LETTER TO MR. PIERRE SALINGER FROM(Sanitized)

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP80B01676R000900040055-1
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 27
• Document Creation Date: December 14, 2016
• Document Release Date: November 7, 2002
• Sequence Number: 55
• Publication Date: September 2, 1960
• Content Type: LETTER

STAT
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Mr. Pierre $
Z September 19f I
Press Assistant to Senator Kennedy
Room 362, Seatat. Office Building
Washington fir, D. C.
Dear Asir. Salinger:
Refstsaaute is made to my letter of 12 A%ust 1960 and o..3
attachment thereto.
Mr. Dulles has asked that I forward to you for
Senator Kennedy the second In the series` of our memoranda
covering world comment on the Republican and Democratic
national tickets.
Copies have Also beset furnished to Mete President Ni:,*
and Senator Lyndon Johnson.
Sincerely,
Attachment
Executive Officer
O/DCI:JSE:mfb /(EX CUT(YE (.EC ST Y FILE
Distribution: l~
Orig & 1 - addressee w/att.
1 - JSik `w attch
? EA w,73 atfcli.`
Attachment is No. 2 - 31Aug60 "Wc rid
Comment on Republican & Democratic National Tickbts'
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STAT
SPECIAL MEMORANDUM
NO. 2 -- 31 AUGUST 1960
STAT
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T A B L E O F C O N T E N T S
COMMUNIST BIAC COMMENT
USSR
East Germany
Communist China
OTHER COUNTRIES
United Arab Republic
Japan
South Vietnam
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NEITHER PARTY CAN SPUR U.S. ECONOMY
Moscow, Soviet European Service in English, Aug. 13, 1,60, 2000 0W--L
(M. Vladimirov commentary)
(Excerpts) Not since the war have economic questions occupied suck an
important place in a U.S. election campaign. In this campaign the
Democrats blame the Republican administration for the slowdoim of
economic growth. The Republicans on their part try to convince the
voter that just the opposite is true, that they are the party of pcospeze_t~-.
President Eisenhower told a news conference Wednesday that there are
no signs of a slump or depression. On the contrary, he asserted,
production has reached a record high. The Republicans vehemently
deny the charges by the Democrats. In St. Louis, Vice President Nixon
said that people who criticize the administration should not be taken
seriously.
Nov what is the true state of affairs? It is impossible to judge from
the claims of the rival parties. The American economy is truly grcwin;
Ot a slow rate, but this does not depend on which party is in power.
It depends on the laws of development of America's capitalist economy.
Both the Republicans and the Democrats represent the interests of tig
capital. The army of unemployed has run into the millions, both
during Democratic and Republican administrations.
While the two parties talk about fast and slow rates of development,
the question actually is how to postpone another depression. The
American economy is sliding into a state of stagnation. The contours
of another economic slump are already clearly emerging. In May, to
New York TIMES pointed out that the real question is not whether os
not an economic catastrophe threatens the United States; it is rather
a question of whether the United States, with its tremendous domestic
and international commitments, would be satisfied with what suspiciousl=
resembles economic stagnation, even if it does begin on a relatively
high level. This situation has shown no improvement. If anything, it
has worsened.
This is indeed a terrifying prospect for the captains of capitalist
America. It is particularly terrifying because the attention of the
world is focused on the economic competition between the United States
and the USSR. There is no doubt about it: the Soviet Union will
emerge victorious in this competition.
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SEN. JACKSON SLANDERS USSR ON TESTING
Moscow, in Russian to West Siberia, Aug. 16, 1960, 1510 GMT--L
(IZVESTIYA article by /Grigoryev?f: "Neither Gold Nor Silver")
(Text) Over a month has passed since the Democratic Party Convention
in Los Angeles. All that time the elected party chairman,
Senator Henry Jackson, has maintained silence, probably pondering
the theme of his first speech as the new.,.party chairman. On Aug. 14
Jackson's silence came to an inglorious end. Pertinent is the saying:
"Talking is silver, silence is gold." Contrary to the American wa;
of life, Jackson on that occasion renounced gold and preferred silver,
because on that day he burst out in an entire TV address.
In that speech the chairman of the Democratic Party carried on like a
most mediocre journalist from the yellow press, who to please his
bosses produces all kinds of nonsense, banking on the possibility
that even if a denial follows, at least something will remain in the
minds of the listeners. He hinted that the Soviet Union is secretly
carrying out nuclear weapon tests. The Senator has no facts whatever
which could corroborate his assertion; he limits himself to saying that
he "would not be surprised if such tests were taking place." And t::iat
is the entire weight behind Senator Jackson's "reasoning"I
But in this case there is no reason for astonishment. Jackson is
chairman of a Senate subcommittee which quite recently held a seriefl
of public and secret meetings at which the U.S. military situation
in relation to the Soviet Union was discussed. There Jackson frank:y
stated that the United States could no longer delay a decision on the
question of resumption of underground nuclear weapon tests. But since
public opinion in the United States increasingly inclines toward a
complete ban on any nuclear tests whatsoever, Jackson was in need o
some kind of argument, and to save himself the trouble of intensive
thought, he had recourse to the shoddy and well-known trick of
slandering the Soviet Union in the hope that some would swallow it.
What is strange, however, is that the very same Jackson, speaking or'
the forthcoming elections, admitted that the Democratic Party will
encounter serious obstacles in New York and California. Does he
really think that his salvation lies (words indistinct) and that
anti-Soviet slander will enable the Democratic Party to gain the
upper hand in those states? Have not Jackson's ideas about means
to fortify his party's prestige grown somewhat obsolete? After all,
many in the "free world" have already paid for slander by losing,
if not their heads, their prestige.
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NI?CON ADMITS COMMUNISM ATTRACTIVE
Moscow, Soviet Home Service, Aug. 21, 1960, 1930 GMT--L
(TABS correspondent Shishkin report)
(Text) Washington--U.S. Vice President Nixon has published a previoAsly
publicized verbose statement entitled "What Communism Means to Ameri?ans.
Appearing in the role of a self-styled expert of Marxist philosophy,
Nixon gives a slanderous and earacatured treatment of the vievs and
ideas of Marxism-Leninism.
Nevertheless, the Vice President was forced to admit that the ideas
of communism possess an actively attractive force for the minds and
hearts of many. In all 30 pages of his propagandist statement, Nix-n
tries in jest to refute these ideas, but, to his obvious displeasur,
he is compelled to state that communism may be personified as a couzitry
with the largest school buildings and the heaviest interplanetary
satellites.
A New York POST article by William Shannon derides Nixon's statement;
on communism. This is a surprisingly confused, ambiguous, contradictor;,
and superficial document, stresses Shannon. If this is the most tbat
the Vice President can write about communism, continues the author,
who considers himself a specialist on this question, one may
What will he write about agriculture, finance, and other questions
about which he is less informed?
LODGE SCORED FOR DISARMAMEC`IT POSITION
Moscow, Soviet European Service in Russian, Aug. 22, 1960, 1200 i--L
(From PRAVDA International Review by YermakOv and Pastukhov:
"Lodge Beats a Retreat")
(Text) At the session of the U.N. Commission for Disarmament, which
eat last week, the U.S. thegbubbl~ofestil~leanother propaganda unpleasax.t
hours. At this meeting,
was burst--to accuse the Soviet Union of disrupting the Geneva tab=s
on disarmament. The attempts to drown the problem of complete and
general disarmament in fruitless discussion and to prevent it from
being taken to the U.N. General Assembly for discussion, as was
proposed and is proposed by the Soviet Union, also failed.
The speech of the U.S. delegate was an example of impudent, clemago,,
creating the impression that Lodge was speaking not in a representativ':
_international commission but at a provincial election meeting some`sher-.~
in the state of Kentucky.
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The whole world knows that the talks in Geneva were broken off throigh
the fault of the United States and its Western partners, who made
fruitful discussion of the problem of complete and general disarmament,
in accordance with the resolution of the U.N. General Assembly of
Nov. 20, 1959, practically impossible.
Western participants in the committee hoped to draw the discussion
along a false path. The problem of control over armaments was again
dragged out into the light of day, and, moreover, control in such a
form that Nikita Sergeyevich Khrushchev had every reason to call it
"legalization of international espionage." The United States and ins
allies did not even want to hear about complete and general disa=nent
and the establishment of strict international control over disarmamnt.
Even when the Soviet delegate, supported by the delegate of other
socialist countries, proposed a businesslike solution of the problem,
taking into consideration the wishes of France, the West refused to
take a step forward.
Thus the U.S. delegate attempted in his speech to refute all these
incontestable truths, but he did not succeed. More than that, many
delegates straightforwardly and openly condemned the policy of sabotage
of the cause of disarmament. The representative of the Cuban Republic
(word indistinct) categorically stated that the responsibility for -.he
breaking-off of the Geneva talks was borne by the United States. A
sharp condemnation of the policy of the imperialist states was made by
the delegate of Guinea who exposed the two-faced political game of he
Western powers around the disarmament question.
The majority of the speakers demanded that discussion of the problem
of general and complete disarmament be transferred to the meeting o.'
the U.N. General Assembly. Finding himself in such an unenviable
position, Lodge was forced to beat a retreat. In order not to rema,n
alone, the U.S. delegate raised his hand when the vote was taken on
the draft resolution of the six states on the transfer of the disarmamen7
question to the U.N. General Assembly.
Voting for this resolution, Lodge did not neglect to emphasize that,
in his opinion, any talks on disarmament, wherever they were held,
would be fruitless. Thus, Lodge showed that the United States intends
in the future to sabotage talks on disarmament.
NIXON, U.S. POLICIES, EARN WORLD HATRED
Moscow, in German to Germany, Aug. 24, 1960, 12+5 GMT--L
(Anatoliy /Sagovskiy?/ commentary: "Rotten Tomatoes")
(Summary) In the spring of 1958, when Richard Nixon arrived at the
airport of Caracas, Venezuela, he was welcomed by a hail of rotten
tomatoes, rotten eggs, and stones. The crowd yelled "Out with Nix:
We have not forgotten Guatemala!" Nixon was not surprised. He had
been given a similar welcome in Argentina, Peru, and Colombia.
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From a purely human point of view, we pity W. Nixon. It is not an
enviable position to be forced to walk past eyes filled with hatred
and to serve as a target for all sorts of rubbish. The crux of the
matter is that these rotten tomatoes were really aimed at U.S.
imperialism and its policy.
"This is most annoying, but what can be done? After all, behind the
many provocations and espionage incidents, behind the regimes, rotten
through and through, which still maintain themselves on our planet,
stand Nixon's masters. Nov the face of the No. 1 spokesman of
imperialist United States is looking at us from the front pages of
the papers, grinning at us from posters, and raising his eyebrows on
television screens. It is Mr. Nixon's bad luck that he belong to
those who personify a policy hated by the nations."
Perhaps we have made a mistake. Oh no, Mr. Nixon has not changed.
Only a short while ago he was again honored with a rotten tomato as
a reward for his theoretical remarks about communism. The presiders'..ial
candidate made a wordy statement which he entitled "What Communism
Means to Americans." In it he tried to turn the ideas of Marxism-
Leninism inside out and reached the following paradoxical conclusion:
"The main problem of the second half of the 20th century consists o:'
the threat to peace and freedom of the bellicose aggressiveness of
international communism." How trite this is! As if it were
international communism which threatens Cuba with landings of marines,
which helps the colonialists and their creature Tshombe to split the
Congo, which supports Chiang Kai-shek, which demands more nuclear
explosions, and which dispatches spy pilots such as Powers into the
airspace of another country.
"If you do not agree with this, my listener, you do not agree with
Mr. Nixon. The above-mentioned rotten tomato was thrown at Nixon b_r
the well-known U.S. columnist William Shannon of the New York POST,
who described Nixon's outpourings as astonishingly confused, ambiguous,
contradictory, and superficial.
"You wilt agree with me that this is anything but praise. By the vy,
Nixon can look back on several such bright ideas. There was, for
instance, the threat to use nuclear bombs and the statement that th?
Chinese People's Republic is an unlawful state which must not be
recognized. There was the all-out support for the brink-of-war policy
and then cynical admission of the U-2 spy flight."
One billion people on our planet march under the banner of communism,
but Nixon does not believe in it. Hundreds of millions in all
corners of the world receive every new initiative of the socialist
camp with gratitude and hope, but Nixon fears it. Well, this is
his private affair. However, as soon as he publicizes his plans
for saving the world from communism, he reaps rotten tomatoes.
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To round out our portrait of Mr. Nixon, one more facet must be
mentioned. There is a proverb: Know a man by his friends. Just
listen to what Rockwell, chief of the U.S. neofaseist party, wrote
recently: "Vote for Nixon and you will protect the U.S. Republic
and the white race; and we shall do the rest for the organization of
the party of the white man, the U.S. Nazi Party." True, Nixon was
forced to dissociate himself from this all too compromising support.
But the fact remains, nevertheless. Chancellor Adenauer, an authority
in matters of fascist ideology, during his American trip in March
conceived such confidence in Nixon, according to FRANKFURTER R.UNDSCIIAU,
that he recommended him as a suitable candidate for the post of
U.S. president.
"On the crest of a wave of war incitement and anticommunism,
Richard Nixon rode to the heights of top-level politics." Recently
Eisenhower referred to him as "the best hope to preserve peace." The
late Senator Taft described him in a different manner: "A small may
in a big hurry." "Indedd, Nixon is in a hurry. Anticommunism generously
remunerated by the U.S. billionaires is the sinister force which drives
Mr. Nixon forward along an inglorious and, in the last resort, hopeless
road--only to receive rotten tomatoes."
Moscow, TASS, Radioteletype in English to Europe, Aug. 25, 1960,
1505 CHIT--L
(Text) New York--Fear of the tremendous attractive power of the
socialist countries for the peoples of the countries rising to
national independence and sovereignty and freeing themselves from
the stranglehold of foreign monopolies permeated the speech of
Vice President Nixon at the national convention of the Veterans of
Foreign Wars in Detroit which has been published by the New York TL'4ES.
The Vice President is plainly frightened by the success of the poli;:!y
of support and unselfish aid to new nations pursued by the USSR and
other socialist countries. In a roundabout way he admitted that this
policy evokes the gratitude of these nations.
The Vice President declared that a conflict of two ideo1 gies or, to
use his words, "a fight for the allegiance of men and women" is going
on all over the world. He admits that the chances of capitalism in
this conflict are few. Fie fears that the United States can "still
lose the battle without a shot even being fired." Attempting to prfsvent
the new nations from freely deciding their destiny and to impose upon
them the unwanted "trusteeship" of U.S. imperialism, Nixon calls fo:?
broad economic, technical, and political programs "on a scale such as
we have never had before." Assuming the attitude of a benefactor, he
Vice President did not desist, however, from advocating armaments. He
urged top priority for security, even if this involves higher taxes
In other words, the Vice President called for an arms race at the
taxpayers' expense for the sake of profits for American monopolies.
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Nixon's proud voice faltered when he turned to Cuba. The Vice President
showered threats on this independent republic and declared that "ue
must remember that the United States has power," hinting transparently
at the plans of armed intervention against Cuba which are being hatched
in the United States.
Moscow, Soviet European Service in Hungarian, Aug. 25, 1960, 2030 GMT--1,
(Summary) "The U.S. election campaign is in full swing. Promising
speeches, offering the citizens of America work, juicy steaks, and
cottages in the country, have been made from convention rostrums and
to tunes of brilliantly played marches. What is the result?"
A letter to the editor of the Madison, Wis., CAPITAL TIMES says that
to chose between Kennedy and Nixon is tantamount to trying to leap
from the 10th story of one building to the 10th story of a building
across the street.
"What is the cause for this concern of the American voters? Americans
are burdened by heavy taxation and they are tired of the war psychosis.
They fear that the latest pretenders to the plush chair of the President
have no intention whatsoever of ending the war psychosis. Nixon
demands more arms. Kennedy demands the same. Statements of this .rind
send cold shivers down the backs of the American electors, althoug;i
both parties of American capital try to justify the armaments race by
talk about the alleged communist danger. The press, radio, television,
and every means of propaganda besiege the electors, frightening them
with the red danger.
"The German fascists, too, prepared their attack on the Soviet Union
with the slogan of anticommunism. The U.S. Government has used the
slogan of anticommunism to suppress the national liberation moveme:it
in Guatemala. The United States is now trying to repeat this feat
in Cuba. But there is another aspect of anticommunism in America
that must also be mentioned. By shouting about the so-called red
danger, American generals and politicians try to justify increased
arms production.
"The leading circles of the United States regard anticommunism as
the prerequisite for a successful political career. Let us take N:_xon,
for example. Nixon wants to get into the White House and threatersi; to
stamp out communism. Whether or not Nixon becomes president is up to
the Americans. As for his plans about communism, we can only say .hat
Nixon will prick his finger with his own needle. Adventures directed
against the socialist countries these days lead more easily to broken
necks than leaps from the 10th story by those who prefer adventures of
this kind."
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NIXON, DULLES CONFIRM SOCIALIST GAINS
Moscow, in English to Australia and New Zealand, Aug. 26, 1960,
1115 GMT--L
(Text) A soared person is unable to think clearly. This is the
thought that comes to one's mind while reading the statements of U.S.
Vice President Richard Nixon and the director of the U.S. Central
Intelligence Agency, Allen Dulles, at the national congress of the
Veterans of Foreign Wars recently held in Detroit.
Both Nixon and Dulles were swayed by fear when they spoke to the
congress. The United States now finds itself in a situation where
all its economic and military power may prove useless. It may be
strong, but it may still lose the battle without'a single shot being
fired, according to Mr. Nixon. Allen Dulles echoed the Vice President
by speaking of the major threat hanging over the country, a greater
threat than had been expected.
It is because things are going badly that Nixon and Dulles are being
so outspoken. Usually Washington prefers to remain quiet about its
failures but Washington's representatives have admitted that U.S.
prestige is falling catastrophically. There is no doubt that 1960
will go down in the annals as a year of unprecedented ignominy for
U.S. politicians. In May they sent a U-2 spy plane to violate Soviet
airspace, were caught red-handed, and were called aggressors and
provocators for torpedoing the summit conference. In June the people
of Japan shut its doors in the face of the U.S. President in protest
against the policy of military blocs and the preparations for another
war. In July another U.S. spy plane, RB-1+7, was shot down over Soviet
territorial waters. The United States is also responsible for the
deadlock and breakdown of the 10-nation disarmament conference.
Naturally, Nixon and Dulles avoided mentioning these events that
have degraded the United States in the eyes of the world.
But something they have not been able to suppress is the fact that
nations everywhere, and particularly those who are fighting for freedom
and independence, are more frequently looking toward the camp of peace
and socialism. The communists are making proposals that are very
attractive to a large part of the world, particularly to the under-
developed countries who are passionately seeking a way to rapid
economic advancement and social progress, and words to this effect
are what Allen Dulles had to say at the veterans conference in Detroit.
This magnetic force emanating from the socialist countries is especiall-*
attractive to the nations struggling for their independence and a
particular source of fury to Washington, including Nixon and Dallas,
and not only fury, but panic. That is a bad frame of mind for planning
future U.S. foreign policy. In his attempts to save the badly sheen
prestige of the country Nixon still could not find any better way to
bolster it than to make demands for a continued arms race. In his
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hypocritical meanderings about America's role of guarding the peace
of other nations he hinted that it might not be a bad idea for the
United States to extend an armed hand toward Cuba and strangle the
revolution.
What is to be said about these statements by Richard Nixon and
Allen Dulles, representing the angry outbursts of the avowed advocates
of the cold war? Well, in the first place, it should be pointed oat
to Washington's prominent leaders that it is about time they understood
that neither atomic bombs nor any other kind of threats or slanderous
statements about communism will retard the mighty people's movement
toward independence, and certainly all of this will not frighten tae
USSR or any of the socialist countries.
Another thing Washington should remember is that the policy of
continued aggravation of the cold war will bring no laurels to U.S.
foreign policy, nor will it win the sympathy of the people. It ca-1
only serve to expose once again the ruling circles of the United States
as aggressors and enemies of peace and liberty.
Moscow, TASS, Radioteletype in Russian to Europe, Aug. 28, 1960,
0027 GMT--L
(Text) Moscow--SOVIET RUSSIA publishes a pamphlet by I. Aleksandrov
on the pamphlet "What Communism Means to Americans," written by U.
Vice President Richard Nixon. He calls the ideas expressed in this,
work "delirious fabrications." The author of the pamphlet declarer,
that the unseemly state of affairs in these fabrications is obvious;.
In his booklet Nixon, he says, promises "to discuss communism as an idea-
its economic philosophy, its philosophy of law and politics, its
philosophy of history." Poor Nixon! He has shouldered a burden which
is clearly beyond his strength. With the exception of a few quotaionn
from the Communist Manifesto, which is interpreted incorrectly, the rest
is old hackneyed rubbish of bourgeois propaganda, gross falsehoods, and
ignorant statements. The cloak of "a theoretician" turned out to he a
pitiful lot of rags and tatters.
In reading Nixon's pamphlet one marvels at the spiritual poverty or
present-day critics of Marxism, Aleksandrov continues. Apparently thir:jc113
are going badly for the organizers of anticommunist propaganda if they
are compelled to put into motion a pitiful and at the same time rihiculciuEiy
pretentious concoction. But this concoction also speaks of something elnc:,
the ideological enemies of communism are prepared to tell any lie, prepa.-kt
for the grossest perversion of facts if only they can slander comwL.nisas
and slow down its mighty spread of ideas.
However, lies have short legs. How many rejectors of Marxism are
already lying on the dump heap of history while communism continuer its
conquering procession across our planet. No Nixons can arrest this
procession which carries freedom and happiness for all of mankind.
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KHRUSHCHEV EVALUATES NIXON, KENNEDY
Moscow, Soviet Home Service, Aug. 30, 1960, 2005 GMT--L
(From remarks made to Soviet and Hungarian newspapermen after visi-ling
the Hungarian industrial exhibition in Moscow, as read by announce-)
(Excerpts) The socialist countries are linked by brotherly ties acid
are guided by the ideas of Marxism-Leninism in their progress. The
Hungarians, the Hungarian Socialist Workers Party, the Hungarian
Government, the CPSU, the Soviet Government, and all the Soviet people
are completely unanimous in their views on the present, the norrow,
and the more distant future. Our goal is communism, and communism
will triumph, whatever the resistance and efforts of our enemies.
You can therefore very well imagine how perturbed I am by the prog::~am
of anticommunism evolved by Mr. Nixon. More than 100 years after
Marxism was created, he apparently wants to be the first genius of
the capitalist world to show how communism can be destroyed. (Lauter)
Yes, this is not the first time that we laugh at such theoreticians.
Let us have another laugh.
Mr. Nixon wants to be the next U.S. president. Well, if he is elet!ted
president, he can have my wishes. I hope that he lives to see the day
when he will have to blush for the things he invented about communsm.
It is possible that his children, certainly his grandchildren, will
live under communism. This will be accomplished not by us--not by
Russian or Hungarian communists. This will be accomplished by the
working class, peasantry, and intelligentsia of the United States.
Mr. Nixon has, as it were, donned the garments of champion of
anticommunism. Well, he is not the first to don the anticommunist
mantle, and he will not be the first to demonstrate that this mant:.e
will not conceal the nakedness of the capitalist world and its sorts.
I would like to be correctly understood. Our people might think
that I am against Nixon and for Kennedy, the candidate of the othe-?
party. In the United States, they say that Nixon is most suited
for the presidency because he is better able to argue with Khrushc3eev.
He is regarded over there as an expert on communism. All right, w:
are not going to raise any objection to this kind of master of argtumenr.
(Laughter) You know how the Zaporozhy cossacks laughed at their
adversaries when they wrote their letter to the Turkish sultan.
(Laughter) This is how we shall laugh at the ideas expressed in
Nixon's anticommunist program.
I know less about Mr. Kennedy. I met him when I was in Washington
and exchanged a few remarks with him. However, I do know that
both Nixon and Kennedy represent big business in America. They
are both servants of monopolistic capital, and for this reason we
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here have no choice. This, as the Russian saying goes, is a couple
of boots making a pair. (Laughter) Which of them is better, the
right or left boot? The left or right boot? It is difficult to judge.
The main thing is that we are not living at the mercy of our rich
neighbors. The Soviet Union saw the light in the October Revoluticn
through the efforts of the working people. Our Soviet country has
outlived Wilson, however, and other presidents. The best period in
our relations with the United States was during the presidency of
Roosevelt, and we have great respect for his memory.
As to who will be the next president, Kennedy or Nixon, this is
something that the American electorate will decide. However,
irrespective of who will become U.S. president, the great cause of
socialism will relentlessly move ahead. For Nixon, with his program
of anticommunism, a nice big puddle must be readied in which he will
have to sit with his prophecies.
Kennedy, too, is competing in anticommunism. So have Eisenhower at.d
Nixon on policy--a policy which has completely collapsed. If the
next president is Nixon, he will be no better than Eisenhower.
Consequently, the results will evidently be the same. If the next
president is Kennedy, will it be better or worse? I would like to
refrain from commenting on this question, because, if we examine tre
programs of the Republicans and Democrats, it will be seen that
they differ little. Both are built on anticommunism.
What we want is reasonable, sound, and good relations with the
American people. The president who strives most for this will
be the best president. However, if they elect a president who
conducts the same policy as Eisenhower and Nixon have been pursuing,
we are not going to be overcome with grief either. After all, with.
Eisenhower in office, we have not done too badly. Our successes
do not depend on them. They depend entirely on our people.
I wanted to say this in order that people would not say that I
sympathize with one presidential candidate and do not sympathize
with the other. I would, of course, prefer as U.S. president
the most progressive person--a communist. Communists have a
correct understanding of the development of society. At present,
however, conditions have not yet matured for this. However,
tomorrow they will mature. When this tomorrow arrives--in how
many years--is another question. However, come it will despite
everything, for the future is with communism.
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LODGE CONGO VOTE LINKED TO ELECTION
Berlin, Deutschiandsender in German to East and West Germany,
Aug. il, 1960, 1610 GMT--L
(Albert Rdiss commentary)
(Excerpts) Our attention is centered on whether the leading U.N.
officials and Hammarskjoeld intend to continue the maneuvers they
began last week. According to the last Security Council decision
there is no protest at all to U.N. troops entering Katanga. No
one can believe the Secretary General to be so naive as to
observe Tshombe's argument that the United Nations should enter
Katanga only if the action does not interfere in the internal
affairs of the province--we ought to say more correctly, in
the internal affairs of the Union Miniere.
Katanga is a province of the Congo Republic, and the question
thus comes under the jurisdiction of the central Congolese
Government of Lumumba. The real question is: Do the U.N.
troops and the Secretary General intend to comply with their
assignment, or do they intend to continue to maneuver in the
intered.t of the Belgian, American, and West German monopolies'?
People in Brussels are of course incensed because the American
representative in the Security Council also voted for the
withdrawal of the Belgian troops, but they can calm down. This
anticolonialism of the Americans is not so dangerous as it is
said to be.
I think the DEUTSCHE ZEITUNG is right when it states: "When
Lodge joined the demand pan the Security Council for the
immediate withdrawal of the Belgians we do not perhaps have
to take it so literally. Lodge is a candidate for the vice
presidency and needs the colored vote."
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U.S. 'ELECTION' A CONTEST OF DICTATORS
Peking, International Service in Cambodian, Aug. 11, 1960, 1230 G1C--S
(Commentary: "Championship for the Imperialist Dollars' Throne")
(Text) The curtain has risen on the comic opera designed to boost
the election of the president of the United States--an election which
is scheduled to take place every four years. We all know that the
U.S. president will be selected by the imperialists from the two
candidates designated by the Republican and Democratic parties.
These two candidates are dictators.
It is expected that the election this time will not be different from
previous ones. Nixon, the Republican candidate and now vice president
of the United States, has a bad reputation among all circles, and :s
a person determined to make every effort to intensify the cold war
In 1948, he was elected to the House of Representatives through the
backing of a secret society in Los Angeles. In 1950, he was elected
to the Senate. His record as a senator shows that he only served
the interests of his big bosses.
It was Nixon who approved a drastic cut in the government's housing;
program expenditures for the poor, thus reducing the number of houtes
to be built from 50,000 to 5,000. It was Nixon who collaborated with
a certain senator to introduce a bill suppressing the building of
public housing. All this proves that he only wanted to serve the
dictators.
Moreover, he maneuvered to obtain the Senate's approval of a bill
concerning the interests of oil refineries (words indistinct). This
proved that he served the interests of oil magnates. In 1952, supX:ortec:
by political bosses of California and by Wall Street magnates, Nixr n
was elected vice president; thus, he was entitled to vote in Congress.
He is always in favor of bills and projects which protect the interests
of big enterprise and is against small enterprises. He has opposed the
bill proposed by the Labor Department on the rights of U.S. workers by
advancing the argument that it would give workers more opportunities
to go on strike. He has always urged the government to increase
military effectiveness. Sometimes, he also talks about peace.
Following the torpedoing of the summit conference by the Americans,
Nixon unmasked his true face by saying that the differences between
the USSR and the United States could only be solved by war. In his
statement, he shouted loudly, like a fool, that the United States must
increase its military effectiveness and prepare for war, because the
Americans wanted to square up accounts with socialist countries.
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The policy of Democratic presidential candidate Kennedy is as tou
as that of his opponent. Kennedy was born in Boston of a prominenlt
family. He is the son of Joseph Kennedy, one of the 75 multimillionaii
in the United States. It was through his father's influence and
persuasion that Kennedy vent into politics. Supported by his father,
Kennedy was elected to the House of Representatives in 1946.
In 1952, Kennedy paid half a million U.S. dollars to a Boston paper
to launch a propaganda campaign in support of his running for the
Senate. The moment he was elected to the Senate he collaborated
with another senator named McCarthy. Everyone knew that McCarthy
was a dirty politician who threatened government officials and wanted
them to obey his orders. When McCarthy proposed an increase in the
expenditures and members of an investigating committee charged with
investigating the activities of certain people and condemning them,
Kennedy immediately seconded his proposal. In fact, Kennedy approved
every proposal made by McCarthy. In 1954, forced by public and world
opinion, the Congreas exposed McCarthy's illegal activities and ous~:ed
him despite Kennedy's objection. In 1959, Kert.edy introduced a biI_
called the "Kennedy-Irvin" bill. According to this law, the Labor
Department must force all trade unions to submit their reports of
activities and documents to be sent to the capitalists for reference.
In his policy speech, Kennedy presented a 12-point program for
increasing U.S. military effectiveness and for maintaining hostile
relations with China and the Soviet Union. He proposed an increase in
military expenditures of some 2.5 to 3 billion dollars.
This indicates that he is striving to satisfy the desire of multi-
millionaire dictator Rockefeller. This is exactly what Rockefeller
wanted. Thus, it is clear that no matter which party wins, U.S.
policy will not change. Whether Nixon or Kennedy is elected U.S.
President, they will be nothing but lackeys to millionaire dictators.
Anyone who ventures the opinion that the next U.S. President will be
a clear-sighted person capable of changing the U.S. policy of
aggression must surely be classed as a lunatic who does not face reality.
KENNEDY FAMILY SPENDS FREELY FOR VOTES
Peking, NCNA, Radioteletype in English to Europe and Asia,
Aug. 22, 1960, 1119 GMT--B
(Text) Peking, Aug. 22--The family of the U.S. Democratic Party
presidential candidate, John F. Kennedy, has already spent millions of
dollars of its wealth in an effort to buy votes for him, revealed
Republican Senator Hugh Scott of Pennsylvania yesterday, according to
a Washington report. "Estimates vary between a million and a half axed
7 million dollars already used," he said, adding, "I am sure that millions
more will be used...." (Ellipsis as received) Kennedy's father is one
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of the 75 biggest monopoly capitalists in the United States. However,
Republican Senator Scott failed to reveal that the Republican Party's
presidential candidate, Richard Nixon, is also backed by powerful
monopoly groups which likewise contribute millions of dollars to burr
votes for Nixon.
NIXON, KENNEDY, ARMY LUSH WAR DRIVE
Peking, NCNA, Radioteletype in English to Europe and Asia,
Aug. 27, 1960, 1530 GMT--W
(Text) Peking, Aug. 27--The presidential candidates of the U.S.
Democratic and Republican parties, John F. Kennedy and Richard Nixon.,
continue to advocate a "position of strength" policy and stepped-up
war preparations in their election campaign, according to Washingtc i
reports.
In his address before the U.S. Veterans of Foreign Wars convention .n
Detroit yesterday, the Democratic presidential nominee, Kennedy,
disregarding the bankruptcy of the U.S. policy of strength, frenziedly
called for arms expansion by the United States "regardless of what it
will cost." He lamented the fact that the United States "never has
experienced such a critical decline in prestige" as today, that its
"leadership" is "slipping away," and that the "balance of world poor
is slowly shifting to" the socialist camp.
Kennedy said: "Communist power has been, and is now, growing faster
than is our own. And by communist power, I mean military power,
economic power, scientific and educational power, and political power."
The next president, whoever he may be, should send to Congress specific
requests such as acceleration of missile programs, expansion and
modernization of conventional armed forces, protection of "retaliatory
capacity," and streamlining of the military establishment, he said.
Addressing the same gathering Aug. 24, Republican presidential nominee
Nixon also advocated arms expansion. He demanded that the United States
"must always maintain" the "strength to destroy the war-making resources
of a potential enemy."
Chief of Naval Operations Arleigh Burke and Ai' Force Secretary
Dudley Sharp, speaking at the same convention Thursday, made it a
point to boast of U.S. military strength. Burke declared that
the submarines carrying Polaris missiles possessed "right now" by
the United States "can zero in with pinpoint accuracy on nearly
every major target in communist territory." Sharp asserted that
the U.S. strategic bomber force "can penetrate any enemy defense."
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U.S. Air Force Vice Chief of Staff Curtis Lemay advocated in
Fort Worth, Texas, today that the United States concentrate money and
effort on a "counterforce" built around land-based missiles and boozers.
He said that victories can only be won through "offensive actions."
"Therefore, our strategic...(NCNA ellipsis) forces must possess a
restrike capability. We must be prepared to fight a war...(NCNA elLipsia
The joint committee of the U.S. Senate and House yesterday approved a
foreign "aid" bill appropriating more than 3.7 billion dollars duri.zg
fiscal year 1961. Of this amount, 1.8 billion dollars will be used
for direct military "aid" to U.S. military "allies," and 640 millio1=
dollars for indirect military "aid." However, the U.S. Government
still considers the amount of this appropriation as inadequate. In
letters to the leaders of the Senate and the House on the same day,
Eisenhower asked Congress to appropriate more than 4 billion dollar~3
for these purposes. He said in his letter that the "free world seC