in June, 1971. But the White House surely did. And someone at the White House, pos- sibly John Ehrlichman, induced some- one high at CIA, probably General Robert E. Cushman, to authorize the use of the agency's clandestine serv- ices in the burglary of the office of Ellsberg's psychiatrist. That hap- pened in September, 1971, while Rich- ard Helms was still head of CIA and two months before General Cushman left his post as deputy director of the agency to become commandant of the Marine Corps. Meanwhile, and just as disturbing, the head of CIA's psycho- logical assessment unit was directed (by whom?) to cooperate with the White House in working up a psycho- logical profile of Ellsberg. At this point, the CIA-Ellsberg epi- sode is subject to any number of inter- pretations. Loose threads and unan- swered questions are everywhere. Yet even an interpretation most favorable to the'agency leads to conclusions that are devastating. The CIA, in brief, has been used and compromised and discredited in somewhat the same way that the FBI, under Patrick dray, was used and Watergate investigation. Perhaps it, was the guiltier of the two. For the CIA lent its offices to the perpetration of a shoddy crime, to the trampling of civil liberties and to a domestic sur- veillance operation that by law it had no business conducting even indirect- ly. It is difficult to believe that Helms, a canny and professional man,, would have known all this beforehand and consented to such an improbable venture as the Hunt-Liddy burglary of the psychiatrist's office. Of course, anything is possible, as the nation has learned with relentless regularity the last few weeks. General Cushman, even if his im- plication in the affair can be partially explained as unthinking, has a great deal to answer for. He is, to be sure, a distinguished military officer. He is also a longtime friend and supporter of the President's. Those two things need not have been incompatible. But in this case, apparently, they were. In the anything-goes pattern of Water- gate, an otherwise decent man ap- pears to have blocked off conscience and good judgment, and gone along with whatever the White House re- quested. At first the Watergate scandal was said to be the work of a few ideo- logical zealots. Lately, it has been fashionable to lay the blame on men close to the President with a super- loyal, ad-agency turn of mind. But the web of Watergate-Ellsberg spreads much farther than that. In the FBI, in Justice, now in the CIA, it involves men and vital institutions the Ameri- can public should have had every rea- son to trust, but now do not. Aside from the diminished stature of the presidency itself, that is what is hard- . ct to trArp Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 THE EVENING STAR and DAILY NEWS Wa.hinglon, 0. C., Tuesday, May 8, 1973 HS/HC- P4 -0 MARY McGRORY Tim e k o So un d the What Gen. Alexander Haig, President Nixon's pew chief of staff, might do is to sound the bugle for some "whiskey-drinking, poker-playing, evil old men" to fill the decimated ranks of the White House staff. 'II'he President has hint- ed that all pols are cads in the crunch - and his own record is compelling evi- dence on the point - but what most politicians have that was never exhibited by the clean-living Phari- sees who served Nixon was a sense of limits. They will do almost any- thing to get elected, but even a ward-heeler would have balked at forging cables in the name of a dead president. ,An honest rogue might have suggested caution in approaching the judge with a job offer in the middle of the Pentagon papers trial. "It wouldn't look right if it got out," he might have murmured. SOME THINGS ARE scared to the housebroken politician. J. Edgar Hoo- ver, for instance. But the later director was appar- ently inveigled into giving his approval for a White :House "investigation" of Daniel Ellsbcrg - an in- vestigation that should have been done by the FBI. The old man, it has been said hereabouts recently, would never have been lured into the trap that closed on his successor, L. Patrick Gray, who blindly accepted an order to con- duct a patsy probe of the Watergate. Gray was compromised, gangster-style, we have since learned. They have something on hrtn.. He burned "hot" documents passed to him in the White House by John Dean and John Ehrlichman. In 1971, Hoover may have been compromised himself. The White House had indulged his cry for the blood of the Berrigan brothers and their friends. SO PRESUMABLY the old man gave way in his turn. And the White House was literally turned into a den of thieves, something that might have shamed an old precinct worker, especially while prayer meetings were being held so ostentatiously under the same roof. Gov. Ronald Reagon offered the thought that the men around the Presi- dent were not "criminals at heart." That may be true. They were something more dangerous to a Re- public. They were barbari- ugle Ca31? Now the Marine Corps, another symbol of incor- ruptibility, has been dragged in. Its comman- dant, Gen. Robert Cush- man, when he was deputy director of the CIA, gave the White House all it asked in the way of masks and wigs and false papers, "safe" houses and "sterile" phone numbers when the burglary of Dan- iel Ellsberg's psychiatrist was being plotted in the Excutive Mansion. "Semper Fidelis" is the motto of the corps. Cush- man had served the Presi- dent as a military aide, and he knew the terrain. Fidelity to the president is all that counts. Seemliness is still elud- ing the men around the President, and, for the matter, the President him- self. H. R. Haldeman and Ehrlichman rode to the grand jury in White House cars. It was a touch of bravado perhaps. They once owned the govern- ment, they still command its trappings. It does not cross their minds that people might offended by the cavalier use of public property at a moment when their abuse of public trust was being attested to in courthouse a continent apart. They seized the govern- ment the way the Vandals fell on Rome. They sacked and pillaged it. They tore down the temples and smashed the statues. Noth- ing they had not tone themselves had any value. No institution, not tradi- tion, no idea beyond pow- er, had any meaning. They treated the FBI like a private detective agency. They made a mockery of the Justice Department. They used the CIA as a wardrobe and camera-supply house. It is against the law for the CIA to conduct comestic opera- tions. But for the men who wore the flag in their la- pels while excoriating those who burney}, it, there were no laws. < T. The emperor who pre- sided over the most mas- sive heist in the history of the Republic - the nation- al honor - is sitting in the ruins, issuing new decrees about executive privilege and new denials of his knowledge of what went on at his door and in his name. And self-respecting poli- tician would have long since resigned. Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 THE EVENING STAR and DAILY NEWS Washington, D. C., Twsday, May 8, 1973 SMITH HEMPSTONE A New It is now clear that the Cen- tral Intelligence Agency has been far more deeply impli- catted in the Watergate-Pen- tagon Papers scandal than had previously been suspect- ed. Earlier this week, the New York Times, quoting "sources close to the Watergate case," said that Gen. Robert E. Cushman Jr., the agency's former deputy director and now commandant of the Ma- rine Corps, authorized CIA assistance in the burglary of the office of Daniel Ellsberg's psychiatrist. The Times said Cushman, who is out of the country and has not comment- ed publicly on the allegation, acted at the request of former presidential counselor John D. Erhlichman. An indirect CIA connection with the Watergate Seven had been evident from the begin- ning of the affair last June. G. Gordon Liddy, the former White House consultant and operational chief of the hug- ging of Democratic national committee headquarters, had been an agent for the Federal Bureau of Investigation. E. Howard Hunt Jr., his deputy, had been the CIA agent who planned the aboritve Bay of Pigs invasion. James W. McCord had served 19 years in the CIA until his "retirement" in 1970; he became security chief of the Nixon campaign commit- tee in 1972, Cuban-born Ber- nard L. Barker worked with Hunt on the Bay of Pigs inva- sion, acting as a link between the CIA and the army of ex- iled Cubans. Frank Sturgis (alias Frank Fiorini) also was involved in the Bay of Pigs and has CIA connectikns. The two Cuban members of the raiding party, Eugenio R. Martinez and Vir- gilio R. Gonzalez, also had records of anti-Castro activi- ty. But the emphasis always was on a past CIA associa- cad of Pigs for CIA? tion. It was easy to believe this: Washington and Miami are full of former intelligence agents willing to undertake contract work which their col- leagues within the CIA would be forbidden by law to engage in (under the National Securi- ty Act of 1947, which created the agency, CIA's activities are restricted to work abroad). It now appears possible, even probably, that Liddy, Hunt and possibly others of the Watergate Seven had not in fact severed their relations with the intelligence commu- nity and were, indeed, operat- ing with the knowledge and consent of the CIA. These seemingly isolated but possibly interrelated events point to a pattern of CIA involvement: ? Hunt was hired by the Rob- ert R. Mullen & Co. public relations firm in 1970 on the personal recommendation of the then CIA Director, Rich- ard Helms. It is still unclear as to whose payroll Hunt was on after he joined the White House staff in the summer of 1971. ? In December of last year, when Watergate was just be- ginning to heat up, Helms was fired as CIA chief and shipped off to Teheran as ambassador to Iran. ?? Helms' successor, James R: Schlesinger, who came to CIA from the Office of Manage- ment and Budget via the Atomic Energy Commission, has been conducting a wide- spread purge of the agency. ?. 1-Lunt testified last week to the Watergate grand jury (according to a transcript released by attorneys for Pentagon Papers defendants Daniel Ellsberg and Anthony Russo) that the CIA provided him and Liddy with cameras, disguises, false identity pa- pers and other "technical assistance" for the burglary of the Beverly Hills office of Dr.. Lewis Fielding, Ells- berg's psychiatrist. Hunt told of meetings with CIA agents in two of the agency's "safe houses" - secret hideaways - in this city. He also told of being giv- en a CIA "sterile" telephone number - an unlisted number in which billings are not re- flected - to call when in need of "material" assistance. Hunt's grand jury testimo- ny can be given a great deal of credence because in it he correctly identified Dr. Ber- nard Melloy as the head of the CIA's psychiatric unit. Dr. Melloy's identity previously had been a closely held se- cret. He is not listed in the Washington, Maryland or Virginia telephone directo- ries, but he maintains a pri- vate office at 2520 Pennsylva- nia Ave., in addition to his CIA office in McLean, Va. Hunt also revealed, correctly, that Melloy's unit works up psychiatric profiles on per- sons "of interest" to the U.S. government. Ellsberg was the subject of one of these pro-. files; similar studies have been made of Fidel Castro and Leonid Brezhnev. Although Helms was ap- pointed head of the CIA by Lyndon Johnson in 1966, Pres- ident Nixon has close person- al links with the present depu- ty director of the CIA, Maj. Gen. Vernon A. Walters, as he had with Walters' predeces- sor, Gen. Cushman, the Ma- rine Corps commandant. Gen. Cushman was Nixon's naval aide during the former's vice presidential years. Gen. Walters was President Eisenhower's per- sonal interpreter and accom- panied Nixon on his disas- trous 1958 tour of Latin Amer- ica. - In short, it looks as if CIA may have been into the Wa- tergate-Ellsberg mess up to its clandestine ears. Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 James R. Scllesiiiger: To the Peniaigon ?y, FardAy, HHnsay#9-71 Fact-Finder. By Stuart Auerbach print on the CIA. Ile took Wnnhlnaton Post.Blsttf the ,joh as CIA direclor with a a mandate from ]'resident Pentagon briefers have Nixon coming when James xon to c lean out dead R. Schlesinger takes over as wood and to end the bicker- Secretary of Defense; he ing between the nation's in- hales the chart and slide telligence a'cnices. shows that military men Schlesinger worked so love to use to make their hard at the assignment that poinls when he came to work one . "tel.'s cut. out. that. Penta- day with a cast on his right gon baloney," he once told a hand a story went, around retired Air Force colonel, the agency that he had bro- . give me the facts." ken it pounding on his desk. 'l'hat.'s Schlesinger in a The new director com- nutshell: abrupt, impatient plained to Congress that, the with superficial trappings CIA is overloaded with over- and searching for facts; a are spies recruited during War man who knows the value of trouhleladjusting who have using shock tactics while trying to gain control of a more peaceful world. Ile he- sprawling federal agency. gars hushing caddy retire In his four years and ment, for some ' and has three months in government 'started reducing the CIA's - -almost the length of the 15,000 employees by at least Nixon administration- 10 per cent. Schlesinger has been shak- Moreover, he was ap- ing up the establishment. palled by some of the Mic- In 16 months as chairman key Mous,: supersecrecy at of the Atomic Energy Com- "the agency." mission he reorganized and lie ordered switchboard transformed It from a pro- operators to answer calls of nuclear power to a with "Central intelligence regulator of the atomic in- Agency." Employees now an- dustry. And then, before he swer the phone with their left, for the Central Tntelll names or office identifica- genee Agency, he persuaded tions (such as Vietnam President Nixon to pick an. Desk) instead of merely re- other maverick, Dixy Lee pealing the extension num- Ray, as the new AEC chair- beSrhlesinger also has Or- man, During the past four dered the removal of signs months he has put, his im- identifying the CIA head- quarters at Langley as a highway research station. Ile ordered new ones say- ing, "Central Intelligence Agency, Langley, Va.," in- stalled. Earlier this week he brought a display of candor rare to CIA directors when he admitted to a congres- sional committee that CIA assistance in a burglary at- tempt on the office of Dan- iel Ellsherg's psychiatrist was "ill advised." He pointed out three times however, that it occurred while Richard Helms was di- rector. This didn't endear Schle- singer to the "old boy" net- work in the CIA. One CIA veteran com- mented yesterday that "there wasn't a wet eye in the place" when word got out that Schlesinger was moving to the Pentagon. He will not be among friends when he moves to the Pentagon either.. During his two years with the Bu- reau of the Budget. and its successor agency, the Office of Management and Budget, Schlesinger was an overseer of the Defense Department's money requests. lie had a reputation for insisting that. better management ' could save defens: dollars. In the Nixon administ.ra- tion's first year, his friends report, he was personally re- sponsible for trimming $6 billion from the Pentagon budget. "11e had the hammer on the defense guys for more than a year," recalls a high- ranking Nixon aide. "He's made very few friends in the Pentagon." Nevertheless, Schlesinger indicated recently that the era of cutting defense spending should end. In a little-noticed speech deliv- ered last September when lie was still AEC chairman, Schlesinger said: "I am firmly persuaded that the time has come, if it has not already passed, to call a halt to the self-defeat- ing game of cutting defense outlays . .. It is an illusion to believe that we can main- tain defense forces adequate for our treaty obligations to, say, NATO and Japan, with sharp curtailment in de- fense expenditures suppos- edly directed only to waste and duplication." Schlesinger first came to President Nixon's attention through his work as assist- ant director of OMB, when he headed a survey team that in 1071 evaluated the nation's intelligence net- work. The report recom- mended the sweeping re- forms that Schlesinger was eventually to undertake. HS/11C- Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 HS/HC- 9J''Q Former White House counsel John W. Dean III says he believes that the Nixon administration is inveighing national securi- ty to force him to give "very limited testimony" in Watergate investiga- tions. Associates of Dean, who was fired by President :Nixon after becoming deeply implicated in the Watergate scandal, have offered further details behind his statement yes- terday charging an "ongoing effort" to see that he does not tell all he knows to a grand jury or to the Senate. His complaint inthat statement that someone was trying to put "restrictions" on his testi- mony was meant as a ref- erence to restraints in the name of national security as well as claims of privi- leged communications with the President, his associates said. These sources said that the stationing of FBI and Secret Service guards to watch over Dean's files at his White House office was behind his complaint that he was being kept from "obtaining relevant infor- mation and records." DEAN'S STATEMENT yesterday also said there were attempts to influence how federal prosecutors handled his testimony - a reference, associates said, to what Dean considers to be pressure to den y him immunity from prosecu- tion. In discussing Dean's suggestion that efforts were being made to "discredit me" or to "get me," associates cited a statement broadcast by CBS News that Dean did not want to go to prison principally because he was fearful of being mo- lested sexual) y. That is " a lie spread b y his enemies," one asso- ciate said. The argument that "national security" con- siderations dictated that. data relating to the Water- gate affair should not be given to investigators was used b y Dean himself, another former White House aide, Charles W. Colson, has declared. In an interview with FBI agents, made public yes- terda y during the Penta- gon Papers trial in Los Angeles, Colson said that the issue had come up at a meeting with Dean when they were discussing what he would sa y about FBI THE EVENING STAR and DAILY NEWS Washington, D. C., Friday, May 11, 1973 questioning of him on the Watergate affiar. COLSON SAID that he asked what he would do if the agents quizzed him about a bunglary that was related to government at- tempts to probe the leak of the Pentagon Papers to the newspapers. That bur- glary, of a psychiatrist's office in Los Angeles in 1971, has been related to the Watergate scandal because it was carried out by some of the same men convicted of the Watergate break-in. Dean advised him "that if asked, he was not to dis- cuss the matter inasmuch as it was a national securi- ty matter of the highest classification," Colson said. According to Colson's testimony, he received the same instructions from Ehrlichman in March or April of this year. Meanwhile, there were these other developments in the Watergate affair: ? Former Nixon campaign treasurer Hugh W. Sloan Jr., in sworn testimony released yesterday, said that a number of high Nix- on campaign and adminis- tration officials were aware - or had reason to be aware - last summer that the scandal might reach higher in the gov- ernment than was being publicly acknowledged. ? Gen. Robert E. Cush- man, former top CIA aide, who has been cited as the source of authority for the CIA to help equip the men taking part in the psychiatrist's office bur- glary, was preparing an affidavit on his role. Csh- man was scheduled to appear soon before two Senate committees prob- ing CIA involvement, per- haps later today. Aides to the general have been in- dicating the general did not know what the men in the burglary were plan- ning. - ? A CIA psychiatrist told senators yesterday that the personality profile he was ordered to prepare on Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Daniel Ellsberg, accused of stealing the Pentagon Papers, was the first of its kind ever made on an American citizen. The pro- file was prepared as part of the same Pentagon Papers leak-plugging ef- fort which involved the burglary of the office of Ellsberg's psychiatrist. Former CIA Director Richard Helms is sched- uled to appear early next week to tell what, if any- thing, he knows about the CIA role in the buglary episode. Nixon campgian aide Sloan, in his sworn testi- mony made pblic yester- day, indicated that Mau- rice H. Stans, chief fund- raiser of the Nixon campgian in 1972, had some inkling of the bug- ging scandal last summer. Sloan recounted how he became suspicious of the large amount of money being given Watergate conspirator G. Gordon Liddy, and asked Stans if deputy campaign director Jeb Stuart Magruder had the authority to approve such disuursemlents. Stans checked with campaign director John N. Mitchell - also indicted in the New York case yester- day - who said Magruder did have the authority, Sloan said. expressed concern gener- ally (to Stans) about the fact that the totals were mounting up without any knowledge on our part of what, in fact, had hap- pened to our money." Stans replied, Sloan said, "I don't want to know, and you don't want to know." Sloan also said that fol- lowing the June 17 arrests, Magruder asked Sloan to perjure himself at any forthcoming trial regard- ing how much money Sloan had given Liddy. Sloan said he refused to perjure himself - and did not do so - and said he began attempting to alert higher-ups in the Nixon Administration about what apparently was going on. But Dwight Chapin, then the President's appoint- ments secretary, brushed him off by saying: " . (1) you are over- wrought, and (2) the im- portant thing is to protect' the President, and (3) you ought to take a vacation." He then went to John D. Ehrlichma, then head of the President's domestic counsel and one of the top presidential advisors, he said. "I think I got as far as saying there were funds that I did not know where they went, and there might be a connection with the situation. He told me to go no further, that he didn't want any of the details, if I had any personal prob- lems I had a special rela- tionship with the White House and they would be glad to arrange anaattor- ney. "I said, `That isn't my concern. I just want you to know there is a problem over there,' and he said his position was that he would have to take execu- tive privilege until after i the election in any case." Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499ROO1000120003-0 The Weather Today--Cloudy, high in 70s, low in low 50s. The chance of rain is 50 per cent today an 20 per cent to- night. Saturday-Cloudy, high in upper 60s. Temp. range: Yesterday, 82-54; Today, 73.53. Details, Page C6. 96th Year ? . . . No. 157 (x91973. The Washington Post Co. Part-tiine Presidential Adviser JAMES R. SCHLESINGER EiRfense Secretary HS/Hc- ~Ja 0 WILLIAM E. COLBY .. . CIA director JOHN B. CONNALLY ... presidential adviser Tilt FRIDAY, By Carroll Kilpatrick Washington Post Staff Writer In a major administra- tion reshuffle forced by Watergate disclosures, President Nixon yester- day named CIA director James R. Schlesinger Secretary of Defense and former Treasury Secre- tary John B. Connally a part-time presidential ad- viser. Mr. Nixon said he will nominate William E. Colby, the C e n t r a I Intelligence Agency's deputy director for operations, to succeed Schlesinger. Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499ROO1000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 MAY 11, 1973 0 0 FINAL 108 Pages-4 Sections Amusements B12 Metro Classified C:12 Obituaries Comics D18 Outdoors Editorials A30 Religion Fed: Diary D19 Sports Financial D12 Style Gardens B18 TV-Radio Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Cl C10 D9 B20 D 1 B1 B11 6200 i,5c Phone 223.6000 clrcalation 223-6100 Maryland R a vir6lnts lOC Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 From the Defense Depart- ment, the President tapped .J. Fred Buzhardt Jr., the Pentagon's general counsel, to be special counsel to the President to handle all Wa- tergate matters affecting the White House. Yesterday's shift of posi- tions was the second major. one in less than two weeks. On April 30, the ('resident announced the resignations of IT. R. (Bob) Haldeman, John D. Ehrlichman and John W. Dean ill from the White House staff and of Richard G. Klcindienst as Attorney General. That day, the President moved Elliot L. Richardson from Secretary of Defense to the post of Attorney Gen- eral. Richardson, former Secretary of Health, Educa- tion and Welfare, had been at the Pentagon only since Feb. 1. Like Richardson, Schlesinger' had just taken over the CIA directorship in February, after serving as chairman of the Atomic En- ergy Commission. The President also told his Cabinet yesterday, at a meeting attended by both Connally and Schlesinger, that there would be more di- rect personal communica- tions with each member. Mr. Nixon said he was ending the "super - Cabinet" ar- rangement, in which three Cabinet. officers had broad- ened responsibility and acted as counselors to the President, press secretary Ronald L. Ziegler reported. The three who revert to regular Cabinet status are James T. Lynn of the Trans- portation Department, Cas- par W. Weinberger of Health, Education and Wel- fare, and Earl L. Butz, of Agriculture. Secretary of the Treasury George P. Shultz will retain his added See PRESIDENT, A12, Col. 5 The Watergate Former Attorney General John N. Mitchell and for- mer Commerce Secretary Maurice Stans were indicted in New York yesterday on charges of lying to a federal grand jury and obstructing justice by interfering with a government investigation. New Jersey politician Harry Sears and financier Robert Vesco were indicted in the same case. In Washington, the White House announced another major shakeup in the management of the government- CIA Director James Schlesinger was nominated for Sec- retary of Defense; William Colby, a career CIA man, was nominated as his successor; Texan John B. Connally accepted a part-time job as a presidential adviser; De- fense Department Counsel Fred Buzhardt was shifted to the White House as a special counsel. At. The same time, three "super-Cabinet'' posts were abolished. There were new disclosures in Los Angeles at the Pentagon' papers trial of Daniel Ejlsberg. Some of his conversations, the government disclosed, were inter- cepted from a phone tap-in place more than a year- at the home of a former high government official, Mor- ton Halperin. Arguments to dismiss the case against Ells- berg will be heard today. Hugh W. Sloan Jr., treasurer of President Nixon's re- election campaign, disclosed in a deposition that he had warned the White House and his superiors last year that campaign officials may have been involved in the Water- gate case. Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Garment will be in Chief Named ,( / t.ion the President h a s I promise([ to guard against future corruption in noliti- PRESIDENT', From Al assignment as assistant to the President. In yesterday's actions, the President followed a pattern he set earlier in reorganiz- ing his administration in the wake of the Watergate dis- closures and the resulting resignations. He turned to (old and trusted advisers in- stead of going outside. However, informed sources said' that the President emphasized in the Cab- inet meeting and in a meet- ing with Republican con- gressional leaders that he would move outside that close circle in future ap- pointments. In the past, a criticism in Congress, among Cabinet of- ficers and from the press was that presidential aides Haldeman and Ehrlichman erected a "Berlin wall" around the President, shielding him from cr i t i c s and friends alike. Mr. Nixon reportedly promised to enlarge and strengthen the White House legislative staff under Wil- liam E. Timmons and to make himself more fre- quently available to mem- bers of Congress. The Cabi- net departments were In- structed to strengthen their legislative liaison as well and to seek Capitol Hill con- tacts on a bipartisan basis. Mr. Nixon also promised a decentralization of authority away from the White House and to the Cabinet depart- ments. With Gen. Alexander M. Ilaid Jr. now the White house staff chief instead of Haldeman, there will be a different approach, with more reliance on the estab- lished bureaucracy, more freedom for departments to be true executors of policy and with new pledges to spread rather than to 'con- tract. authority. Whether the new prom- ises will be carried out re. mains to be seen, but the change in intentions reflects Approved For the extent to which the President has been shaken out. of old habits. Reports on Capitol Hill that he is considering bring- iing Secretary of State Wil- liam P. Rogers into the White House and making national security adviser Henry A. Kissinger Secretary of State were denied by an official spokesman. Connally, w h' o recently switched to the Republican Party, will serve without pay and will have no opera- tional responsibilities, Zieg- ler said. Connally will make himself available on a part- time ' basis whenever the President. wishes to consult him, the press secretary ex- plained. The rest of his time Con- nally will devote to his law practice in Houston. Zieg- ler insisted that there would he no conflict of interest between Connally's public and private life. In answer to questions, Ziegler said the P>;csident could consult anyone he wishes, but that he was sure he would not consult Con- nally on oil problems, for example, since Connally's law firm represents oil in- terests.. They will consult i on a broad range of matters," for- eign as well as domestic, but the President does not ex- pect to give Connally speci- fic operational assignments, Ziegler said. "I am sure the President cal campaigns, Ziegler said, and will have all the other duties of a White House counsel. Garment was named act- 1ng counsel after Dean's de- parture from the post last week. The new Secretary of De- fense-designate, taught eco- nomics at the University of Virginia and was a senior member of the Rand Corp. before joining the govern- merit in 1969. While an as- sistant director of the, Of- fice of Management and Budget, a report he pre- pared caught the President's attention. From OMB, Schlesinger moved to the chairmanship of the AEC and more recently to the CIA. Ills successor at the CIA, Colby, has spent three dec- ades in intelligence, starting with the Office of Strategic Services in World War IL' He served as first secretary of the U.S. embassy in Sai- gon from 1959 to 1962 and then. he returned to Wash- ington as chief of the CIA's Far East division. In 1968, he went back to Vietnam and took over the pacifica- tion program until June of 197.1. Buzhardt practiced law in South Carolina before com- ing to Washington in 1961, where he worked for eight ,years on the staff of Sen.. Strom Thurmond. He joined the Defense Department in 1969. and Governor Connally would in any discussion eliminate anything that would involve conflict of interest," Ziegler main- tained. While the Connally and Buzhardt appointments are, for an interim period, Zieg- ler indicated they may last mot,ths rather than weeks. The exact lines of author- ity between special counsel Buzhardt and acting pres- idential counsel Leonard Garment were not spelled out iri the Ziegler announce- ment, but both appear to have some responsibility in ,Watergate matters while Buzhardt has the major re- snonsibilit.v- it Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 CROSBY S. NOYES THEEVENOtO , DSTAR ~add/Day 17 9i W 3 Nixon Cc, We are ,talking about legalities - about a sense of fair play - about the awesome trauma that might be involved in the deposition of a president. We are talking, in short, about what may happen and studiously evading the implications of what al- ready has happened. The central issue of the Watergate affair - which now, of course, includes the Ellsbcrg and Vesco affairs - it seems to me, is the issue of the abuse of presidential authority. And on the basis of what is now undisputed public knowledge, there can be no doubt that the abuses were many and flagrant. From the outset of this administration, the issue of presidential authority has been one of strenuous .contention between the White House and the Con- gress, mostly relating to the war-making power.,; of the President as Com- mander-in-Chief and the use of armed forces in the Indochina conflict. Water- gate has abruptly trans- ferred the issue to the domestic scene. The inherent advantages of an incumbent president at election time have al- ways been recognized and conceded. Regardless of campaign finances, no one else has the same power to mobilize public opinion or to manipulate events at home and abroad to his political advantage. What has not been rec- ognized or conceded - until now - is that an, in- cumbent president faced with an election can assert IIN/IIC- 9 f D his powers as commander- in-chief to mobilize the apparatus of the federal government in his own behalf. That this was done in the last election - with or without the President's personal knowledge and consent - is beyond doubt. To a degree that is yet to be fully established, the Justice Department, the Central Intelligence Agen- cy and the State Depart- ment - to say nothing of the White House itself - have all become implicat- ed in the skulduggery en- gineered by the men al- ready tried and convicted for the Watergate break- in. And in each case it is abundantly clear that the officials involved believed that they were acting in accordance with the wish- es - if not on the direct orders - of the President himself. Take, just for one exam- ple, the case of Gen. Rob- ert Ii. Cushman Jr., the former deputy director of CIA and now commandant of the Marine Corps. Cush- man, by his own admis- sion, never doubted for a minute that White House aide John D. Ehrlichman was speaking for the Pres- ;dent when F,hrlichman asked him to place the fa- cilities of the CIA at the disposal of E. Howard Hunt Jr., later convicted in the Watergate conspira- cy. As the result of this re- quest, the CIA provided Hunt with a variety of ex- otic spy equipment, includ- ing voice-modifiers, cam- eras, wigs and hidden tape recorders used in burglar- 0-1 0 izing the office of Daniel Ellsberg's psychiatrist in September 1971. It was not until considerably later, Cushman says, that he became suspicious of Hunt and called off the deal. The implications of this incident are frightening. Regardless of who may have been at fault, the fact that the CIA was put to use by the likes of E. Howard Hunt - on the orders of the man who now runs the Marine Corps - reflects a corruption at the top levels of command in this coun- try that is quite simply intolerable. It is small comfort to be assured by Sen. John L. McClellan, D- Ark., that he doesn't think Cushman "would do it again." . It has been pointed out that I have supported the policies of Richard Nixon - which have been, par- ticularly in the area of foreign affairs, a modifica- tion of the policies of Lyn- don Johnson, John Kenne- dy and Dwight Eisenhow- er - with some enthusi- asm and consistency. I still do. If this adminis- tration could be judged entirely - or even pri- marily - on its diplomatic performance -on the skill with which it has extricat- ed us from our involve- ment in Vietnam - on the way it has exploited our influence with adversaries and friends in the interest of world peace - Nixon, in my book, deserves a large measure of gratitude and applause. But the President of the United States cannot be 'judged or exonerated by A-21 one aspect of his leader- ship, no matter how impor- tant. The dimensions of his power forbid categorically any gross abuse of that power, at the risk of enor- mous danger to the nation. It is impossible to deny that this has happened. Innocent as the Presi- dent himself may be, his administration has been discredited as no adminis- tration within my recollec- tion by the Watergate dis- closures. Talk of protect- ing the "rights of the defendant" as against the "rights of the government" is absurd in a situation where the exec- utive is itself the defend-' ant. The measure of accepta- bility of all presidential appointments at this point - including notably the "special prosecutor" - is how independent they will be of executive direction - in short, how relentless they will be in "getting to the bottom" of this tragic affair - which, of course, really means getting to the top. Quite properly, the Pres- ident has assumed full responsibility for the ap- palling abuses of the pub- lie trust that were commit- ted by his people in his name. It is no longer a question of proving fore- knowledge, complicity or criminality of any kind. No matter how fair-minded the American people may be, they will not suffer a leadership that has be- trayed and humiliated them. I for one am con- vinced that when Nixon realizes the extent to which his authority has Decn shattered by these -vents, he will resign. Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 .A30 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 06t AN INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER 'Watergate and the CIA The rush of events has cast the impression that the Central Intelligence Agency, too, was caught up in the crisis of governance known as Watergate and was somehow despoiled or suborned. But such a compre- hensive indictment should not be handed down casually. A closer look at the three main episodes of Watergate- CIA. involvement suggests another and more complex view.. In the first episode, in July-September 1971, the CIA was asked by John Ehrlichman to give retired CIA em- ployee Howard Hunt, then identified as a White House security consultant, technical help for an undisclosed mission. The Pentagon Papers had just been published. the . CIA's legislative charter gives it "responsibility for protecting intelligence sources and methods from unauthorized disclosures," and in that context the then- deputy director, Gen. Robert Cushman, who had long known Mr. Ehrlichman and who had also served as a personal aide to Vice President Nixon, granted tech- nical aid to Howard Hunt. But he was put off by Hunt's manner; the agency, learning that "domestic clandestine operations" were involved, cut the Hunt link. in five weeks; General Cushman quickly informed. Mr. Ehrlichman. The burglary of Daniel Ellsberg's psychiatrist took place a month later. At the same time, CIA .Director Richard Helms, in the same context of an. ostensible White House investigation of security leaks, ordered up a CIA psychiatric profile of Mr. Ellsberg at White House request. His successor, James Schlesinger, later termed-these missions "III advised." In the second episode, beginning only six days after the Watergate break-in of June 17, 1972, top White house aides reportedly tried on repeated occasions to induce the CIA to halt an l"l11 probe into the "laundered" Mexican money that financed the break-in (by having the CIA invent a false rationale that the probe would compromise CIA sources); those aides then asked CIA to use secret funds to "go bail or pay the salaries" of Watergate conspirators. By available testimony, the CIA resolutely rejected these entreaties. Gen. Vernon Wal- ters, . the then-deputy director and also a formei` aide to Vice President Nixon, even said he would resign and go to the President before so compromising the agency. In the third episode, in early 1973-by then, 'Water- gate" was rapidly unfolding-the White House sought to have the CIA receive back (knowingly) the Ellsberg burglary materials it had blindly given Hunt in 1971. The CIA absolutely refused. Ji RIDAY, MA So what do we have? In all three episodes, the White House trampled over the provision of the CIA's charter specifying that the agency function "under the National Security Council" and it sought to turn the CIA to purposes having at best a tenuous connection to the agency's intelligence mandate-even tie way the White House presented it-and at worst no connection what- soever. In the episodes involving the Mexican money and the receiving back of Ellsberg burglary materials, successive CIA directors and their deputies stood 'off fierce White House pressure aimed at forcing them to violate the spirit and letter of their charter. In the episode involving aid for a mission whose purpose was at first unknown to the CIA, the agency recovered promptly when it got a better sense of what was going on. The, further question arises of whether Mr. Helms should have reported, either to the President or Con- gress, whatever may have been his suspicion or knowl- edge at various times that something sour was going on. We submit that no final answer can be offered until there becomes available a fuller record not only of precisely what Mr. Helms told Congress last February and March and again in the last few days, but also of the steps he may have taken to protect the CIA from taint before he was relieved of the agency's director- ship. To establish a kind of base line, we think it ap- propriate meanwhile to recall a rare public speech Mr. Helms gave in April 1971, before any of the known inci- dents had occurred, in which he spoke with feeling and 'sensitivity of the difficult role of a secret intelligence agency in a free society. The CIA operates "under constant supervision and direction of the National Se- curity Council," he said. It assumes only "normal re- sponsibilities for protecting the physical security of our own personnel, our facilities, and our classified infor- mation . . . In short, we do not target on American citizens." To the extent that the integrity of the professional intelligence community may have been compromised, we think it necessary to look first to the White House. It was the men there who in their cavalier abuse of power and their contempt for the institutions of Ameri- can government-even an institution as sensitive as the CIA-tried but, it seems, largely failed to compromise and subvert the CIA. HS/11C .94 0 ti Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Agency Rejected Plea By OSWALD JOHNSTON Star-Yews Staff Writer White House aides seeking to enlist CIA aid in covering up the Watergate case last summer tried to get agency officials to pay "scared" and "wobbling" witnesses from top secret funds, appar- ently to hide their connection with the Nixon re- election campaign, a top CIA official has charged. . According to an affidavit by the CIA deputy director, Lt. Gen. Vernon A. Walters, prepared Sat- urday and made available late yesterday, former White House counsel John W. Dean III specifically asked that "covert action funds" be used to pay bail costs and salaries for the Watergate burglars. Use of funds earmarked for foreign "covert actions" normally requires a directive from the President himself. Dean was "much taken aback," Walters reported, when he was told CIA funds could not be used for domestic purposes without specific approval by Congress. ACCORDING TO Walters' affidavit, which in most respects paralleled his closed-door testimony m recent days before a Senate committee, Dean made this request June.27, 1972 = 10 days after a team of five headed by a former CIA agent was dis- covered inside Democratic party headquarters at the Watergate here. During the meeting, Walters said, Dean "reviewed the Watergate case, saying that some witnesses were getting scared and were `wobbling.' I said that no matter how scared they got, they could not involve the CIA because it was not in- volved in the bugging of the Watergate." See CIA, Page A-o Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 D Continued From Page A-1 Dean then made his request: "He then asked if the CIA could not furnish bail and pay the suspects' salaries while they were in jail, using covert action funds for the purpose." IN MAKING the re- que: can was asking the CiA deputy to draw on a top secret fund which is specifically committed in the CIA's budget, itself highly classified, to clan- destine operations over- seas. The covert action fund is under the jurisdiction of the deputy director of plans, the agency's de- partment of "dirty tricks," and is used for such secret operations as bribing candidates or vot- ers in elections and med- dling more violently in the domestic affairs of other nations. The 1961 Bay of Pig, ` vasion of Cuba, the 195, ip that restored the Shah to control of Iran, or the more recent clandes- tine war in Laos were all eligible for funding from the covert action fund. Under CIA operating regulations, set forth in a series of highly classified memorandums handed down by the National Se- curity Councils of succes- sive presidents, covert action operations and their funding must be cleared by the top-secret "Forty Committee" in the White House. THIS COMMITTEE, named after a numbered National Security Council memorandum, is the suc- cessor to the similarly named "303 Committee." It is composed of repre- sentatives from CIA, the State Department the Defense Department and the Joint Chiefs, and is chaired by Henry A. Kis- singer. It is responsible for approving all clandestine operations by CIA opera- tives, and it carries the express authority of Presi- dent Nixon. Walters rejected Dean's request out of hand. His affidavit continues: "I replied that this was out of the question. It would implicate the agen- cy in something in which it was not implicated." He added, in an evident refer- ence to the Forty Committee. "Any such action by the agency would imply an order from the highest level, and I would not be a party to any such action." He also pointed out that using the covert action fund for a domestic opera- tion would violate another CIA regulation designed to keep the agency, which is governed by the National Security Act of 1947, out of inte-nal security opera- tions. When the CIA spent money for operations in- side the United States, Walters explained, "We had to report this to the Oversight Committees of the agency in Congress." 1 Walter's affidavit and to THIS WAS a clear warn- ing to Dean that the White House group he represent- ed, which included H. R. Haldeman and John D. Ehrlichman, could not rely on a CIA cover to hide payments to the Water- gate burglars. It evidently dismayed Dean. "He was much taken aback by this." Walters reports, adding that Dean at length agreed that "the risks of implicating the CIA and FBI in this matter would be enormous." Walters added: "I said that what was now a pain- ful wound could become a mortal one. What was now a 'conventional explosion could be turned into a mul- ti-megaton explosion." Dean's request for cov- ert funds to pay the Water- gate suspects was evident- ly the second part of a White House effort to en- list the CIA in covering up the source of funds for the Watergate team's fi- nances. Earlier, according to the Senate testimony made public in recent days. Haldeman and Ehrlich- man had tried to order CIA interference in an FBI probe of campaign funds which had been "laundered" through a Mexico City bank. Meanwhile, in a continu- ing probe of CIA responsi- bility in the case. former CIA Director Richard M. Helms faces two commit- tees today: Sen. Stuart Symington of Missouri's Armed Services Commit- tee, where Walters made his disclosures earlier this week, and Rep. Lucien N. Nedzi of Michigan's intelli- gence subcommittee of House Armed Services. Helms yesterday report- edly told a special subcom- mittee of the Senate Ap- propriations Committee chaired by John L. Mc- Clellan, D-Ark., that he had been concerned by what White House aides were ordering the CIA to do in covering up Water-' gate, but that Helms made no effort to warn Presi- dent Nixon what was going on. Helms, currently ambas- sador to Iran, has been recalled from his post to explain CIA involvement with White House staff operations. He will be on call for further testimony. McClellan said. testify: Haldeman, Ehr- lichman and David R. Young. According to Mc- Clellan's account, Helms, in most details, corrobor- ated the earlier testimony of Walters that Haldeman, Ehrlichman and Dean sought CIA interference in an FBI investigation relat- ed to the Watergate case. "Mr. Helms and the CIA were seriously im- posed upon," McClellan said. "They tried to do as little as 'they could, and finally refused to do what was required of them." McClellan said Helms was "concerned" when Haldeman and Ehrichman sought CIA interference in an FBI probe of the Re- publican campaign funds which were "laundered" through a Mexico City bank before winding up in the bank account of one of the Watergate conspira- tors. Helms was likewise aware of a White House request that the CIA pay bail charges for five men arrested in the Watergate last June and pay their salaries. ' THE CIA director did not, however, try to tell Nixon about it, McClellan said. "He didn't feel he was called on to go to the President. As I understand the facts, he remained si- The Senator said that lent." three White House aides Helms, as director of implicated in administra- Central Intelligence and lion efforts to involve the enjoying enhanced author- CIA in domestic opera- ity after a 1971 reorganiza- tions would be called on to Lion of the intelligence community, could reps directly to the Preside and the National Securi Council. Asked'if he would ha done the same thing Helms' position, McC}rr," told reporters, "I thin' would have warned President. I would his come forward if I tho a cloud was being r over my agency." McClellan, howe'rz refused to criticize Heir, directly for his reticent "These requests w coming from t9 President's top men. McClellan pointed out. Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 NoW, *"W Watergate NIX U1 I Pg THE PIECES Big changes are taking place-with the Pres- ident moving to restore confidence in the White House, seeking to rebuild an Adminis- tration damaged by the Watergate scandal. A sweeping overhaul of the Executive Branch of the Government is now under way as President Nixon picks up the pieces of the Watergate wreckage. Some of the President's closest friends and most-trusted advisers have resigned or been swept out of office. As May be- gan, only a few of their places had yet been filled on a permanent basis. More shifts were foreseen. The Watergate scandal itself kept on spreading. Almost every day a new de- velopment pointed an accus- ing finger at some new vic- tim. Forecasts were that a federal grand jury, when it completes its investigation, will hand down a number of criminal indictments-includ- ing the names of several men who served at the side of the President. Some processes of govern- ment were slowed as the housecleaning removed key administrators or shifted theta to new jobs. Most heavily af- fected were the White House itself, which lost top members of its staff; the Defense De- partment, left temporarily without a full-time chief; the Justice Department, put tnt- der new management; the Federal Bureau of Investiga- tion, with its second Acting Director in a year; and the Environmental Protection dministrator FBI. There were omens of trouble for the President in his efforts to win enactment of his legislative program. And the Nixon hope of building a "new majority" to extend his party's control of the Govern- ment was conceded to have been set back. In the President's time of political trouble one bright ray shone through for him: On May 2, John Connally, a for- mer Texas. Governor who had served 18 months in the Nixon Cabinet, switched from the Democratic to the Republican Party. That story begins on page 26. The Republican Party which Mr. Con- nally joined was riven by dissension. Many Republicans, looking to future elections, were trying to disassociate themselves from the Watergate affair- and all who had any connection with it. Democrats are seizing on the scandal as an opportunity to strengthen their hands in their battles with President Nixon in Congress and with the Repub- licans in the coming elections of 1974 and 1976. All this was in the mind of the Presi- dent as he made a big move on April 30. Responsibility accepted. In a dra- matic appearance on nationwide tele- vision, Mr. Nixon denied personal guilt in the burglarization and hugging of the Democratic Party headquarters at the Watergate complex last June. But he accepted "full responsibility"-as the boss-for what the appointees (lid. Saying "there can be no whitewash at the White House," he pledged action to purge his Administration of the possibili- ty for such abuses in the future. The full text of the Nixon address begins on page 70. A purge of the President's official family began even before he spoke. Among those resigning were H. R. Hal- deman, the White House chief of staff, and John Ehrlichman, the President's top adviser on domestic affairs. Both had been named in leaked re- ports to the press as implicated in an at- tempt to cover up the involvement of Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 rcontinued tr- ,.--41-- 1 a a r Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 - White House aides in the bugg~ ot. F m The acceptance of their resignations was described by Mr. Nixon as "one of the most difficult decisions of my Presiden- cy," and he praised them as "two of the finest public servants" he knew. There was no such expression of presi- dential unhappiness at the simultaneous departure of John W. Dean III, the White House legal counsel. It was Mr. MAJOR CHANCES 1N NIXON COMMAND John 1). Fbilichniall, t(' adviser to the President John W. Dean. IIT, lega to the President. Jcb Stuart Magruder Secretary of Cirtrtmei ce. Gordon Stcach in g c ni t? tl c.oiu sel to the (1 S, Infornvitio i A*Uicy IN-Old hands in new jabs Gen. Alexander Al. .llaig.- jr; chosen iitleriiii chief of thea Whitik House staff, rioting froth dl{` prast,of Elliot L. Richardson, noniiiuaCcd as Attorney General, thovi 1 T over: ~ from job as Secretary of .~Dt [cn c \Villiani T), Bitekelsh us, it.ua7eG1 , as Actin; l)irectoi' of P'13fora(.1" Director of hnvirournental Pr-otec'tioii: legal counsel to the President, tticiv ing from post as spt cial coon ttltant Dean who had been ordered to make the original investigation and report which the President used as the basis for deny- ing for months any involvement by any- one on his staff. Out, at the sane time, went Attorney General Richard Kleindicnst. Although not personally linked with the bugging, lie said lie resigned because of his close relations with some persons involved. To replace Mr. Kleindienst as Attorney General-and to take over the Watergate prosecution-Mr. Nixon appointed Elliot Richardson. An old friend, Mr. Richard- son had already served Mr. Nixon as Secretary of Health, Education and Wel- fare, then as Secretary of Defense. President Nixon described Mr. Rich- ardson as "a man of unimpeachable integ- rity" and said: "I have given him absolute authority to make all decisions bearing upon the prosecution of the Watergate case and related matters. I have instructed him that if he should consider it appropriate, he has the authority to name a special supervising prosecutor for matters arising out of the case." This idea of a special prosecutor, in- dependent of the Administration, drew strong support in Congress, and Mr. Richardson indicated to several Senators that he would bring in such a man. With the Watergate's criminal prose- cution placed in new and trusted hands, the President turned to rebuilding the shattered command structure of his Ad- ministration for the tasks of governing the nation that lie ahead. The rebuilding begins. Among Presi- dent Nixon's early moves were these: ? David Packard was tagged as his choice to succeed Mr. Richardson as Secretary of Defense. Mr. Packard, a California industrialist, was Deputy De- fense Secretary 1969 through 1971. ? Gen. Alexander M. Haig, Jr., was brought back to the White House as co- ordinator of the President's staff, succeed- ing Mr. Haldeman. General Ilaig's term of service was described as indefinite-perhaps long term. Since January, lie has been Vice Chief of Staff of the Army. Before that, he served in the White Ilo>1 w to .0 0 C ca 0.3 ca % Oro. C ro to .+q W A 4. q y ro ro CA cd y.~gvrooto Q 3H3 ~,~~ tgro [wa W?;Ay 0 0 b u a q d 00 td -~ "~ t> am. O~ to 0 0 rov, d'o G9ro q a)ro cu .0 y .. Od d 4) ca .0 cu - U ?, v V +?, 00 C ro q ?n . q a q ?~ y A 4? 0o . a) N trot, (y [y 0) .a O U H m :CO ~+ O ca q 0) U) L. S. .. + . +, 4)i ) 10 O ca 4)i 'o 4Ui 0 u) a) a1 .D a' -~i O a) t, w q E tkO pCO Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 M 117 Z --7, ' t+,~ A? m' y Q' O 0 m `C 'y m fD? 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