THE BLAME FALLS ON CASEY

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CIA-RDP91-00901R000600420014-4
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December 19, 2016
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December 27, 2005
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14
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October 28, 1984
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Approved Far_ Release 2006/01/17 :CIA-RDP9,1.00901 R '~-*PQ WASHINGTON POST 28 October 1984 .Joseph Kraft the Blame Fails .01"Ll Casey:. The Central Intelligence Agency is going into the public pillory again. But this time nobody can blame those favorite whipping boys-the liberals of the 1970s. This time the blame falls squarely on the CIA and its present director, William Casey. Under his tutelage, the agency has misled the White House and Congress, thus shattering the base of bipartisan. support for intelli- gence activities. The agency originally came into bad odor in the wake of Watergate and the Vietnam War? Investigation by a Sen. ate committee headed by the late. Frank Church of Idaho showed that the CIA had a hand in all kinds of dirty operations, including attempted assas- sinations. . In that period, those who tried to defend the agency as a valuable na- tional resource could at least argue that the temper. of the times was sour. Unfortunately, ;jimmy Carter made one of his worst appointments in nam- ing Adm. Stansfield Turner to be di- rector of Central Intelligence. Turner very early began a feud, which. he is still indulging in, ; with the "old boy" network of CIA veterans. But there were figures in Congress, particularly among defense-minded Democrats, who saw the need to re. build. They. worked behind the scenes to make more money available to the agency and to restore morale. A 'good example is Sen. Daniel Moynihan, the New York Democrat, who has been serving as vice chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee. "When I came in," Moynihan re- called recently, "I asked myself whether we shouldn't scrap the CIA and start over again. The officers who came up here looked so. damaged. They eauldn t"think -on their feet. They couldn't play checkers,-let alone chess. They were good people who had been hurt. But . of course - we couldn't close it down. So we tried healing. We gave them money and told them they were first rate. And there were signs of progress." The progress halted with the appoint- ment of Casey as director in 1981, and the onset of covert operations in Nicara- gua.'Casey would have been' an embar- rassment to any bureau of government. Before becoming'director, he was mixed up in charges of plagiarism and was hip deep in Watergate. At the agency, he was involved in smelly stock transac- tions, dubious testimony on the Carter briefing book and - association with shabby characters. A former Republican secretary of state, trying to defend Casey, could only say, "He's not as sleazy as he looks." As to Nicaragua, the right-wing dictatorship of the Somozas ? was ousted in 1979. The successor re- gime, democratic' at first, quickly yielded to a group called the Sandinis tas, with ties to Cuba and the Soviet Union and a background in Marxism- Leninism: The United States under- took to harass the Sandinistas by sup- porting against them a guerrilla force known as the contras "From the first it didn't feel right," Moynihan said' of the CIA operation against the Sandinistas. "You knew you' were dealing with one part of the agen cy, not the whole. Somewhere in that place were a group of people like ai out- fit in a Le Carre novel. They were look- ing for somebody to give them a job' again. Some of their briefings about their plans came close to fantasizing. Then they began to hide things." One operation hidden from the Sen- ate committee was the mining of Nica- raguan harbors. When events dis-' closed the fact, Barry Goldwater, the committee. chairman, fired off an angry message. to Casey.. Moynihan. tried unsuccessfully to find out what had happened. Then, on April 12; 1984, President. Reagan's national se- curity adviser, Robert McFarlane, told a conference at Annapolis that "every important detail" of the mining had been "shared in full" with the con- gressional committee.. s rotest s against ung ca e a - liar in public,' Moynihan resigned as vice chairman. Casey, prodded by the White House, made a public apology to the committee. Moynihan claims that McFarlane told him that in reporting to the White House, the CIA had been "either disingenuous or outright wrong." A second case of "hiding" now surfaces with the manual written by a contract employee of the CIA which advised the contras to "neutral- ize," or assa. nate, Sandinista officials. The Senate committee was not told of that manual; which sanctioned terrorism and violated a presidential order. In the foreign policy debate, President Reagan said -the- manual had been heavily ex- cised both by the CIA in the field and at headquarters. He claimed only a handful of the original manuals was distributed. That turns out to be a cock-and-bull story. There was little editing, and hun- dreds of manuals were distributed. But what the president said was what the CIA had told the White House. . Obviously something is very wrong. Congressional support for the agency is now almost nil. Moynihan says of Casey and the agency, "It breaks .my heart. We need an intelligence capacity. But they're hurting themselves and they don't know it. They still don't under- stand they are damaging the president, not helping trim.". .. Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000600420014-4 FILE A For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000600420014-4 OMAItAFl GATEWAY (NE) 26 October ?1984 Former CIA head addresses current issues in speech By KAREN NELSON The Central Intelligence Agency should suspend covert ac- tions in Lebanon and Nicaragua, at least temporarily, according to a former CIA head. Stansfield Turner, head of the CIA from 1977 until 1982, spoke at Creighton University last Tuesday night. Turner said that pulling out of Beirut temporarily would be one way to pressure the Lebanese government into providing more security for the American embassy. "There was no excuse for that truck bomb in Beirut," Turner said. "We can't build ourselves into high walls and barricades." Reliance on local informants, offering some intelligence ser- vices to the Lebanese government and paying more attention to physical defense of the embassy might have prevented some of the terrorism, Turner said. "In Lebanon, we work with the local police," he said. "They become a small network of informants who turn in a small clue now and then. Eventually, the clues can be all pieced together." Turner said the situation in.Nicaragua was "but of control." Although the CIA knew about Cuban support for the Sandinistas when the takeover occured in 1979, he said he doubted whether the takeover could have been prevented. "The Cartier administration did not choose to try to stop the takeover. Anti-Somoza feeling was too strong. Sometimes the U.S. can't wave a wand and get things the way we want. This kind of thing will happen again and again." One place where a takeover of a government considered friendly to the United States may happen is the Philippines, Turner said. "Marcos is out of touch with what is going on. He should use intelligence to 'Gallup poll' the Philippines." Such a poll would then be used to show Philippine leaders how and where attitudes are changing in hopes of getting leaders to become more democratic, Turner said. "We'll tell Marcos that we aren't going to stand on his bandwagon - you'll be where Somoza is, where the Shah (of Iran) is." He said there doesn't seem to be much hope of Marcos changing his positions. Turiier said the CIA engages in three types of covert action: propaganda, .including planting stories in newspapers which would not be accepted if it were known the source was the United States; political action, including supporting candidates who are friendly to the United Staten; and paramilitary action, including supplying arms and other forms of military assistance. The CIA-sponsored manual advocating assassination of mem- bers of the Sandinista government is not legitimate covert ac- tion, according. to a 1974 law, Turner said. According to the law, the President must approve any major covert actions and notify Congress. The last three presidents (Ford, Carter and Reagan) issued an executive order forbidding the CIA to par- ticipate in assissinations. Turner attributed the manual to "the over-enthusiasm of over-dedicated people wanting to do their best for their coun- try." He said! that with the increase in covert action, many retired CIA agents were called back to duty, and some were finding it difficult to adjust to the legal restraints. "Twenty years ago, such a manual might have never sur- faced," Turner said. The conflict between the need for secrecy in intelligence and the rights of people to know what kind of action their government is taking prompted the creation of com- mittees which oversee the intelligence agencies. Turner called them "surrogates - a few who know the secrets and pass judgement on whether we are acting- properly." One case, where the "surrogates" - committees in the House, Senate and the White House - ruled against CIA action was the mining of Nicaragua harbors. "The mining was ruled out by the public. It was an action which could have harmed innocent third parties who weren't even armed." Turner said the ultimate success of last year's invasion of Grenada may depend on how its next election turns out. "The main choice seems to be between the kooky .right-wing gov- ernment of Gary who is a believer in UFOs - he even offered to be Carter's mediary to outer space - or the socialists. We're banking on the centerists, but it could be that they'll elect the same government we helped get rid of." The case for the invasion, according to Turner, was how seriously the American medical students were endangered. "I talked to some of the students after the invasion. It seems to me they were scared but weren't under a great threat. In one case, it took two days for the army to reach the campus. That was plenty of time for the Grenadians to massacre them if that's what they wanted to do." Turner said the., possibility of reaching a verifiable arms con- trol agreement has become more remote since the days of SALT II. "Verifying SALT II would have been tough, but it could have been done," he said. "Since then, the Soviets have done some things which would make verification of such an agreement harder. It wouldn't have happened if SALT II were ratified be- cause it's harder to break an agreement while negotiating a new one." As for a nuclear weapons freeze, Turner said it probably isn't possible. "It isn't completely a bad thing to live under a nuclear threat. Without such a threat, you leave the field wide open for a Kadaffi and run the risk of World War III. Neither we nor the Soviets want to fight because it's too costly." Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000600420014-4 vi1' PiiCE ved For Release 12MM/1RQRMA-RDP91-00901 26 October 1984 ing an answer, to terrorism EAPA, ;LECHER WASHINGTON - Adm. Stans- field Turner, a former director of the CI,A was addressing the flap over a pamphlet advising anti- government guerrillas in Nicara- gua on political assassinations' and other dirty tricks. He told reporters at a breakfast meeting this week that one of the problems was the -Administra- tion's recall to active service of "a lot of oldtime [CIA) employees," some of whom =ave not been able to adapt" to the new restric- tions on covert warfare. It wasn't so many years ago when the CIA was running the Fhoenix program during the Viet- nam war. For those with short memories, that was a program which in effect adopted the Viet Gang's tactics of terrorism and as- sassination against its own infra- structure; of fighting fire with fire. A succession of recent Presi- dents. by executive order, have barred assassinations, either di- rectiv by American operatives or ;larly egregrious aspects, Reagan ,said, but somehow 12 copies of the ;original draft got out. . . Subsequent reporting, howev- er, makes clear that the advice on "neutralizing" Sandinista judges, security officials and others was not deleted. Guerrilla fighters cer-' tainly understand that neutraliza- tion does not mean social shun- ning or house arrest. It is, of course, relatively easy and correct for a civilized society to condemn assassination '-as a tool of national policy in a situa- tion such as the covert war in Nicaragua. But that answer Is not so easy In the case of state-sponsored ter- rorism, such as the truck-bomb- ings of American diplomatic and military installations in Beirut. US officials are trying to come up with appropriate responses. President Reagan, as he took office at a moment when the na- tion was frustrated over the hos- tage trauma in Iran, vowed that terrorists would no longer be free to strike at American personnel,. facilities and interests without be- by their foreign hirelings or asso- ` ing visited with swift and harsh' ciates. retaliation. That was before the; The issue came up again in the acts of terrorism in Beirut. televised campaign debate be- In this week's TV debate, Mon- tween Ronald Reagan and Walter. dale said: "The terrorists have-. Mondale. The President tried to won each time. The President told lay the blame at the doorstep of a the terrorists that he was going to CIA contract employee who was ' retaliate. He didn't. They called hired to teach tactics to the Con- [his] bluff. And the bottom line is: ;tras and, he implied, overzealous-: the United States left in humili- ly produced a how-to pamphlet . ation, and our enemies are stron- that contravened national policy.' ger.' Higher-ups excised some particu- To which Reagan responded: "I'm tempted to ask you what you would do .... We are busy trying; to find the centers where these op- erations stem from and retaliation will be taken. But we are not going to simply kill some people to say,, 'Oh, look, we got even." Officials charged with trying to' find meaningful answers are nearly stumped. To be sure, They j are trying to improve their intelli- gence, They are also urging Syria to block the movement of explo- sives to radical Shiites and Iran- ians in Lebanon, and Israel to pur- sue its own counterterrorist inter- ests there. - But they know that to simply bomb a suspected terrorist train- ing center near Baalbeck, Leba- non, may kill some innocent by- standers and perhaps lead to an escalation of anti-US violence throughout the Mideast and be- yond. If the evidence should show that the truck-bombings were masterminded, say, in Tehran, should they consider sending .bombers or assassins there? Would that be moral, legal, jus- tifiable or effective? Would stern- private warnings suffice or be laughed off as a sign of weakness? To the extent that state-direct- ed terrorism increasingly becomes viewed as a. low-risk, high-payoff, politically potent alternative to war-making against a strong, civilized society, it presents a threat that demands an answer - and not just. television repartee. William Beecher is the Globe's diplomatic .correspon- dent. Approved For Release 2006101/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000600420014-4 ARTICLE AP _ ved For J.A-RDP91-00901 R000600420014-4 ,-)N PAVE 214 October 1984 ...' [logic Damage to the CCL) Along with that revival, though, tiinsfi old Turner came a new system of Congressional - -~ and White House oversight, designed :'CLEAN, Va. --'Pae Central Intel- to help the intelligence agencie avoid ti rence Agency is in the headlines the excesses of the past that had been Tt:e most recent. episode fn- fostered by a near-total lack of ac- -Ives the distribution of a pamphlet countability. Nicaraguan rebels how to During the past three years, the ,: al ze" Nicaraguan officials. A oversight committees of the Congress i wits ago, it was a question of have been arguing with the, Adminis- .:i7 :they it was right for President tration over the C.I.A.'s covert role in Re: an to blame yet another security Nicaragua. They have questioned faiiare in Beirut on the deterioration whether the agency is funding the cI our ir'eili;,ence-gathering capabil- contras legally; whether the mining 'tics before he came to office. of Nicaragua's harbors was legal and On the latter paint, the President proper; whether the C.I.A. should be a shouted down; indeed, he phoned providing assistance to American sol- iii::rriy Carte: to apologize. On the - diers of fortune operating with the question of whether t;?e urged the as- contras; whether the C.I.A. has been __ sirtation of Nicaraguan leaders, keeping the Congress adequately in- formed about its covert activities. out; the President ._dict is still. ,s.~1f s r p%ct:: something is askew cu r co at issioned two investiga- s. cr. I what's right or in t' ese TWO cases, there are r issres here. Will there be'a re- ,-.vai of public skepticism about k net: er the C.I.A. is operating under o pqt,te control? And what impact 11 this have on the agency? The r:-cord would say that public of C.I.A. linen can only 4-rashittps damage the agency's ability to func-' Con effectively. That was what hap- eened after the widespread public criticism of 1975-?76. In those years, thre4 i vrstigative bodies uncovered past misdeeds by the C.I.A., the Na- tional Security Agency and Army in- telligence -? largely instances of im- p-op,--r and unnecessary intrusions into the privacy of Americans. The resulting uproar injured our espio- nage capability seriously. When the Carter Administration took office, es- -pionage activities had sunk to a very low point, and covert actions, such as._ the current C.I.A. involvement in Nicaragua, even lower. The reason was not a lack of money or personnel. 'The C.I.A.'s espionage branch, com- posed of conscientious professionals, was simply hunkering down. Al- though it is obvious that risk-taking is essential to good intelligence, these professionals were reluctant to take risks that might lead to further criti- cisms and endanger the agency's fu- tare. By about early 1979, criticism began to diminish. When the public sensed that it had cone dangerously close to permanently damaging the C.I.A., the professionals began to take heart. Frorn the nadir of 1975-76, espionage and covert action revived. And there have been charges that the agency has been politicized, first when two senior analysts quit the agency after claiming they were being pressured to twist their analy- ses of Central America to suit domes- tic political requirements, and later when the President attempted to cast blame for the lack of security in Bei- rut on failures of intelligence. There is nothing wrong with t.l air- ing of such criticisms. That's what the oversight process is intended to. do. What is wrong is that the Admi is- tration persists in the covert action in Nicaragua despite all evidence that it is getting progressively out of control. In sum, we are ominously close to a replay of the 1975-76 public question- ing of the C.I.A.'s integrity and judg- ment - questioning that damaged our espionage capabilities. There's little evidence President Reagan recognizes this as one of the costs of continuing the contra operation in Nicaragua cr that he recognizes that by attempting to blame the latest Bei- rut incident on the Carter Adminis- tration he is politicizing intelligence. If, as a result of all this, the public should again lose confidence in the C.I.A., the agency may well lose its confidence in itself, leading to a repe- tition of the unwillingness of the pro- fessionals to take the risks associated with good espionage. That could be a disaster for intelligence on terrorism in Beirut and on everything else. ^ Stansfield Turner, a retired admiral, "was Director of Central Intelligence in the Carter Administration. Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000600420014-4 V\ ARTICLE Adfft. pr For Release 20Q A&b : J4i P91-00901 R000600420014-4 ON PAGE 5, Sec. 1 24 October 1984 n -H -C jrj~ -r-0, I * t G,- V ual probers sp i er 0 r 'neutralization' By "T"erry Atlas Cn;;;ago 1 rbune WASHINGTON-A CIA review of i' psychological-warfare manual fc'r Nicaraguan rebels left intact ?an,uage advocating "ne.utraliza- t~o:i ' of key Nicaraguan govern- ment officials, the agency told the Senate Intelligence Committee on .Monday. rafter a three-hour closed-door said that while CIA officials made some deletions in the 90-page manu- al, the term neutralization' was in all the documents." Nunn said he interprets the word to mean assassination of govern- ment officials. ::t ar.o.her member of the panel, Sen. Malcolm Wallop r., Wyo.], said he thinks the word can cover a number of actions short of that, such as discrediting, black- mailing or kidnaping. "Sen. Nunn and I disagree over what that word implies," Wallop said. But the CIA explanation to the senators appears to conflict with the scenario President Reagan of- fered in his debate with -Walter Mondale in Kansas City Sunday night. Reagan had said CIA officials had deleted portions of the text after they recognized that they were a "direct contravention" of an execu- tive order prohibiting American of- ficials from conducting or advoca- ting political assassinations. He . added that 12 copies of the original manual escaped that review, and "some way or other ... got out down there." BUT NUNN said that even after the deletions had been made by CIA officials, the manual contained a reference to neutralization and en- couraged the rebels to create a `'martyr" among their members killed by Nicaraguan forces. ''There were deletions before some printings were made'and be- fore some distribution was made, but all of the documents presum- abl~' , . . had some of what would be called questionable to some and to others offensive language, including language relating to so-called 'neu- trallization,' " he said. Nunn and Wallop v. ere the only members of the Senate Intelligence Committee who attended the briefing by CIA officials on the agency s continuing investigation the manual's production, The maof at! ter is also being investigated by the White House Intelligence Oversight Board. Wallop said he was 'satisfied that the CIA is proceeding quickly with its review and said there is "no indication of any desire to hide anything." He said the psychologi- cal-warfare manual was prepared to help bring some order and disci- pline to the "wildly disorganized and wildly operating hunch of guer- rillas" fighting the leftist Sandinista regime in Nicaragua. THE CIA knows the i itity of the manual's author, , former Army officer from Ft. Bragg, N.C., but it is still tracking down who was involved in the review process, he said. But the committee's vice chair- nian, Sen. Daniel Patrick Moynihan (D., N.Y.), who was filled in on CIA's briefing by the committee staff, criticized the agency late in the day for failing to tell the panel who was responsible. "The CIA has ;,ill not told us who ordered this manual, who wrote it and who ap- proved it," 'he said. In another develoment, Newsweek magazine reportped in its current edition that key aides to United Nations Ambassador Jeane Kirkpatrick and CIA Director Wil- liam Casey and Defense Depart- ment officials discussed the need for a handbook on guerrilla warfare, in meetings during August, 1983. About the same time, a U.S. expert in psychological warfare was sent to Honduras along with other CIA advisers to train Honduran-based Nicaraguan rebels, the magazine said. Speaking in Dayton, Ohio, on :Monday, Kirkpatrick called the Newsweek report ' "totally mistak- en" and'said "there is nobody on my staff who has had any such role." LAST WEEK, after the existence of the manual became known a senior White House official said it was the work of a "low-level" CIA contract employee, and was "not ever approved or condoned at any reasonable level" within the CIA. He also said the administration maintains its prohibition on political assassinations. Sunday night, attacked by Walter Mondale for producing a manual "ordering political assassinations and other forms of terrorism," Reagan replied that it was written by a "gentleman down in Nicara- gua who is on contract to the CIA advising, supposedly on military .tactics, the contras.' Reagan said only 12 copies es- caped deletions made by the CIA "agency head" in Nicaragua and officials at CIA headquarters out- side Washington. A minute later, Reagan said he "misspoke" about the CIA official in Nicaragua and simply meant to say, "It was a man down there in that area." ' 'Speaking to reporters Monday morning, former CIA director Stansfield Turner said Reagan made a significant slip of the tongue. "I don't think that even after he corrected himself he really understood what he had given away," said Turner, who headed the agency during the Carter ad- ministration. "We have never to myy know)- edge, ever acknowledged havin a CIA station in any country," ghe said. "It's just a matter of policy. You don't want the Nicaraguan gov- ernment, or any government, to come along and say we don't want a CIA station in our country." TURNER SAID Monday that the pattern of American covert activity in Central America suggests an ef- fort by the CIA to topple the Ni- caraguan government. The CIA prepared manual for U.S.-backed Nicaraguan rebels, which follows CIA mining of Ni- caraguan harbors earlier this year, seems to go beyond Reagan's pub- licly stated goal of preventing the Sandinistas from exporting their revolution to other countries in the region, he said. "I don't believe the majority of the American people want to have the CIA overthrow the government of Nicaragua," he told a group of reporters. "But there is no way you can put what,. is going on in Nicara- gua in any c ar terms." Approved For Release 2006/01/17 : CIA-RDP91-00901 R000600420014-4