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THE PRESIDENT'S
INTELLIGENCE REVIEW
ISSUED BY THE
CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
17 - JANUARY 1964
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21 January 1964
1, Tanganyika: The implications of Monday's army
mutiny are still not clear. The troops claimed
they were interested in pay increases and the re-
moval of British officers. They reaffirmed their
support of the government once these demands were
met.
However, the mutiny brought to the surface
latent anti-white and anti-Asian sentiment in the
African population which led to much rioting and
looting.
Defense Minister Kambona, who also runs foreign
affairs, bore the brunt of negotiations with the
mutineers. Kambona is an ambitious, radical nation-
alist who is as opportunistic as they come. His
stock has gone way up at the expense of moderate
President Nyerere. The latter's whereabouts through-
out the mutiny is still the best kept secret in
East Africa.
As far as we know there were no casualties
among the American and British communities in Tan-
ganyika and at the moment the UK is veering away
from intervention.
2. Zanzibar: The situation has quieted down;
President Karume, the nominal leader of the new
regime, has a strong 49,11owing among the Africans
on the island. The ahi0 concern is that, in the
(Cont 'd)
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long run, he will prove to be no match for the
wilier Babu Babu
is now Minister of External Affairs and Trade. He
has long been the mainspring of Communist activity
in Zanzibar.
The key to the country's future may well rest
with Kambona of Tanganyika. His role in the Zanzi-
bar affair is not clear/
/ On the request of Karume
and Babu, Kambona has sent Tanganyikan police to Zan-
zibar to help restore order and disarm Field Marshal.
Okello's thugs. They have already had some success
in this.
3. Cyprus: The mutual animosity between Greek
and Turk Cypriots continues to lead to scattered
incidents and to threaten the delicate balance on
the island.
In Istan-
bul the Turkish police expect anti-Greek violence
if the London conference fails.
There is no indication yet from London that
any progress is being made. Makarips says he will
take the issue to the UN if no agreement is reached.
He is dead opposed to having NATO get involved in
the problem in anyway.
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4. South Vietnam: The government's efforts to
put momentum into the war against the Viet Cong are
still not going well.
The regime is failing to capture enthusiasm
in the northern part of the country. Local officials
there, who face undercurrents of religious tension
and student restiveness, are receiving little
guidance and are exercising little initiative.
In the Delta, where strong direction is also
lacking, the Viet Cong are maintaining a relatively
high level of harassment and terrorist action.
Within the ruling junta, sentiment is growing
for the replacement of Prime Minister Tho in order
to centralize the military leadership which is now
diffused in Tho's civilian cabinet.
5. Jordan Waters: We are not At all certain how
long the moderate decisions of last week's Arab
Summit meeting will stick.
If anyone rocks the Arab boat it will be the
Baathist extremists in Syria. The Syrians took the
most extreme positions on the Jordan issue at the
Cairo meeting. The cold shoulder Nasir gave them
there seems likely to have left them in a belligerent
mood.
(Cont'd)
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6. The China Tangle: Spaak has told us that Bel-
gium has no,intention of following the De Gaulle
lead on China at this time; neither, will Canada
according to Prime Minister Pearson.
We do not yet have a good feel for how the
former French colonies in Africa will react. Some
of them will undoubtedly follow suit, though most
have been reluctant in the past to move at the ex-
pense of Taipei. There is also going to be pressure
on Japan to follow the French.
It appears generally agreed, in any case, that
French recognition will give the Chinese Communists
a much better chance in the UN next fall.
7. India:
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8. USSR-Cuba: Khrushchev in a speech last Friday
went out of his way to align the USSR with the
Cuban demand for the return of Guantanamo. Castro
has probably been badgering the Soviets about Guan-
tanamo as a result of the Canal Zone rioting.
This speech of Khrushchev's could be the open-
ing gun in a new Soviet propaganda and diplomatic
offensive,designed to isolate the US on the Guantanamo
issue.
9. Ecuador: Ex-President Arosemena's revolutionary
plot-CIE-gig-gathering steam.
10.
Bolivia: Leftist Vice President Lechin is still
on the warpath over moves by"President Paz to pack
the presidential nominating convention of the ruling
MNR party to Paz' advantage.
Lechin may form a common front with other op-
position parties. Paz will try to
maintain himself in power whatever happens.
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11. Haiti: US Ambassador Timmons was finally al-
lowed to his credentials to President Du-
valier last Tuesday. Duvalier told Timmons that
the success of his mission depended on the rapid
resolution of "four political problems," but failed
to say what they were. Duvalier's references to
these "problems" have been highlighted in the local
press. Timmons thinks this may indicate that the
regime is preparing the public for some new initia-
tive against the US.
12. Brazil: Another round of political tension is
starting in Brazil amid renewed charges by both the
right and left that Goulart is planning to seize
greater powers.
13. Malaysia: The following is a summary of develop-
, ments relating to Attorney General Kennedy's trip
so far. The President is probably aware of most of
this.
In Tokyo, Sukarno agreed to stop military
activity in Borneo as a preparatory step to a tri-
partite meeting of Indonesia, Malaysia, and the
Philippines.
We have received nothing official on Mr.
Kennedy's talks in Manila. The press says he re-
ceived a pledge of "full cooperation" from Maca-
pagal regarding a tripartite meeting in the near
future.
(Cont d)
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The Malayan Times reported today that
Rahman and Macapagal had agreed to meet in Phnom
Penh between 15 and 20 February.
We have no official information as yet on
Mr. Kennedy's talks in Kuala Lumpur. The press re-
ports his initial bid for Malaysian agreement to
tripartite talks was unsuccessful. It was expected
that Rahman would be sticky because his position
has been that he would not talk with Sukarno until
Indonesia recognized Malaysia.
The British are being noncommittal, but ob-
viously are extremely dubious that Sukarno will live
up to any agreement he makes.
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